Hate Speech on Street Level in Japan: Interaction and Discourse Between Hate Groups and Target Groups
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
“Racists Go Home!”, “Go Crawl Back to the Net!” – Anti- Racism Protestors Confront the Zaitokukai レイシストは帰 れ！」、「ネットに這って戻れ！」在特会に立ち向かう反レイシズム 活動
Volume 10 | Issue 54 | Number 146 | Article ID 4758 | Dec 31, 2012 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus “Racists Go Home!”, “Go Crawl Back to the Net!” – Anti- Racism Protestors Confront the Zaitokukai レイシストは帰 れ！」、「ネットに這って戻れ！」在特会に立ち向かう反レイシズム 活動 Matthew Penney Between 2012 and 2014 we posted a In the first months of 2013, the rhetoric of the number of articles on contemporary affairs Zainichi tokken wo yurusanai shimin no kai without giving them volume and issue (Citizens’ League to Deny Foreigners Special numbers or dates. Often the date can be Rights) or Zaitokukai has turned more and determined from internal evidence in the more extreme. The above quotes are article, but sometimes not. We have representative of Zaitokukai slogans and decided retrospectively to list all of them placards in 2013. Now there are signs that anti- as Volume 10, Issue 54 with a date of 2012 racism protestors and ordinary citizens are fighting back. with the understanding that all were published between 2012 and 2014. The Zaitokukai was founded in 2006. It claims over 12,000 online members. The group is Matthew Penney devoted to ending the so-called “special privileges” of Japan’s Korean community. Alexis Dudden detailed the group’s history and the violence of their rhetoric in the 2010 article “Murder the Koreans!” Memories and Aporias in the Japan-Korea Relationship. Tessa Morris-Suzuki has described some of their recent protest activities “Smash the Korean cockroaches!” in Freedom of Hate Speech: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Public Sphere. “AIDS infected Korean whores get out!” Shin Okubo in Tokyo’s Shinjuku Ward has become the main target of the Zaitokukai’s protests because of the large number of Korean “Tear them limb from limb and burn their restaurants and shops selling South Korean pop houses!” culture products. -
The Rise of Anti-Zainichi Korean Sentiments in Twenty-First Century Japanese Society
Review of Asian and Pacific Studies No. 44 109 The Colonial History Goes Cyber: The Rise of Anti-Zainichi Korean Sentiments in Twenty-First Century Japanese Society Tomoaki Morikawa* Abstract While anti-Korean sentiments have been historically seen among the Japanese, the animosity toward “Koreans in Japan,” or “Zainichi Koreans,” has gained another momentum in contemporary Japanese society. This paper analyzes the recent rise of anti-Zainichi Korean sentiments by focusing on the role of the Internet. In so doing, the ways in which Zainichi Koreans have been dehumanized in Japanese cyberspace are examined to reveal how the Internet is functioning as a mode of production that exacerbates hate-speech practices against Zainichi Koreans. At the same time, this paper emphasizes that the history of Japanese colonization of Korea is a basis for “Zainichi Nintei,” a specific discriminatory representational practice enacted by Japanese Internet users, especially (but not limited to) Internet right-wingers in the country, to disproportionately target Zainichi Koreans. By illustrating how this discriminatory representational practice leads to the relentless production and reproduction of the othering discourse against Zainichi Koreans, this paper reveals the connection between the colonial history and Japanese cyberspace. Introduction From the 2000s onward, the discriminatory discourse of othering directed against Koreans in Japan (Zainichi Korian在日コリアン ; hereafter referred to as Zainichi Koreans) has gained momentum in Japanese cyberspace. Despite the fact that they are not the largest group of foreign citizens residing in Japan, Zainichi Koreans are disproportionately targeted by xenophobic hate speech online1. This animosity against Zainichi Koreans is commonly known as part of the Kenkan嫌韓—literally, “anti- Korean”—phenomenon in contemporary Japanese society. -
The Struggle Against Hate Groups in Japan: the Invisible Civil Society, Leftist Elites and Anti-Racism Groups Daiki SHIBUICHI*
Social Science Japan Journal Vol. 19, No. 1, pp 71–83 2016 doi:10.1093/ssjj/jyv035 The Struggle Against Hate Groups in Japan: The Invisible Civil Society, Leftist Elites and Anti-Racism Groups Daiki SHIBUICHI* The purpose of this article is three-fold: firstly, it explains how anti-racism groups, which oppose the overtly xenophobic and racist movements of Zaitokukai and similar hate groups, have emerged and developed. Secondly, it uses the example of anti-racism groups to illustrate how a meaningful advocacy movement can emerge in Japan from networks of ‘invisible civil society’. Thirdly, it shows how ‘leftist elites’ contribute to the advocacy movement by supplementing and enhancing resources provided by the invisible civil society. It thus argues that in Japan, to some extent, networks of the invisible civil society and the leftist elites have been taking over the role played by large and powerful advocacy groups in Western societies. Keywords: anti-racism groups; advocacy movement; invisible civil society; leftist elites; Japan 1. Introduction Since late 2006, Japanese society has seen an emergence of overtly xenophobic and racist move- Survey article ments for the first time in the postwar period. A nationwide hate group, the Civil Association Against Privileges for Resident Koreans (Zainichitokken o Yurusanai Shimin no Kai, hereinafter Zaitokukai), and smaller but similar groups stage demonstrations and protests that showcase hate speech against minorities. While the hate groups have consistently rejected physically violent tactics, their intimidating and ugly hate speech has disgusted society at large and, above all, shocked and dismayed minorities. Anti-racism groups1 began to emerge in 2009 in an effort to counter surging hate groups. -
Modeling Internet-Based Citizen Activism and Foreign Policy
MODELING INTERNET-BASED CITIZEN ACTIVISM AND FOREIGN POLICY: The Islands Dispute between China and Japan TOMONOBU KUMAHIRA Primary Thesis Advisor: Professor Jordan Branch Department of Political Science Secondary Thesis Advisor: Professor Kerry Smith Department of History Honors Seminar Instructor: Professor Claudia Elliott The Watson Institute for International Studies SENIOR THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in International Relations BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RI MAY 2015 © Copyright 2015 by Tomonobu Kumahira ABSTRACT How can citizens utilize the Internet to influence foreign policymaking? Optimists emphasize the Internet’s great potential to empower citizens, while pessimists underscore the persistent dominance of conventional actors in shaping diplomacy. These conceptual debates fail to build analytical models that theorize the mechanisms through which citizen activism impacts foreign policymaking in the Internet era. Focusing on the interactions between “old” institutions and new practices enabled by technology, I argue that Internet-based citizen activists are using multiple and evolving strategies to engage with the conventional media and policymakers. My Hybrid Model provides an analytical framework with which scholars can describe new forms of non-electoral representation by citizen movements, while challenging foreign policy decision making theories established before the social media. My model traces the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute between China and Japan, in which nationalist campaigns online and offline have fueled a series of confrontations since 2005. Presenting practical implications for foreign policymakers and the conventional media to respond to the transformation, this Hybrid Model also helps citizens play a more active role in international relations. In conclusion, I explore the analogy between the Internet and past innovations in communication technologies to shed light on the future of the Internet and politics. -
Japan 2017 Human Rights Report
JAPAN 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Japan has a parliamentary government with a constitutional monarchy. Shinzo Abe, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, became prime minister in 2012. Lower House elections in October, which returned Prime Minister Abe to office with a large majority, were considered free and fair. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. There were no reports of egregious human rights abuses. The government enforced laws prohibiting human rights abuses and prosecuted officials who committed them. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. b. Disappearance There were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that government officials employed them. The government continued to deny death-row inmates advance information about the date of execution and notified family members of executions after the fact. The government held that this policy spared prisoners the anguish of knowing when they were going to die. Some respected psychologists supported this reasoning; others demurred. JAPAN 2 Authorities regularly also hold prisoners condemned to death in solitary confinement until their execution. Authorities allow condemned prisoners visits by family, lawyers, and others. The length of such solitary confinement varies from case to case, and may extend for several years. Prisoners accused of crimes that could lead to the death penalty were also held in solitary confinement before trial, according to a nongovernmental organization (NGO) source. -
Gli Stranieri E Il Cinema Come Il Giappone Rappresenta Il Diverso
Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Lingue e Istituzioni Economiche e Giuridiche dell'Asia e dell'Africa Mediterranea Tesi di Laurea Magistrale Gli stranieri e il cinema Come il Giappone rappresenta il diverso Relatrice Ch. Prof. Maria Roberta Novielli Correlatrice Ch. Prof. Paola Scrolavezza Laureanda Giulia Annibale Matricola 833509 Anno Accademico 2016 / 2017 要旨 近年、移民と移民政策問題は全世界的な現象になってきており、世界中の政 府機関により注目されている。通常、報道メディアはニュースを映画、またはドラ マのようなエンターテインメント制作の手法をとって、移民に対するイメージを形 作ることに中心的な役割を務めている。なぜなら、報道メディアは民族に対する民 意にとって、強い影響力があるからである。移住者に対する日本の政策や態度は他 国と比べて特別なものであり、昔から変わらぬものがある。実際、現在でも日本は 移民に対して不寛容な国だと言われる。なぜなら、日本の移民政策は非常に厳しく、 日本社会は外からの人間に対して、社会に溶け噫みにくく、開いていないという現 実があるからだ。日本に昔から住み続けている移民の大多数は、韓国·朝鮮人の人々 だ。韓国と日本の関係は長い時間かけて築き上げられたものである。それゆえに、 私にとって在日コリアンの集団は、特に興味深い研究課題だと思った。 また、報道メディアはテレビや映画、新聞など、様々な種類がある。映画 の歴史や理論、その仕組みに深い関心を持っているからこそ、この論文テーマに映 画を選んだ。昔から、テレビが世界中で広まる前に、映画は人々の考え方に強い影 響力を持っていたことだろう。では、昔から現在まで、映画制作はどのように異国 人（特にコリアンの方）を表見したのか。 論文の中心は日本映画制作にコリアンの表現と歴史的背景の関係ということ だ。なぜなら、よくステレオタイプと僻みは歴史的背景から生成されて、マスコミ を通じて広げたり強くなったりして、結局事実になってきた。だから、日本の映画 制作においての外国人の表現方、そのイメージが聴衆の移民に対する意見に影響を 与えるかということもある。 一第部分は20世紀の初めから現在までの日本とコリアの関係史を表してい る。中心は韓国から日本への移住のことだ。二第部分は植民地時代と戦時を示して いる。その時、コリアは大日本帝国の植民地として併合された。土地の開発という わけで住民は移住させられた。その後、第２次大戦の初め直前に、帝国日本は低賃 金の労働者·兵士·売春婦さえとして多くの韓国人を徴兵された。その時の映画制 作に韓国人はほとんどなかった。清水宏の『有り難うさん』には若いコリアン女の 人の労働者を現れることがあるが、それは例外的なものだ。一方、コリアで日本の 手引きと法律に従って作ったプロパガンダの映画は義兵や日本人の主人公の恋人と して現れるのは多い。なぜなら、その人物は概念を体現として存在したからだ。三 第部分は戦後時代と経済復興時代に関する。その時、日本とコリアの国交を悪化し た。５０年代の終わりまでコリアンは日本映画制作に見えないけれども、そのあと 監督たちは在日コリアンの話題に関心を発達した。その時から70年代までぐらいコ リアンはヤクザや社会迫害の犠牲者としてよく表現された。この時代の一番意味深 -
Japanese Homogeneity and Processes of Racialisation and Their Effects on the Korean Population Living in Japan
CERS Working Paper 2016 Abigail Witherwick Japanese homogeneity and processes of racialisation and their effects on the Korean population living in Japan Introduction I have decided to focus on Japan as part of this research into the processes of racialisation within a country outside of the UK. Japan is an interesting country to look at when researching the different processes of racialisation in different countries as it frequently claims that it is a homogenous, raceless society (Iwabuchi and Takezawa, 2015), despite this statement being politically incorrect. According to the Central Intelligence Agency (2015), 98.5% of the Japanese population are Japanese, 0.5% are Koreans, 0.4% are Chinese, and 0.6% are other. This demonstrates that the numbers of foreigners living in Japan are small; however, there are still large numbers of Koreans and Chinese living there. An OHCHR report by the UN (2005) concluded that there is racial discrimination and xenophobia in Japan which affects three groups; the Buraku people, the Ainu and the people of Okianawa, descendents of Japanese colonies (Koreans and Chinese), and foreigners and migrants from other Asian countries and from the rest of the world. Minorities are marginalised through their access to education, employment, health and housing (OHCHR, 2005). There is no national legislation that outlaws racial discrimination and provides a judicial remedy for the victims of racial prejudices (OHCHR, 2005). Iwabuchi and Takezawa (2015) argue that the Japanese government is reluctant to admit that there is a problem of racial discrimination, and they have internalised scientific discourses that racism is between ‘blacks’ and ‘whites’ in Africa and America. -
Reactionary Nationalism and Democratic Development in Myanmar and Japan Apichai W
Policy Forum Reactionary Nationalism and Democratic Development in Myanmar and Japan Apichai W. Shipper1* Nationalism has reemerged as a major issue in Asia, where thousands of ethnic groups live inside national boundaries artificially constructed by Western colonizers. While other Asian societies are witnessing various forms of nationalism, Myanmar and Japan are experiencing reactionary nationalism, which is making negative headlines around the world. I define “reactionary nationalism” as a demonstration of love for the nation among a group of ordinary people in reaction to a perceived, falsely constructed, or real threat to its national security or existence from an ethnic minority or foreigner group. It arises from a dissatisfaction with modernization that is accompanied by increasing economic and social inequality. Reactionary nationalists seek to punish specific ethnic minorities or foreigner groups that act in ways perceived as destroying their collective political community or as undermining their common identity or national unity. They view the targeted ethnic group with prejudice for receiving special privileges or assistance from the government or the international aid community. While demonstrating their love for the country, they often incite hatred against a particular minority or foreigner group. Reactionary nationalists in both the heterogeneous society of Myanmar and the homogeneous society of Japan have formed hate groups comprised of Buddhist nationalists and internet ultra-rightists (netto uyoku), respectively. I argue that these particular nationalist groups hinder democratic development in their countries, because democracies require respect for individual political rights and for differences in culture (beliefs and identities) between individuals and groups. Reactionary nationalist groups espouse undemocratic ideals and ethnic violence against minority groups. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Globalized Humanitarianism
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Globalized Humanitarianism: U.S. Imperial Formation in Asia and the Pacific through the Indochinese Refugee Problem A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnic Studies by Ayako Sahara Committee in charge: Professor Yen Le Espiritu, Chair Professor Joseph Hankins Professor Adria Imada Professor Jin-Kyung Lee Professor Denise Ferreira da Silva 2012 Copyright Ayako Sahara, 2012 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Ayako Sahara is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Chair University of California, San Diego 2012 iii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my mother. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE …………………………………..…………………………….…. iii DEDICATION …...…....................................................................................................... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ……………………………………………………....................v LIST OF FIGURES …………………………………………………….……………......vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS …………………...………… ………….……………….…..vii VITA…………………………..…………………….……………………………….….. ix ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION………………….…….......................................x INTRODUCTION…...……………….………………… …..…………...............................1 CHAPTER ONE: Theater of Rescue: Cultural Representations of US Evacuation from Vietnam…………………….………………………………....….....................................36 CHAPTER TWO: “Saigon Cowboys”: Fighting for Indochinese Refugees and Establishment of Refugee Act of 1980…………………..…..….……………………… -
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY Julija Germanavičiūtė
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF CULTURAL STUDIES Julija Germanavičiūtė JAPANESE CIVIL SOCIETY AFTER 1998: THE CASE OF NPOS FOCUSED ON INTEGRATION OF FOREIGNERS Final Master‘s Thesis East Asia Region Studies programme, Code 621L20007 Field of Studies: Political Science Supervisor: Dr. Linas Didvalis ______________ ___________ (signature) (date) Defended: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Rūta Eidukevičienė ______________ ___________ (Dean of the faculty) (signature) (date) Kaunas, 2017 Contents Santrauka 3 Summary 4 Introduction 5 PART I THE COMPATIBILITY OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND MULTICULTURALISM 1.1 Different approaches to civil society 9 1.2 Shifting from homogeneity to multiculturalism 14 1.3 Political environment for NPOs and multiculturalism 17 1.4 Emerging civil society in Japan 19 PART II NON-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS AND FOREIGNERS 2.1 Facilitating domestic and international NPO network 25 2.2 The need for pro-foreign support groups 27 2.3 Relationship between Japanese civil organisations and the government 30 2.4 Multiculturalism and civil society in Japan 35 2.5 Interaction of the private sector and civil society 39 PART III JAPANESE NGOS MONITORED BY FOREIGNERS 3.1 Interaction of foreign NPOs and the government 44 3.2 Fostering cooperation between the private sector and foreign NPOs 47 3.3 Prospects to improve Japan’s civil society 49 Conclusions 52 Bibliography 54 Appendices 62 2 Santrauka Lyginant Japonijos pilietinę visuomenę su kitų šalių visuomenėmis, skaičių bei įvairovę nevyriausybinių (toliau NVO) bei nepelno siekiančių organizacijų, akademikai pažymi, kad ji – dar tik pradinio vystymosi stadijoje. Tam turėjo įtakos Imperatoriaus kultas, iki 1947-ųjų galiojusi konstitucija bei kiti piliečius bei jų teises reglamentuojantys įstatymai. -
Memories and Aporias in the Japan-Korea Relationship 日本・ コリア関係における記憶と内部矛盾
Volume 8 | Issue 14 | Number 3 | Article ID 3337 | Apr 05, 2010 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Memories and Aporias in the Japan-Korea Relationship 日本・ コリア関係における記憶と内部矛盾 Alexis Dudden War of 1905 Memories and Aporias in the Japan- Korea Relationship This condition collapsed, of course, in total defeat in 1945. With the end of American Alexis Dudden occupation in 1952, however, Japan was supposed to have regained its independence, or 2010 is the centennial year of Japan's takeover so the national story goes, as do rather of Korea. The history of this event is of significant supporting international frameworks enormous significance to the 20th century, and such as the United Nations and the not simply because it garnered Japan a foothold International Monetary Fund. Yet despite the on mainland Asia. Although Koreans see it very phoenix of Japan's postwar rise from the ashes, differently, for Japan, the 1910 annexation of the renewed 1960 security pact with the United Korea established Japan's entry as a power on States — and its substantial 1990s the world stage. readjustments — blatantly compromised Japan's sovereignty and extended Japan's occupation-era dependence on the United States in open and hidden ways. Many have long contended this, especially in Okinawa. Today, however, the voices questioning the nature of Japanese sovereignty come from wildly divergent corners and point in radically competing ways. The mounting crisis surrounding the relocation of American bases and marines in Okinawa as well as the revelations about the security pact's so-called secret deals between Washington and Tokyo allowing the US to bring nuclear weapons into Japan, have made all of this more salient. -
Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia
PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chiavacci, (eds) Grano & Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia East Democratic in State the and Society Civil Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Amsterdam University Press Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.