Japan 2016 Human Rights Report
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Implications of Abenomics on Gender Equality in Japan and Its Conformity with CEDAW
TUCKER (DO NOT DELETE) 4/24/2017 6:16 PM RICKY TUCKER* Implications of Abenomics on Gender Equality in Japan and Its Conformity with CEDAW Introduction ....................................................................................... 544 A. Abenomics ...................................................................... 545 B. Female Workforce Participation ..................................... 546 C. History of Japanese Gender Equality Laws .................... 549 I. The Purpose of the Third Arrow Casts Doubt on its Ability to Accomplish Its Goals ............................................. 551 A. Addressing Financial Insecurity ..................................... 551 B. Addressing Gender Equality ........................................... 552 II. The Third Arrow Does Not Conform to the Strict Mandates Imposed Upon Member Countries to CEDAW ..... 554 A. Leadership ......................................................................... 555 1. CEDAW Article II .................................................... 556 2. CEDAW Article XI ................................................... 558 B. Childcare Waiting Lists .................................................. 559 C. Support for a Return to Work ......................................... 561 D. Assistance for Reentering the Workforce ....................... 563 III. Abenomics’ Conformity with CEDAW and the Overall Goal of Boosting the Economy Are Not Mutually Exclusive ................................................................................ 564 IV. A Counterpoint: -
Election System in Japan
地方自治研修 Local Governance (Policy Making and Civil Society) F.Y.2007 Election System in Japan 選挙制度 – CONTENTS – CHAPTER I. BASIC PRINCIPLES OF JAPAN’S ELECTION SYSTEM .........................................1 CHAPTER II. THE LAW CONCERNING ELECTIONS FOR PUBLIC OFFICES.........................3 CHAPTER III. ORGANS FOR ELECTION MANAGEMENT ...........................................................5 CHAPTER IV. TECHNICAL ADVICE, RECOMMENDATION, ETC. OF ELECTIONS...........7 CHAPTER V. SUFFRAGE.......................................................................................................................8 CHAPTER VI. ELIGIBILITY FOR ELECTION..................................................................................9 CHAPTER VII. ELECTORAL DISTRICTS........................................................................................10 CHAPTER VIII. VOTERS LIST ...........................................................................................................15 CHAPTER IX. CANDIDATURE - RUNNING FOR ELECTION .....................................................17 CHAPTER X. BALLOTING ..................................................................................................................22 CHAPTER XI. BALLOT COUNTING AND DETERMINATION OF PERSONS ELECTED...29 CHAPTER XII. ELECTION CAMPAIGNS.........................................................................................33 CHAPTER XIII. ELECTION CAMPAIGN REVENUE AND EXPENDITURES ...........................44 CHAPTER XIV. LAWSUITS.................................................................................................................49 -
JAPAN: the Silence Defeated Suga, As Eyes Turn Now to Kono
Asia | September 3, 2021 JAPAN: The silence defeated Suga, as eyes turn now to Kono ● Strategic silence from Abe and Aso undermined Yoshihide Suga, but the prime minister’s own gambits hastened his departure. ● Taro Kono is set to enter the race as the favorite, and Kishida may now be joined by Ishiba and other candidates. ● The LDP’s prospects for the general election will now improve, as will the likelihood of another stimulus package The dominos all fell quickly at the end. Perhaps the chief factor in Yoshihide Suga’s decision to step down from his positions as party president and prime minister was the ongoing silence of two of the kingmakers, his boss of eight years and former PM Shinzo Abe, and his current deputy PM and Finance Minister Taro Aso. Their lack of public support created the space for doubts to fester in Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) circles about whether the factionally-unaligned premier would secure the votes to repeat his unlikely victory of 12 months ago. Suga also hastened his own departure with two consequential gambits this week – first floating the idea of a snap September election that resulted in blowback from jittery party colleagues, then presenting several prominent names with a back-me-or-I’ll-sack-myself ultimatum with his plan to reshuffle top posts only weeks before the party vote. Environment Minister Junichiro Koizumi and others ultimately seem to have concluded that Suga’s offers of promotion were akin to being given front-row deck chairs on the Titanic. The leadership race opens The incumbent’s withdrawal leaves the field open in the party leadership race. -
JAPAN's BATTLE AGAINST HUMAN TRAFFICKING: a VICTIM-ORIENTED SOLUTION When Marcela Loaiza Was Twenty-One, a Stranger Approached
\\jciprod01\productn\J\JLE\50-1\JLE104.txt unknown Seq: 1 22-SEP-17 13:46 NOTE JAPAN’S BATTLE AGAINST HUMAN TRAFFICKING: A VICTIM-ORIENTED SOLUTION JUSTIN STAFFORD* INTRODUCTION When Marcela Loaiza was twenty-one, a stranger approached her in her hometown in Colombia and offered her the opportunity to work as a professional dancer in Japan.1 After Loaiza lost her two jobs due to her daughter’s illness, she accepted the “talent scout’s” offer to provide for her daughter and mother.2 Upon arriving in Japan, three members of the Yakuza mafia received her, promptly took her passport, and informed her that the costs of bringing her to Japan amounted to the equivalent of $50,000.3 For the follow- ing eighteen months, members of the trafficking industry forced her to sell sex on the streets of Tokyo.4 She serviced anywhere from fourteen to twenty clients a day, with a Yakuza pimp always checking how much she earned and keeping her on a strict diet.5 She shared a three-bedroom flat with six other women from vari- ous countries across the world, including Russia, Venezuela, Korea, China, Peru, and Mexico.6 Fortunately, Marcela Loaiza escaped to tell her story, but the same does not hold true for thousands of women who remain under the power of their captors in Japan.7 Compared to their counterparts in similarly situated countries, Japanese authorities * J.D. expected 2018, The George Washington University Law School; B.A. 2008 Chapman University. 1. Anastasia Moloney, “I Had No Idea I’d Been Sex Trafficked”: A Terrifying True Story, SALON (Aug. -
RSF 190X270 Classement4:Mise En Page 1 31/01/14 15:47 Page 1
RSF_190x270_Classement4:Mise en page 1 31/01/14 15:47 Page 1 WORLD PRESS FREEDOM INDEX 2014 RSF_190x270_Classement4:Mise en page 1 31/01/14 15:47 Page 2 World Press Freedom index - Methodology The press freedom index that Reporters Without occupying force are treated as violations of the right to Borders publishes every year measures the level of information in foreign territory and are incorporated into freedom of information in 180 countries. It reflects the the score of the occupying force’s country. degree of freedom that journalists, news organizations The rest of the questionnaire, which is sent to outside and netizens enjoy in each country, and the efforts experts and members of the RWB network, made by the authorities to respect and ensure respect concentrates on issues that are hard to quantify such for this freedom. as the degree to which news providers censor It is based partly on a questionnaire that is sent to our themselves, government interference in editorial partner organizations (18 freedom of expression NGOs content, or the transparency of government decision- located in all five continents), to our network of 150 making. Legislation and its effectiveness are the subject correspondents, and to journalists, researchers, jurists of more detailed questions. Questions have been and human rights activists. added or expanded, for example, questions about The 180 countries ranked in this year’s index are those concentration of media ownership and favouritism for which Reporters Without Borders received in the allocation of subsidies or state advertising. completed questionnaires from various sources. Some Similarly, discrimination in access to journalism and countries were not included because of a lack of reliable, journalism training is also included. -
Modeling Internet-Based Citizen Activism and Foreign Policy
MODELING INTERNET-BASED CITIZEN ACTIVISM AND FOREIGN POLICY: The Islands Dispute between China and Japan TOMONOBU KUMAHIRA Primary Thesis Advisor: Professor Jordan Branch Department of Political Science Secondary Thesis Advisor: Professor Kerry Smith Department of History Honors Seminar Instructor: Professor Claudia Elliott The Watson Institute for International Studies SENIOR THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in International Relations BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RI MAY 2015 © Copyright 2015 by Tomonobu Kumahira ABSTRACT How can citizens utilize the Internet to influence foreign policymaking? Optimists emphasize the Internet’s great potential to empower citizens, while pessimists underscore the persistent dominance of conventional actors in shaping diplomacy. These conceptual debates fail to build analytical models that theorize the mechanisms through which citizen activism impacts foreign policymaking in the Internet era. Focusing on the interactions between “old” institutions and new practices enabled by technology, I argue that Internet-based citizen activists are using multiple and evolving strategies to engage with the conventional media and policymakers. My Hybrid Model provides an analytical framework with which scholars can describe new forms of non-electoral representation by citizen movements, while challenging foreign policy decision making theories established before the social media. My model traces the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute between China and Japan, in which nationalist campaigns online and offline have fueled a series of confrontations since 2005. Presenting practical implications for foreign policymakers and the conventional media to respond to the transformation, this Hybrid Model also helps citizens play a more active role in international relations. In conclusion, I explore the analogy between the Internet and past innovations in communication technologies to shed light on the future of the Internet and politics. -
The Rise of Nationalism in Millennial Japan
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 5-2010 Politics Shifts Right: The Rise of Nationalism in Millennial Japan Jordan Dickson College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the Asian Studies Commons Recommended Citation Dickson, Jordan, "Politics Shifts Right: The Rise of Nationalism in Millennial Japan" (2010). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 752. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/752 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Politics Shifts Right: The Rise of Nationalism in Millennial Japan A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelors of Arts in Global Studies from The College of William and Mary by Jordan Dickson Accepted for High Honors Professor Rachel DiNitto, Director Professor Hiroshi Kitamura Professor Eric Han 1 Introduction In the 1990s, Japan experienced a series of devastating internal political, economic and social problems that changed the landscape irrevocably. A sense of national panic and crisis was ignited in 1995 when Japan experienced the Great Hanshin earthquake and the Aum Shinrikyō attack, the notorious sarin gas attack in the Tokyo subway. These disasters came on the heels of economic collapse, and the nation seemed to be falling into a downward spiral. The Japanese lamented the decline of traditional values, social hegemony, political awareness and engagement. -
Japan 2017 Human Rights Report
JAPAN 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Japan has a parliamentary government with a constitutional monarchy. Shinzo Abe, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party, became prime minister in 2012. Lower House elections in October, which returned Prime Minister Abe to office with a large majority, were considered free and fair. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. There were no reports of egregious human rights abuses. The government enforced laws prohibiting human rights abuses and prosecuted officials who committed them. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. b. Disappearance There were no reports of disappearances by or on behalf of government authorities. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that government officials employed them. The government continued to deny death-row inmates advance information about the date of execution and notified family members of executions after the fact. The government held that this policy spared prisoners the anguish of knowing when they were going to die. Some respected psychologists supported this reasoning; others demurred. JAPAN 2 Authorities regularly also hold prisoners condemned to death in solitary confinement until their execution. Authorities allow condemned prisoners visits by family, lawyers, and others. The length of such solitary confinement varies from case to case, and may extend for several years. Prisoners accused of crimes that could lead to the death penalty were also held in solitary confinement before trial, according to a nongovernmental organization (NGO) source. -
Institutionalization of the Japanese Diet Based On
The One-party dominant regime in the Legislature was not built in a Day: Institutionalization of the Japanese Diet from 1947-2000 determined using the Individual Government Bills Database Kentaro FUKUMOTO Gakushuin University, Faculty of Law 1-5-1 Mejiro Toshima-ku Tokyo 171-8588, JAPAN Tel: +81-3-3986-0221 ext. 4913 Fax: +81-3-5992-1006 [email protected] http://www-cc.gakushuin.ac.jp/~e982440/ Paper prepared for delivery at the 73rd Annual Meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Sheraton Colony Square Hotel, Atlanta, GA, USA, November 7- 10, 2001 Comments are welcome. Please don’t cite without author’s permission. Abstract According to the conventional view, based on the widely accepted theory of viscosity, the Japanese legislative process is characterized by a mode of operation known as “long deliberation without discussion”. It did not, however, appear as soon as the Constitution was enacted in 1947, nor did it emerge when the ever-dominant Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Government started in 1955. It is not until around 1970 that it was “institutionalized” with the advent of political equilibrium between the LDP and the opposition in the one-party dominant regime. I believe that some of the new quantitative tools here will contribute to improving the study of legislatures in parliamentary systems. Introduction The Japanese legislative process is characterized by a mode of operation known as “long deliberation without discussion”. Conventional viscosity theory attributes this to the one-party dominant regime, in which semi-permanent opposition parties delay consideration in order to kill bills and annoy the government. -
The History Problem: the Politics of War
History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement. -
Gli Stranieri E Il Cinema Come Il Giappone Rappresenta Il Diverso
Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Lingue e Istituzioni Economiche e Giuridiche dell'Asia e dell'Africa Mediterranea Tesi di Laurea Magistrale Gli stranieri e il cinema Come il Giappone rappresenta il diverso Relatrice Ch. Prof. Maria Roberta Novielli Correlatrice Ch. Prof. Paola Scrolavezza Laureanda Giulia Annibale Matricola 833509 Anno Accademico 2016 / 2017 要旨 近年、移民と移民政策問題は全世界的な現象になってきており、世界中の政 府機関により注目されている。通常、報道メディアはニュースを映画、またはドラ マのようなエンターテインメント制作の手法をとって、移民に対するイメージを形 作ることに中心的な役割を務めている。なぜなら、報道メディアは民族に対する民 意にとって、強い影響力があるからである。移住者に対する日本の政策や態度は他 国と比べて特別なものであり、昔から変わらぬものがある。実際、現在でも日本は 移民に対して不寛容な国だと言われる。なぜなら、日本の移民政策は非常に厳しく、 日本社会は外からの人間に対して、社会に溶け噫みにくく、開いていないという現 実があるからだ。日本に昔から住み続けている移民の大多数は、韓国·朝鮮人の人々 だ。韓国と日本の関係は長い時間かけて築き上げられたものである。それゆえに、 私にとって在日コリアンの集団は、特に興味深い研究課題だと思った。 また、報道メディアはテレビや映画、新聞など、様々な種類がある。映画 の歴史や理論、その仕組みに深い関心を持っているからこそ、この論文テーマに映 画を選んだ。昔から、テレビが世界中で広まる前に、映画は人々の考え方に強い影 響力を持っていたことだろう。では、昔から現在まで、映画制作はどのように異国 人(特にコリアンの方)を表見したのか。 論文の中心は日本映画制作にコリアンの表現と歴史的背景の関係ということ だ。なぜなら、よくステレオタイプと僻みは歴史的背景から生成されて、マスコミ を通じて広げたり強くなったりして、結局事実になってきた。だから、日本の映画 制作においての外国人の表現方、そのイメージが聴衆の移民に対する意見に影響を 与えるかということもある。 一第部分は20世紀の初めから現在までの日本とコリアの関係史を表してい る。中心は韓国から日本への移住のことだ。二第部分は植民地時代と戦時を示して いる。その時、コリアは大日本帝国の植民地として併合された。土地の開発という わけで住民は移住させられた。その後、第2次大戦の初め直前に、帝国日本は低賃 金の労働者·兵士·売春婦さえとして多くの韓国人を徴兵された。その時の映画制 作に韓国人はほとんどなかった。清水宏の『有り難うさん』には若いコリアン女の 人の労働者を現れることがあるが、それは例外的なものだ。一方、コリアで日本の 手引きと法律に従って作ったプロパガンダの映画は義兵や日本人の主人公の恋人と して現れるのは多い。なぜなら、その人物は概念を体現として存在したからだ。三 第部分は戦後時代と経済復興時代に関する。その時、日本とコリアの国交を悪化し た。50年代の終わりまでコリアンは日本映画制作に見えないけれども、そのあと 監督たちは在日コリアンの話題に関心を発達した。その時から70年代までぐらいコ リアンはヤクザや社会迫害の犠牲者としてよく表現された。この時代の一番意味深 -
Japanese Homogeneity and Processes of Racialisation and Their Effects on the Korean Population Living in Japan
CERS Working Paper 2016 Abigail Witherwick Japanese homogeneity and processes of racialisation and their effects on the Korean population living in Japan Introduction I have decided to focus on Japan as part of this research into the processes of racialisation within a country outside of the UK. Japan is an interesting country to look at when researching the different processes of racialisation in different countries as it frequently claims that it is a homogenous, raceless society (Iwabuchi and Takezawa, 2015), despite this statement being politically incorrect. According to the Central Intelligence Agency (2015), 98.5% of the Japanese population are Japanese, 0.5% are Koreans, 0.4% are Chinese, and 0.6% are other. This demonstrates that the numbers of foreigners living in Japan are small; however, there are still large numbers of Koreans and Chinese living there. An OHCHR report by the UN (2005) concluded that there is racial discrimination and xenophobia in Japan which affects three groups; the Buraku people, the Ainu and the people of Okianawa, descendents of Japanese colonies (Koreans and Chinese), and foreigners and migrants from other Asian countries and from the rest of the world. Minorities are marginalised through their access to education, employment, health and housing (OHCHR, 2005). There is no national legislation that outlaws racial discrimination and provides a judicial remedy for the victims of racial prejudices (OHCHR, 2005). Iwabuchi and Takezawa (2015) argue that the Japanese government is reluctant to admit that there is a problem of racial discrimination, and they have internalised scientific discourses that racism is between ‘blacks’ and ‘whites’ in Africa and America.