Anti-Korean Wave and Far-Right Wing Nationalism in Japan

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Anti-Korean Wave and Far-Right Wing Nationalism in Japan ANTI-KOREAN WAVE AND FAR-RIGHT WING NATIONALISM IN JAPAN UGNĖ MIKALAJŪNAITĖ S1208292 BACHELOR THESIS LEIDEN UNIVERSITY BA INTERNATIONAL STUDIES WORD COUNT: 12.327 (with bibliography) THESIS SUPERVISOR: NAM-HEE HAN THESIS GROUP LEADER: DAAN KOK DATE: 2015 05 29 0 CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 2 Chapter 1: Hallyu and Nationalism in Japan ............................................................................................ 5 Emergence of Korean Wave in East Asia and Japan ............................................................................ 5 Emergence of Anti-Korean Wave in Japan ........................................................................................... 7 Far-Right Wing Nationalism in Japan (Uyoku Dantai) ...................................................................... 10 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... 12 Chapter 2: Manga Kenkanryu (2005) ..................................................................................................... 13 Manga Genre in Japan......................................................................................................................... 13 Manga Kenkanryu ............................................................................................................................... 14 Response to the Manga ....................................................................................................................... 17 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... 18 Chapter 3: Zaitoku-kai (2006 – Present) ................................................................................................. 19 Historical Context ............................................................................................................................... 19 Zaitoku-kai and Anti-Korean Wave .................................................................................................... 20 Zaitoku-kai and Manga Kenkanryu .................................................................................................... 21 “Gangnam Style” (2012) and Zaitoku-kai.......................................................................................... 23 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... 25 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................................. 26 Bibliography............................................................................................................................................ 28 Appendices .............................................................................................................................................. 30 Appendix 1: Korean Wave .................................................................................................................. 30 Appendix 2: Manga Kenkanryu .......................................................................................................... 31 Appendix 3: Google Trends ................................................................................................................ 34 1 INTRODUCTION The past two decades have seen the birth and the rapid rise of a new pop culture phenomenon called the Korean Wave, or in the local environment – Hallyu. The scholars and media have quickly picked up on this topic and have been analysing it from a variety of angles and disciplines. However, the majority of international discussion stays within the positive factors of the Korean Wave, whereas the study on the resistance from certain states barely scratches the surface. Despite the Japanese and Korean scholars having discussed the topic in much more detail, it is does not seem to be as popular among the English sources. Consequently, the topic of the anti-Korean Wave movement in East Asia, and particularly in Japan, should be analysed in more specifically and further connected to a broader topic of far-right wing nationalism, which plays a significant role in this debate. The anti-Hallyu1 movement is one of the topics within the wider field of Hallyu and Korean culture studies. It is has not been scholarly examined as much as the positive factors of Korean Wave, especially not globally. Two features can be distinguished in order to explain the relevance of the anti- Korean Wave movements to the field of Hallyu Studies. The first one is the fact that the majority of writing on anti-Hallyu focuses a lot on separate case studies, and spends much time explaining the events, the actors and their actions. However, there is a visible lack of more in-depth study using various theories and historical-political context. The examples may help to characterise the facade of the movements, but definitely not the particulars of the anti-Hallyu sentiment, which play a noteworthy role in the Japan-Korea relationship through the continuously shifting perception of the Korean popular culture products by the Japanese nationals. Second factor has to do with the notion that the discussion of Hallyu is simply not complete without discussing the negative response. If the Korean Wave is sometimes perceived as cultural imperialism or soft power of South Korea, it should be clear that there will be some resistance. Therefore, the anti-Hallyu movement has to be discussed simply to complete the picture of Hallyu studies. As a result, this topic is not only relevant within the boundaries of the field of study, but also within a wider context of power shifts and bilateral power relations. Besides the importance to the wider question of Korean Wave and cultural industries, the discussion on the anti-Korean Wave sentiments also holds significance to a general audience. First of all, the situation in Japan may in some way illustrate the current relationship between South Korea and Japan, which has been one of love and hate for more than a century. Furthermore, the bilateral tension, due to the popular 1 Terms Hallyu and Korean Wave, which mean the same thing, will be used interchangeably throughout the thesis 2 culture, is just another illustration of the trans-border issues. Surely, in both nations not everyone is involved in the disputes, yet the actors in activities might be of quite much interest for the general populace. Secondly, the fact that there is a backlash towards the cultural industries of South Korea means that it is on the rise and becoming more powerful. This shift in the regional importance from Japan to South Korea is an interesting case for the changing East Asian area and the global environment. The Korean Wave is not only sweeping the Asian region, but also reaching the shores of Europe and the United States of America. Furthermore, it, getting attacked mainly from Japan, once again says a lot about the relationship between these countries, and also provides a perspective towards power and superiority in the region. In conclusion, the topic of anti-Korean Wave movement in Japan might be of importance not only for those interested in the power shifts in the region, but also those wanting to understand the relationship between East Asian countries and their perception towards each other. The thesis will delve into several factors of the anti-Korean Wave movement in Japan. First of all, the reason for discussing this topic is that the majority of available analysis on the Korean popular culture in English mainly touches upon the positive sides of it, the improvement of South Korea’s image abroad. The negative parts and the backlash have been for the most part forgotten by English-speaking researchers and journalists. Furthermore, the Japanese case is arguably unique, as the anti-Hallyu movement only became truly visible in this country through protests and online discussions. In other countries, though anti-Hallyu sentiments are apparent, no real demonstrations have taken part. Or there is no information obtainable about such happenings in English sources. Another aim of the thesis is to connect the anti-Korean Wave movement to the anti-Korea sentiments, which can be proved to overlap in many senses; this will be argued by using several examples and case studies. The structure of the thesis will be as follows. The first chapter will act as a theoretical framework and a concise literature review, where concept definitions will be given for the phenomenon of the Korean Wave, anti-Korean Wave and also the far-right wing nationalism, which connects the nationalistic male population of Japan to the issue of anti-Korean Wave. The concepts will be based upon a previously done analysis by English-speaking researchers, as the Korean and Japanese sources, though much more abundant, are not comprehensible to the author of this paper. The second chapter will consist wholly of an analysis of a suitable example that illustrates both the anti-Korean Wave and anti-Korea movements. This case study is a manga called Manga Kenkanryu that was released in 2005. An instance of manga was chosen not only because its contents are relevant for the topic, but also it is one of the most popular 3 and easily attainable literary products in
Recommended publications
  • Modeling Internet-Based Citizen Activism and Foreign Policy
    MODELING INTERNET-BASED CITIZEN ACTIVISM AND FOREIGN POLICY: The Islands Dispute between China and Japan TOMONOBU KUMAHIRA Primary Thesis Advisor: Professor Jordan Branch Department of Political Science Secondary Thesis Advisor: Professor Kerry Smith Department of History Honors Seminar Instructor: Professor Claudia Elliott The Watson Institute for International Studies SENIOR THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in International Relations BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RI MAY 2015 © Copyright 2015 by Tomonobu Kumahira ABSTRACT How can citizens utilize the Internet to influence foreign policymaking? Optimists emphasize the Internet’s great potential to empower citizens, while pessimists underscore the persistent dominance of conventional actors in shaping diplomacy. These conceptual debates fail to build analytical models that theorize the mechanisms through which citizen activism impacts foreign policymaking in the Internet era. Focusing on the interactions between “old” institutions and new practices enabled by technology, I argue that Internet-based citizen activists are using multiple and evolving strategies to engage with the conventional media and policymakers. My Hybrid Model provides an analytical framework with which scholars can describe new forms of non-electoral representation by citizen movements, while challenging foreign policy decision making theories established before the social media. My model traces the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute between China and Japan, in which nationalist campaigns online and offline have fueled a series of confrontations since 2005. Presenting practical implications for foreign policymakers and the conventional media to respond to the transformation, this Hybrid Model also helps citizens play a more active role in international relations. In conclusion, I explore the analogy between the Internet and past innovations in communication technologies to shed light on the future of the Internet and politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan 2017 Human Rights Report
    JAPAN 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Japan has a parliamentary government with a constitutional monarchy. Shinzo Abe, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, became prime minister in 2012. Lower House elections in October, which returned Prime Minister Abe to office with a large majority, were considered free and fair. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. There were no reports of egregious human rights abuses. The government enforced laws prohibiting human rights abuses and prosecuted officials who committed them. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. b. Disappearance There were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that government officials employed them. The government continued to deny death-row inmates advance information about the date of execution and notified family members of executions after the fact. The government held that this policy spared prisoners the anguish of knowing when they were going to die. Some respected psychologists supported this reasoning; others demurred. JAPAN 2 Authorities regularly also hold prisoners condemned to death in solitary confinement until their execution. Authorities allow condemned prisoners visits by family, lawyers, and others. The length of such solitary confinement varies from case to case, and may extend for several years. Prisoners accused of crimes that could lead to the death penalty were also held in solitary confinement before trial, according to a nongovernmental organization (NGO) source.
    [Show full text]
  • Gli Stranieri E Il Cinema Come Il Giappone Rappresenta Il Diverso
    Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Lingue e Istituzioni Economiche e Giuridiche dell'Asia e dell'Africa Mediterranea Tesi di Laurea Magistrale Gli stranieri e il cinema Come il Giappone rappresenta il diverso Relatrice Ch. Prof. Maria Roberta Novielli Correlatrice Ch. Prof. Paola Scrolavezza Laureanda Giulia Annibale Matricola 833509 Anno Accademico 2016 / 2017 要旨 近年、移民と移民政策問題は全世界的な現象になってきており、世界中の政 府機関により注目されている。通常、報道メディアはニュースを映画、またはドラ マのようなエンターテインメント制作の手法をとって、移民に対するイメージを形 作ることに中心的な役割を務めている。なぜなら、報道メディアは民族に対する民 意にとって、強い影響力があるからである。移住者に対する日本の政策や態度は他 国と比べて特別なものであり、昔から変わらぬものがある。実際、現在でも日本は 移民に対して不寛容な国だと言われる。なぜなら、日本の移民政策は非常に厳しく、 日本社会は外からの人間に対して、社会に溶け噫みにくく、開いていないという現 実があるからだ。日本に昔から住み続けている移民の大多数は、韓国·朝鮮人の人々 だ。韓国と日本の関係は長い時間かけて築き上げられたものである。それゆえに、 私にとって在日コリアンの集団は、特に興味深い研究課題だと思った。 また、報道メディアはテレビや映画、新聞など、様々な種類がある。映画 の歴史や理論、その仕組みに深い関心を持っているからこそ、この論文テーマに映 画を選んだ。昔から、テレビが世界中で広まる前に、映画は人々の考え方に強い影 響力を持っていたことだろう。では、昔から現在まで、映画制作はどのように異国 人(特にコリアンの方)を表見したのか。 論文の中心は日本映画制作にコリアンの表現と歴史的背景の関係ということ だ。なぜなら、よくステレオタイプと僻みは歴史的背景から生成されて、マスコミ を通じて広げたり強くなったりして、結局事実になってきた。だから、日本の映画 制作においての外国人の表現方、そのイメージが聴衆の移民に対する意見に影響を 与えるかということもある。 一第部分は20世紀の初めから現在までの日本とコリアの関係史を表してい る。中心は韓国から日本への移住のことだ。二第部分は植民地時代と戦時を示して いる。その時、コリアは大日本帝国の植民地として併合された。土地の開発という わけで住民は移住させられた。その後、第2次大戦の初め直前に、帝国日本は低賃 金の労働者·兵士·売春婦さえとして多くの韓国人を徴兵された。その時の映画制 作に韓国人はほとんどなかった。清水宏の『有り難うさん』には若いコリアン女の 人の労働者を現れることがあるが、それは例外的なものだ。一方、コリアで日本の 手引きと法律に従って作ったプロパガンダの映画は義兵や日本人の主人公の恋人と して現れるのは多い。なぜなら、その人物は概念を体現として存在したからだ。三 第部分は戦後時代と経済復興時代に関する。その時、日本とコリアの国交を悪化し た。50年代の終わりまでコリアンは日本映画制作に見えないけれども、そのあと 監督たちは在日コリアンの話題に関心を発達した。その時から70年代までぐらいコ リアンはヤクザや社会迫害の犠牲者としてよく表現された。この時代の一番意味深
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Homogeneity and Processes of Racialisation and Their Effects on the Korean Population Living in Japan
    CERS Working Paper 2016 Abigail Witherwick Japanese homogeneity and processes of racialisation and their effects on the Korean population living in Japan Introduction I have decided to focus on Japan as part of this research into the processes of racialisation within a country outside of the UK. Japan is an interesting country to look at when researching the different processes of racialisation in different countries as it frequently claims that it is a homogenous, raceless society (Iwabuchi and Takezawa, 2015), despite this statement being politically incorrect. According to the Central Intelligence Agency (2015), 98.5% of the Japanese population are Japanese, 0.5% are Koreans, 0.4% are Chinese, and 0.6% are other. This demonstrates that the numbers of foreigners living in Japan are small; however, there are still large numbers of Koreans and Chinese living there. An OHCHR report by the UN (2005) concluded that there is racial discrimination and xenophobia in Japan which affects three groups; the Buraku people, the Ainu and the people of Okianawa, descendents of Japanese colonies (Koreans and Chinese), and foreigners and migrants from other Asian countries and from the rest of the world. Minorities are marginalised through their access to education, employment, health and housing (OHCHR, 2005). There is no national legislation that outlaws racial discrimination and provides a judicial remedy for the victims of racial prejudices (OHCHR, 2005). Iwabuchi and Takezawa (2015) argue that the Japanese government is reluctant to admit that there is a problem of racial discrimination, and they have internalised scientific discourses that racism is between ‘blacks’ and ‘whites’ in Africa and America.
    [Show full text]
  • VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY Julija Germanavičiūtė
    VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF CULTURAL STUDIES Julija Germanavičiūtė JAPANESE CIVIL SOCIETY AFTER 1998: THE CASE OF NPOS FOCUSED ON INTEGRATION OF FOREIGNERS Final Master‘s Thesis East Asia Region Studies programme, Code 621L20007 Field of Studies: Political Science Supervisor: Dr. Linas Didvalis ______________ ___________ (signature) (date) Defended: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Rūta Eidukevičienė ______________ ___________ (Dean of the faculty) (signature) (date) Kaunas, 2017 Contents Santrauka 3 Summary 4 Introduction 5 PART I THE COMPATIBILITY OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND MULTICULTURALISM 1.1 Different approaches to civil society 9 1.2 Shifting from homogeneity to multiculturalism 14 1.3 Political environment for NPOs and multiculturalism 17 1.4 Emerging civil society in Japan 19 PART II NON-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS AND FOREIGNERS 2.1 Facilitating domestic and international NPO network 25 2.2 The need for pro-foreign support groups 27 2.3 Relationship between Japanese civil organisations and the government 30 2.4 Multiculturalism and civil society in Japan 35 2.5 Interaction of the private sector and civil society 39 PART III JAPANESE NGOS MONITORED BY FOREIGNERS 3.1 Interaction of foreign NPOs and the government 44 3.2 Fostering cooperation between the private sector and foreign NPOs 47 3.3 Prospects to improve Japan’s civil society 49 Conclusions 52 Bibliography 54 Appendices 62 2 Santrauka Lyginant Japonijos pilietinę visuomenę su kitų šalių visuomenėmis, skaičių bei įvairovę nevyriausybinių (toliau NVO) bei nepelno siekiančių organizacijų, akademikai pažymi, kad ji – dar tik pradinio vystymosi stadijoje. Tam turėjo įtakos Imperatoriaus kultas, iki 1947-ųjų galiojusi konstitucija bei kiti piliečius bei jų teises reglamentuojantys įstatymai.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia
    PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Chiavacci, (eds) Grano & Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia East Democratic in State the and Society Civil Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Civil Society and the State in Democratic East Asia Between Entanglement and Contention in Post High Growth Edited by David Chiavacci, Simona Grano, and Julia Obinger Amsterdam University Press Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Issue of Racism and Hate Speech in Japan
    Report on the issue of Racism and Hate Speech in Japan prepared and submited by: the Committee on the Protection of Human Rights of the Central Head Office of the Korean Residents Union in Japan date: July.18.2014. information: 1-7-32, Minami-azabu, Minato-ku, Tokyo, Japan mail: [email protected] TEL :+81-3-3454-4711 FAX :+81-3-3454-4715 1 I An Introduction to Mindan (Korean Residents Union) This Report will explain the role of the Korean Residents Union in Japan ('Mindan'), the authoring institution of this Report, in helping to raise awareness of the victimization of Korean residents in Japan, the primary targets of an epidemic of racism and hate speech in Japanese society. This Report will also provide Mindan's perspective on the current human rights violations of Korean residents in Japan through hate speech. 1. Outline Mindan was founded in October 1946 as an autonomous organization for Korean residents in Japan who were coercively or semi-coercively brought to Japan due to the Japanese colonial rule of Korea and the wartime policies of the Japanese government, and were unable to return to Korea after WWII. Mindan is a community of Korean residents in Japan that has had a hard-won history acting as both a regional residents' organization to confront the administrative and social discrimination against Korean residents in Japan, while also protecting their rights and interests, and acting as a social movement mobilizing point to eradicate every kind of discrimination. Currently, there are 520,000 Korean residents in Japan, and among them 370,000 have resided in Japan since before WWII or are their descendants three to four generations removed.
    [Show full text]
  • Wo-0621-0625
    The Weekly Observer (6/21~6/25) I. News of the Week 1. A Week Into New COVID-19 Measures ● Health minister Norihisa Tamura said Friday that the government will consider another state of emergency if there is another spike in cases. ● Tokyo recorded 562 new cases on Friday, the third consecutive day that numbers increased by more than 100 from the same day the previous week. ● Overall case numbers are improving. Only Tokyo (1.08 times) and Chiba (1.10) recorded higher rates of new cases last week compared to two weeks ago. However, Okinawa still remains in “Stage Four,” the highest cautionary level. ● Chief Cabinet Secretary (CCS) Katsunobu Kato said Friday that there have been 37 confirmed cases of the “delta plus” variant, or a new variant of the “delta” (Indian) strain. ● A group of experts submitted on Wednesday a report to the health ministry’s advisory board, indicating that the “delta” strain is 1.95 times more transmissible than the traditional strain. It will account for more than half of total cases by July 12 and 68.9 percent around July 23, when the Olympics are scheduled to begin. 2. Government Steps Up Vaccinations ● CCS Kato said Thursday that the government reached its goal of administering a million vaccine shots a day three times this month. He added that, as of Wednesday, 51 percent of elderly citizens have been vaccinated at least once. ● The government plans to expedite vaccinations further by raising the daily cap at the SDF-operated mass vaccination sites in Tokyo and Osaka. Defense Minister Nobuo Kishi said Friday that the SDF-operated sites will only allow individuals with reservations to get vaccinated.
    [Show full text]
  • Hate Speech on Street Level in Japan: Interaction and Discourse Between Hate Groups and Target Groups
    Sociolinguistics Symposium 22 30th of June 2018 The dark side of social media: From expression and perception to response and mitigation of intolerant and abusive content online Hate Speech on Street Level in Japan: Interaction and Discourse between Hate Groups and Target Groups Goran Vaage Kobe College Outline • The Japanese context: hate groups and target groups, historical, religious and cultural context, and some peculiars • Discourse and interaction between hate groups and target groups on street level and in media and how social media is used to organize hate speech on street level • Structural proposal Background Japan • Developed country with comparatively homogeneous population (Fearon 2003) • Strict immigration laws • Dwindling birth rate - crude birth rate for 2016 was 7.80, 224th of 226 territories (CIA 2016) • Labor shortage (OECD 2016) Labour Shortage (OECD 2016) • Increase in immigration and diversity (MoJ 2015) Reasons for hate speech in Japan Uder deades of eooi depressio ad neoliberal reform, people tend to feel that the are ulerale i soiet, ad that government would not care about individuals. More and more people would think that they are aadoed fro soiet. Curret ati- Korean sentiment coincides with such soioeooi otet here hua rights souds soehat ept. Ito 4 Particular (1) Low birth rate, combined with strict immigration laws, leading to labor shortage in every sector Particular: People are more likely to become engaged in hate speech in Japan because the have fallen out of society socially, and therefor seek somewhere to belong Particular (2) Special religious situation, all-pervasive Shinto religion is combined with coexistence with other religions (2/3 of weddings are Christian, 85% of funerals are Buddhist, Hendry 2013) Particular: Hate speech in Japan is prone to deal with ethnicity rather than religion or dogmas (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan 2020 Human Rights Report
    JAPAN 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Japan has a parliamentary government with a constitutional monarchy. On September 16, Yoshihide Suga, the newly elected leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, became prime minister. Upper House elections in 2019, which the Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partner, Komeito, won with a solid majority, were considered free and fair by international observers. The National Public Safety Commission, a cabinet-level entity, oversees the National Police Agency, and prefectural public safety commissions have responsibility for local police forces. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. There were no reports of abuses committed by security forces. There were no reports of significant human rights abuses. The government had mechanisms in place to identify and punish officials who may commit human rights abuses. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. b. Disappearance There were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that government officials employed them. JAPAN 2 The government continued to deny death row inmates advance information about the date of execution until that day. The government notified their family members of executions after the fact. The government held that this policy spared prisoners the anguish of knowing when they were going to die.
    [Show full text]
  • General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania Kaunas University of Technology Klaipėda University Vytautas Magnus University
    GENERAL JONAS ŽEMAITIS MILITARY ACADEMY OF LITHUANIA KAUNAS UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY KLAIPĖDA UNIVERSITY VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY Arvydas Kumpis DEVELOPMENT AND FORMS OF FAR-RIGHT IN JAPAN: THE CASE OF ACTION CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT Summary of Doctoral Dissertation Social Sciences, Political Sciences (S 002) Klaipėda, 2020 The doctoral dissertation was prepared during the period of 2014–2020 at Klaipėda University in accordance with the right to the doctoral studies granted to the General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania, Kaunas University of Technology, Klaipėda University and Vytautas Magnus University by the Order No. V-1019 of the Minister of Education and Science of the Republic of Lithuania signed on 8 June 2011, and by the Order No. 160 of the Minister of Education, Science and Sport of the Republic of Lithuania signed on 22 February 2019. Scientific Supervisor Assoc. Prof. Dr. Giedrius Janauskas (Vytautas Magnus University, Humanities, History and Archeology, H 005) The doctoral dissertation will be defended at the Board of General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of Lithuania, Kaunas University of Technology, Klaipėda University and Vytautas Magnus University in Political Sciences: Chairman Prof. Dr. Vaidutis Laurėnas (Klaipėda University, Social Sciences, Political Sciences, S 002) Members: Prof. Dr. Mindaugas Jurkynas (Vytautas Magnus University, Social Sciences, Political Sciences, S 002) Dr. Linas Didvalis (Vytautas Magnus University, Social Sciences, Political Sciences, S 002) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Konstantinas Andrijauskas (Vilnius University, the Institute of International Relations and Political Science, Social Sciences, Political Sciences, S 002) Prof. Dr. Dovilė Budrytė (Georgia Gwinnett College , USA, Social Sciences, Political Sciences, S 002) The doctoral dissertation will be defended in a public meeting of the Board in Political Sciences, in Aula Magna Conference Hall of Klaipeda University, at 3 p.m.
    [Show full text]
  • Asia-Pacific Newsletter of the Asia-Pacific Human Rights Information Center (HURIGHTS OSAKA) December 2016 Vol
    FOCUS Focus Asia-Pacific Newsletter of the Asia-Pacific Human Rights Information Center (HURIGHTS OSAKA) December 2016 Vol. 86 Contents Editorial Challenges to Human Rights Education This is a discussion of the current challenges that human rights educators in the region need to focus on. Promoting Human Rights - Jefferson R. Plantilla Page 2 We still hear people expressing reservation on the idea of human Human Rights Education: The Need for rights. We encounter people looking at human rights as a threat Networking to a state of orderliness in the family, at school and in society as This is a report on a network meeting among tertiary and higher level educators a whole. from Northeast and Southeast Asia. - Sriprapha Petcharamesree But of more concern is the continuing reluctance of Page 7 governments to fully support the fulfillment of state obligation to promote human rights according to international agreements. GCED and Human Rights Education This is a discussion of the initiatives promoting the latest United Nations Many educators believe that this reality is precisely what they educational agenda on global citizenship. need to face. They know that practical understanding of human - HURIGHTS OSAKA rights has a better chance of being transformed into action at the Page 10 personal, institutional and societal levels. Osaka City Ordinance Against Hate Speech This is a short introduction of the main Human rights education initiatives geared at addressing concrete features of Osaka city ordinance against issues consequently demystify human rights. Many of these hate speech. initiatives advocate the establishment of mechanisms not only - HURIGHTS OSAKA for educational purposes but more importantly for the Page 13 application of human rights in real situations, that is, the HURIGHTS OSAKA Publications 2016 resolution of human rights issues.
    [Show full text]