音声研究 第 22 巻第 1 号 Journal of the Phonetic Society 2018（平成 30）年 4 月 of , Vol. 22 No. 1 52–69 頁 April 2018, pp. 52–69

特集論文 Semantic Effects of Nouns on Tone Merger: The Ikema Dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan†

Yosuke IGARASHI*

SUMMARY: The Ikema dialect of Miyako, Southern Ryukyuan, has a three-pattern accent system in which three tone classes (Types A, B, and C) are lexically contrastive, although the Type A nouns are fewer. The biased distribution of tone classes is a consequence of a diachronic change whereby Types A and B merged together. This study aims to confirm that the original three-pattern system in Ikema retains the proto-Ryukyuan system and to demonstrate that a set of words that are originally of Type A and share specific meanings are not merged into Type B.

Key words: tone merger, Ryukyuan, three-pattern accent, historical linguistics, Ikema

1. Introduction (Matsumori 2010), Yonaha (Matsumori 2013), and Karimata (Matsumori 2015), but for roughly a half a The are the only language century these dialects also were regarded as having a group shown to have a phylogenic relation to Japanese two-pattern system (Hirayama 1964, 1983, Hirayama (Hattori 1979a, 1979b). The group is composed of five et al. 1967). languages, namely, Amami and Okinawa (the Northern A major reason descriptions of Miyako dialects have Ryukyuan group) and Miyako, Yaeyama, and Yonaguni been inaccurate concerning such a basic matter as the (the Southern Ryukyuan group) (Pellard 2015). The number of contrasting tone classes is to be found in Ikema dialect that is the focus of this study is a dialect the fact that the distinctions among the patterns are of Miyako in the Southern Ryukyuan group. The Ikema partially or wholly neutralized in a wide range of envi- dialect is spoken in three communities in Miyako City ronments (Matsumori 2013, 2014, 2015, Igarashi et al. in Okinawa prefecture (Ikema Island, Sarahama on 2012, Aoi 2012, Igarashi 2015, 2016). In order to iden- Irabu Island, and Nishihara on Miyako Island) (Hayas- tify the number of contrasting patterns in a given dia- hi 2010) and the Ikema dialect data analyzed in this lect, it is necessary to identify environments in which study was all collected in Nishihara. neutralization does not take place. However, in the case The Ikema dialect has a three-pattern accent system of Miyako dialects, it is not possible to identify such in which there is a three-way lexical contrast in tone environments solely by using concepts like syllable, patterns with no increase in the number of contrast- mora, word, or bunsetsu that have been widely applied ing patterns accompanying an increase in word length in the study of . For this purpose, it has (Uwano 1984, 2012). The fact that the Ikema dialect been necessary in recent studies on dialects belonging has a three-pattern accent system has recently been to the Southern Ryukyuan group to define a prosodic confirmed by the author and his colleagues (Igarashi category called the “prosodic word”—a category onto et al. 2011a, Igarashi et al. 2012), but it had previ- which polymoraic stems and clitics are mapped (Iga- ously been erroneously reported that the dialect had rashi et al. forthcoming, Matsumori 2013, 2014, 2015, a two-pattern accent system (Hirayama 1964, 1983, 2016, Igarashi 2015, 2016). Hirayama et al. 1967, Sakimura 2006, Hayashi et There is another reason that it is difficult to identify al. 2008). Other Miyako dialects besides Ikema that the number of contrasting accent patterns in Ikema; have a three-pattern accent system include Tarama the distribution of the patterns is highly skewed. If we

* Graduate School of Social Sciences, Hitotsubashi University † This paper, which originally appeared in the Journal of the Phonetic Society of Japan, Vol. 20, No. 3 (December 2016) in Japanese, was selected for the Best Paper Award for that year. As part of its international information outreach, the Pho- netic Society of Japan is pleased to present here an English translation of this prize-winning paper.

— 52 — Semantic Effects of Nouns on Tone Merger: The Ikema Dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan call the three patterns Type A, Type B, and Type C, a (forthcoming) for a description of the accent realization characteristic of the Ikema is that the number of simple rules of the Ikema dialect that have been clarified up to nouns appearing in the Type A pattern is extremely the present time. limited (Igarashi et al. 2011a, Igarashi et al. 2012). For example, of the 121 nouns analyzed in Igarashi et al. 2. The Three-pattern Accent System (2012), only six (5％) appeared in the Type A pattern1). This extreme skewing of the distribution of accent 2.1 The “Prosodic Word” patterns is undoubtedly one reason for the erroneous How the three accent patterns of the Ikema dialect conclusion that Ikema has a two-pattern system. (Type A, Type B, and Type C) are realized is not pre- As previously indicated by the author (Igarashi et dictable solely from the number of mora in a noun or a al. 2011a, Igarashi et al. 2011b, Igarashi et al. 2012), phrase, nor can they be predicted solely from morpho- the skewed distribution in Ikema can be explained as logical boundaries. In order to describe the realizations the result of a diachronic change in which Types A and of the accent patterns in this dialect, it is necessary to B merged. However, until now there has been insuf- define a prosodic category generated by rules that refer ficient evidence adduced to support the claim that the to both the number of mora in each morpheme and to distribution of the accent patterns can be explained morphological boundaries. What to term this prosodic as a diachronic process of merger. The goals of this category is open to debate (see Igarashi (2016) for study are to confirm, based on comparison with other discussion of this problem), but this study will fol- Ryukyuan dialects, that the three-pattern accent system low Igarashi et al. (forthcoming) and Igarashi (2015) of the Ikema dialect preserves, albeit incompletely, the and call the prosodic category in question a “Prosodic system of proto-Ryukyuan and to report the fact that in Word”. Below, the boundaries of a prosodic word will the Ikema dialect the semantics of nouns played a role be shown by parentheses “( )”. When showing the in the process of the merger of Types A and B. More realization of an accent pattern, mora boundaries are concretely, it will be shown that nouns showing num- shown by periods “.” and high-pitch mora are shown bers, persons, time and space, place names, pronouns, in bold face type. When showing morphological and and deverbal nouns did not undergo the merger process syntactic structures, stem boundaries in compound and remained Type A. words are shown by “＋”, clitic boundaries are shown Section 2 provides an outline of the prosodic struc- by “＝”, and affix boundaries by “－”2). Example words ture of the Ikema dialect and the ways in which the and phrases are shown in italics. When both the mor- accent system is realized. Section 3, in addition to phosyntactic structure and the realization of the accent confirming that the three-pattern accent system of the patterns are shown, they will be given in that order. Ikema dialect preserves the proto-Ryukyuan system, The orthography used in the examples follows that of albeit incompletely, reports the fact that the number Hayashi (2010) except that “y” is replaced by “j”. the of simple nouns appearing in the Type A pattern is notations “sj”, “c”, “cj”, “z”, and “zj” show [ɕ], [ts], extremely limited and indicates that the distribution of [tɕ], [z~dz], and [ʑ~dʑ], respectively. The notations this pattern could be explained as the result of a non- “hn” and “hm” show sequences of unvoiced and voiced phonologically conditioned merger. In section 4, the nasals ([n̥n] and [m̥ m]), respectively. hypothesis that meaning played a role in the merger in A prosodic word in Ikema is generated by the Pro- question will be tested and confirmed based on com- sodic Word Formation Rule in (1). parisons with other Ryukyuan dialects. Section 5 will state the conclusions. The discussion in section 2 of (1) Prosodic Word Formation Rule the prosodic structure of Ikema and the realization of Insert a prosodic word boundary to the left of a polymo- accent patterns will be limited to the minimum neces- raic word stem or clitic. sary to confirm the fact that Ikema has a three-pattern accent system. The rules of accent realization in this Prosodic words in phrases with varying morphosyn- dialect are much more complex than those for Japa- tactic structures derived by Prosodic Word Formation nese dialects and their comprehensive description is Rule are given in (2). far beyond the scope of this study. See Igarashi et al.

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(2) Formation of prosodic words

a. mami b. avva c. maukjaa bean oil front (ma.mi (a.v.va (ma.u.kja.a (ma.mi) (a.v.va) (ma.u.kja.a)

d. mami ＝nu e. avva ＝nu f. maukjaa ＝nu bean ＝NOM oil ＝NOM front ＝NOM (ma.mi.nu (a.v.va.nu (ma.u.kja.a.nu (ma.mi.nu) (a.v.va.nu) (ma.u.kja.a.nu)

g. cɨmma ＋hai h. hana ＝mai i. maukjaa ＝mai onion ＋field flower ＝also front ＝also (cɨ.m.ma (ba.i (ha.na (ma.i (ma.u.kja.a (ma.i (cɨ.m.ma) (ba.i) (ha.na) (ma.i) (ma.u.kja.a) (ma.i)

j. cɨmma＋hai＝nu k. hana＝mai＝du l. maukjaa＝mai＝du onion ＋field＝NOM flower＝also＝FOC front＝also＝FOC (cɨ.m.ma (ba.i.nu (ha.na (ma.i.du (ma.u.kja.a (ma.i.du (cɨ.m.ma) (ba.i.nu) (ha.na) (ma.i.du) (ma.u.kja.a) (ma.i.du)

m. gazɨ＋hana＋kii n. hana＝kara＝mai o. maukjaa＝kara＝mai nail＋flower＋tree flower＝from＝also front＝from＝also (ga.zɨ (ha.na (gi.i (ha.na (ka.ra (ma.i (ma.u.kja.a (ka.ra (ma.i (ga.zɨ) (ha.na) (gi.i) (ha.na) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (ma.u.kja.a) (ka.ra) (ma.i)

(2abc) are single words of 2∼4 moras, but are all pro- form independent prosodic words. jected as a single prosodic word regardless of the num- ber of moras. In (2def), each has had a monomoraic 2.2 Realization of Accent Patterns in Simple (Non- clitic attached, but, since a monomoraic clitic cannot Compound) Words form an independent prosodic word, they are fused to Let us consider the realization of patterns with a the preceding word and, accordingly, they all project noun consisting of a single stem, that is, a simple noun. a single prosodic word. (2 g) is a compound formed In (3) are shown the patterns realized with bimoraic of a trimoraic and a bimoraic stem, (2h) is a phrase simple nouns, in (4), trimoraic simple nouns, and in composed of a bimoraic word followed by a bimoraic (5) quadrimoraic simple nouns. (3a, 4a, 5a) show the clitic, and (2i) is a phrase composed of a quadrimoraic patterns realized when the nouns are uttered in isola- word and a bimoraic clitic. Since they are all composed tion, (3b, 4b, 5b), the patterns realized when uttered of two polymoraic stems and/or clitics, they all project followed by the bimoraic clitic＝kara ‘from’, and (3c, two prosodic words. As a result, two prosodic words 4c, 5c), the patterns realized when followed by the are formed without regard to any distinction between two bimoraic clitics＝kara ‘from’ and＝mai ‘also’. Fol- word stem and clitic. (2jkl) have monomoraic clitics lowing the Prosodic Word Formation Rule, the simple added to (2ghi), respectively, but, since a monomo- noun forms a single prosodic word. A bimoraic clitic raic clitic is fused to the preceding word, two prosodic also forms a single prosodic word. As is clear from words are formed just as in (2ghi). (2 m) is a compound (3) through (5), neutralization takes place over a broad word composed of three bimoraic stems, (2no) are range of environments. In what follows, the notation phrases in which two bimoraic clitics have been added X・Y indicates that the opposition between X and Y is to single words. Since they are formed of three polymo- neutralized and X/Y indicates that the opposition is raic stems and/or clitics, each of the stems and clitics maintained.

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(3) Bimoraic simple words

a. In isolation: A・B/C A butu B mami C nabi husband bean pot (bu.tu) (ma.mi) (na.bi)

b. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ A・B/C A butu＝kara B mami＝kara C nabi＝kara husband＝from bean＝from pot＝from (bu.tu) (ka.ra) (ma.mi) (ka.ra) (na.bi) (ka.ra)

c. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ and＝mai ‘also’ A/B/C A butu＝kara＝mai B mami＝kara＝mai C nabi＝kara＝mai husband＝from＝also bean＝from＝also pot＝from＝also (bu.tu) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (ma.mi) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (na.bi) (ka.ra) (ma.i)

(4) Trimoraic simple words

a. In isolation: A・B/C A agai B munui C umui east word thought (a.ga.i) (mu.nu.i)) (u.mu.i)

b. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ A・B/C A agai＝kara B munui＝kara C umui＝kara east＝from word＝from thought＝from (a.ga.i) (ka.ra) (mu.nu.i) (ka.ra) (u.mu.i) (ka.ra)

c. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ and＝mai ‘also’ A/B/C A agai＝kara＝mai B munui＝kara＝mai C umui＝kara＝mai east＝from＝also word＝from＝also thought＝from＝also (a.ga.i) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (mu.nu.i) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (u.mu.i) (ka.ra) (ma.i)

(5) Quadrimoraic simple words

a. In isolation: A・B・C A futaai B maukjaa C bakjaai 2 people front/before parting (fu.ta.a.i) (ma.u.kja.a) (ba.kja.a.i)

b. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ A/B/C A futaai＝kara B maukjaa＝kara C bakjaai＝kara 2 people＝from front＝from parting＝from (fu.ta.a.i) (ka.ra) (ma.u.kja.a) (ka.ra) (ba.kja.a.i) (ka.ra)

c. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ and＝mai ‘also’ A/B/C A futaai＝kara＝mai B maukjaa＝kara＝mai C bakjaai＝kara＝mai 2 people＝from＝also front＝from＝also parting＝from＝also (fu.ta.a.i) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (ma.u.kja.a) (ka.ra) (ma.i) (ba.kja.a.i) (ka.ra) (ma.i)

In the environment in which the phrase is composed two prosodic words (5b).) Below, the environments in of three prosodic words (3c, 4c, 5c), regardless of the which neutralization does not occur (but not including number of mora comprising the noun, there is no neu- the exceptional environment of (5b)) will be referred tralization and three types of pattern are realized. (Neu- to as “non-neutralizing environments” and, within the tralization also does not occur in the case of a quadri- non-neutralizing environments, those in which a high moraic simple noun where the phrase is composed of pitch does not appear in either of the second or third

— 55 — 特集「『音声研究』優秀論文賞受賞論文の国際情報発信」●●●●●論文種別（Type）●●●●● prosodic words will be designated as Type A, those in followed by a predicate. In this case, the characteristics which a high pitch appears in the third prosodic word associated with the oppositions among the three types but not in the second will be designated as Type B, and of accent pattern are, at least on the surface, observable those in which high pitch appears in the second prosodic in the span formed by the phrase that includes the noun word but not in the third will be designated as Type C. in question and the following predicate. (6) shows the Non-neutralizing environments are not limited to realizations occurring in utterances consisting of a phrases composed of three (or more) prosodic words. simple noun followed by a bimoraic clitic (＝mai ‘also’) For example, even when the phrase containing the noun and either the trimoraic predicate njaan ‘not exist (in- in question is composed of two prosodic words, a non- animate)’ or the trimoraic predicate miin ‘not exist (ani- neutralizing environment may obtain if the phrase is mate)’ (both predicates have the Type C accent pattern).

(6) Followed by＝mai njaan/miin ‘also not.exist (inanimate)/ also not.exist (animate)’

a. Bimoraic simple noun A/B/C A butu＝mai miin B mami＝mai njaan C nabi＝mai njaan husband＝also not.exist bean＝also not.exist pot＝also not.exist (bu.tu) (ma.i) (mi.i.n) (ma.mi) (ma.i) (nja.a.n) (na.bi) (ma.i) (nja.a.n)

b. Trimoraic simple noun A/B/C A agai＝mai njaan B munui＝mai njaan C umui＝mai njaan east＝also non.exist word＝also non.exist thought＝also non.exist (a.ga.i) (ma.i) (nja.a.n) (mu.nu.i) (ma.i) (nja.a.n) (u.mu.i) (ma.i) (nja.a.n)

c. Quadrimoraic simple noun A/B/C A futaai＝mai miin B maukjaa＝mai njaan C bakjaai＝mai njaan 2 people＝also not.exist front/before＝also not.exist parting＝also non.exist (fu.ta.a.i) (ma.i) (mi.i.n) (ma.u.kja.a) (ma.i) (nja.a.n) (ba.kja.a.i) (ma.i) (nja.a.n)

The author has used the environments in (6) as pound nouns composed of two bimoraic (or longer) frames for identifying noun accent patterns previously. stems. (7) shows patterns realized in compound nouns These frame sentences are more useful than frames composed of a trimoraic and a bimoraic stem. (7a) that follow the noun with clitics and then terminate shows the patterns realized with a bare noun utterance the utterance (3–5) because, when a speaker ends an and (7b) shows the patterns realized with a bimoraic utterance with a clitic, there is a tendency to put a clitic following. Since, following the Prosodic Word phonetic prominence on the clitic, making it difficult or Formation Rule, a stem of two or more moras forming impossible to observe the distinctions among the accent a compound noun is itself a prosodic word, the forms patterns. Most of the Ikema dialect noun data used in in (7a) are composed of two prosodic words. Since a section 3 and following sections were in fact elicited bimoraic clitic itself also forms a prosodic word, the using the frames in (6) to identify their accent patterns. forms in (7b) consist of three prosodic words. As in the case with simple nouns, when the phrase is composed 2.3 Realization of Accent Patterns in Compound of three prosodic words, there is no neutralization and Nouns the three accent patterns are in opposition. The distri- Next let us consider the patterns realized with com- bution of high pitch is the same as with simple nouns.

(7) Compound nouns composed of two bimoraic (or longer) stems

a. Bare nouns A・B/C A kuusu＋hai B cɨmma＋hai C gaura＋hai peppers ＋field onion ＋field bitter.melon ＋field ‘field of hot peppers” ‘field of onions’ ‘field of bitter melons’ (ku.u.su) (ba.i) (cɨ.m.ma) (ba.i) (ga.u.ra) (ba.i)

b. Followed by＝kara ‘from’ A/B/C A kuusu＋hai＝kara B cɨmma＋hai＝kara C gaura＋hai＝kara

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peppers＋field＝from onion ＋field＝from bitter.melon ＋field＝from ‘from a pepper field” ‘from an onion field ‘from a field of bitter melons’ (ku.u.su) (ba.i) (ka.ra) (cɨ.m.ma) (ba.i) (ka.ra) (ga.u.ra) (ba.i) (ka.ra)

As was mentioned in section 1 and will be described to the number of compound nouns in Types B and C. more fully in section 3 and following sections, the num- (8) lists compound nouns composed of two polymoraic ber of simple nouns of Type A is extremely small. On the stems. (Not all stems appearing in the list can necessarily other hand, the number of compound nouns composed of be used as free nouns. “?” indicates that the meaning of two polymoraic stems belonging to Type A is comparable the stem in question could not be ascertained.)

(8) Distribution of accent patterns with compound nouns

a. Type A aka＋mami＝kara red＋bean＝from ‘from azuki beans’ (a.ka) (ma.mi) (ka.ra) biki＋dun＝kara man＋PLURAL＝from ‘from the men’ (bi.ki) (du.n) (ka.ra) cɨki＋munu＝kara pickled＋thing＝from ‘from the pickles’ (cɨ.ki) (mu.nu) (ka.ra) kadi＋fucɨ＝kara wind＋blow＝from ‘from the typhoon’ (ka.di) (fu.cɨ) (ka.ra) kara＋hai＝kara husk＋ash＝from ‘from the ashes’ (ka.ra) (ha.i) (ka.ra) mata＋mmaga＝kara again＋grandchild＝from ‘from a great-grandchild’ (ma.ta) (m.ma.ga) (kara) mazɨ＋munu＝kara ghost＋thing＝from ‘from a ghost’ (ma.zɨ) (mu.nu) (ka.ra) mizɨ＋kami＝kara water＋jar＝from ‘from the water jar’ (mi.zɨ) (ka.mi) (ka.ra) saka＋cɨcɨ＝kara wine＋bowl＝from ‘from the wine cup’ (sa.ka) (zɨ.cɨ) (ka.ra) b. Type B bata＋dacɨ＝kara stomach＋?＝from ‘from the height of the stomach’ (ba.ta) (da.cɨ) (ka.ra) kata＋tii＝kara one.side＋hand＝from ‘from one hand’ (ka.ta) (ti.i) (ka.ra) min＋kami＝kara ear＋jar＝from ‘from a jar with handles’ (mi.n) (ka.mi) (ka.ra) nna＋hikai＝kara rice.plant＋light＝from ‘from lightning’ (n.na) (bi.ka.i) (ka.ra) c. Type C hai＋cɨcɨ＝kara needle＋poke＝from ‘from a tattoo’ (ha.i) (cɨ.cɨ) (ka.ra) ibira＋huni＝kara ladle＋bone＝from ‘from the scapula’ (i.bi.ra) (bu.ni) (ka.ra) maku＋kan＝kara ?＋crab＝from ‘from a coconut crab’ (ma.ku) (ka.n) (ka.ra) sauki＋huni＝kara basket＋bone＝from ‘from the ribs’ (sa.u.ki) (bo.ni) (ka.ra) tamunu＋buu＝kara firewood＋?＝from ‘from the main house’ (ta.mu.nu) (bu.u) (ka.ra) umacɨ＋tama＝kara fire＋ball＝from ‘from a fireball’ (u.ma.cɨ) (ta.ma) (ka.ra)

It is beyond the scope of this study to explain why the result of the preservation of the system in proto- the imbalance in distribution of accent patterns ob- Ryukyuan, the hypothesis that the extreme paucity of served with simple nouns is not found with compound simple nouns with the Type A pattern can be explained nouns. Various interpretations are possible, but in as the result of a diachronic change in which there was this study we interpret this fact to indicate that the a merger of accent patterns (with Type A merging into semantically mediated diachronic change described Type B) will be tested and verified. Accomplishing in section 3 and following sections that took place these goals requires knowledge of the accent system of comprehensively with simple nouns occurred only an earlier time. Fortunately, there is quite an amount of sporadically with compound nouns3). In the following comparative linguistic research on the accent system of sections, compound nouns will not be considered and proto-Ryukyuan. Opinions differ on what sort of accent the analysis will concentrate on simple nouns. system proto-Ryukyuan had (Hattori 1979a, 1979b, Shimabukuro 2007, Sakimura 2006), but the gener- 3. The Distribution of Accent Patterns with Sim- ally accepted view is that a system with at least three ple Nouns in the Ikema Dialect patterns in opposition can be reconstructed (Hattori 1979a, 1979b, Matsumori 1998). The arguments below 3.1 “Pattern Categories” in Proto-Ryukyuan are based on the premise that proto-Ryukyuan had a In this section, in addition to confirming that the three-pattern accent system. Proto-Ryukyuan having a three-pattern accent system of the Ikema dialect is three-pattern accent system means that nouns in proto-

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Table 1 Correspondences among the categories from Matsumori (2012) and Kindaichi’s tonal classes (Kindaichi 1974), Okinawan Iejima dialect (Oshio 2009), Okinawan Shuri dialect (NINJAL 2001), Okinawan Nakijin dialect (Na- kasone 1983), and the Yaeyama Ishigaki-jima Shikamura dialect (Miyagi 2003).

Matsumori’s Kindaichi’s Examples Pattern Category Tonal Class Iejima Shuri Nakijin Ishigaki-jima Shikamura Category A Class 1 sak’i] ‘wine’ saki① ‘wine’ sa[κii ‘wine’ [sa]ki ‘wine’ Class 2 ʔut’u] ‘sound’ ʔutu① ‘sound’ hu[τuu ‘sound [ʔu]tu ‘sound’ Category B Class 3 p‛ana[: ‘flower’ hana⓪ ‘flower’ pana[a ‘flower’ [pana ‘flower’ Class 4 ʔit’a[: ‘board’ ʔica⓪ ‘board’ hica[a ‘board’ [ʔita ‘board’ Class 5 ʔami[: ‘rain’ ʔami⓪ ‘rain’ ʔami[i ‘rain’ [ʔa:mi ‘rain’ Category C Class 3 hami] ‘jar’ kaami⓪ ‘jar’ [ha]mi ‘jar’ ka[mi ‘jar’ Class 4 ʔit’ʃi] ‘breath’ ʔiici⓪ ‘breath’ [ʔi]ci ‘breath’ [ʔïkï ‘breath’ Class 5 nabi] ‘pot’ naabi⓪ ‘pot’ [na]bi ‘pot [nabi ‘pot’

Orthography follows that of each source. “[” and “]” respectively show a rise or a fall in pitch. The ① and ⓪in the Shuri entries respectively show patterns with and without a fall in pitch. In the Ishigaki-jima Shikamura patterns corresponding to Categories B and C, the locations of pitch rises apparently fluctuate, but the causes are unclear.

Ryukyuan were realized in one of the three patterns. class 3 (kame ‘jar’, hama ‘shore’, etc.), the remaining Accordingly, proto-Ryukyuan nouns can be grouped half of class 4 (iki ‘breath’ hune ‘boat’, etc.), and the by the shared characteristic of being realized by the remaining half of class 5 (nabe ‘pot’, oke ‘bucket’, etc.) same pattern, and, thus three noun groups distinguished correspond to Category C (Table 1). by shared accent patterns can be reconstructed. What kind of nouns belonged to each of these groups? The 3.2 Correspondences with Categorized Vocabu- best research available at this time that deals with this lary in Matsumori (2012) question, categorizing quite a number of nouns into Using the categorized vocabulary lists (Matsu- three groups, is a series of studies by Akiko Matsumori mori 2012), let us analyze the distribution of accent (Matsumori 1998, 2000a, 2000b, 2008, 2010, 2012). patterns in the Ikema dialect from a diachronic point This section analyzes the distribution of accent patterns of view. The author chose for analysis 169 nouns that in the Ikema dialect from a diachronic point of view, were usable from the Ikema dialect data he had col- based on Matsumori (2012). lected and which were included in the categorized Matsumori (2012), through a comparison of dialects vocabularies4). Determination of the accent pattern of belonging mostly to the Northern Ryukyuan group, de- most of the words included was done using the frame fined three groups of words distinguished by the accent sentences in (6). Overall, no striking individual varia- pattern they belonged to in proto-Ryukyuan and called tions were observed, but for those words for which in- these groups “accent categories”, dividing them up into terspeaker variation among patterns was observed, the Pattern Category A, Pattern Category B, and Pattern pattern most frequently observed was chosen. Category C. The lists of words belonging to each class The forms and accent patterns of the 169 nouns used are termed “categorized vocabularies”. The total num- in the study are shown in Table 2. ber of nouns included in the categorized vocabularies As is clear from Table 2, Type A words are very few exceeds 250, and each category contains an average of in number, amounting to no more 17 words out of 169 85 words. As for the correspondence with Japanese, us- (about 10％). Of the 53 words belonging to Category ing the tonal classes in Haruhiko Kindaichi’s Classified A, there are 16 (about 30％) that are realized as Type A Vocabulary (Kindaichi 1974), the two-mora noun tonal and 32 (about 60％) that are realized as Type B. In other class 1 (sake ‘wine’, kaze ‘wind’, etc.) and class 2 (oto words, among the Category A words, there are both ‘sound’, hito ‘person’, etc.) correspond to Category A; those that are realized as Type A (Category A, Type A) most of class 3 (hana ‘flower’, yama ‘mountain’, etc.), and those that are realized as Type B (Category A, Type roughly half of class 4 (ita ‘board’, mugi ‘barley’, etc.), B). (A very few are exceptionally realized as Type C5).) and roughly half of class 5 (ame ‘rain’, ase ‘sweat’, The existence of this one-to-two correspondence in etc.) correspond to Category B; and a small number of Category A correspondences requires explanation (See

— 58 — Semantic Effects of Nouns on Tone Merger: The Ikema Dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan

Table 2 Correspondence between categories in the categorized vocabulary (Matsumori 2012) and patterns occurring in the Ikema dialect.

Category Pattern Number Words Category A Type A 16 ffa ‘child’, hitu ‘person’, ii ‘west’, nsɨ/ncɨ north, right’, sɨta ‘under’, tibi ‘behind’, tuzɨ ‘wife’, ui ‘above’, agai ‘east’, butu ‘husband’, jaacɨ ‘eight’, juucɨ ‘four’, kugani ‘child’, miicɨ ‘three’, nncɨ ‘six’, ttaacɨ/futaacɨ ‘two’ Type B 32 cɨɨ ‘blood’, haa ‘leaf’, huu ‘sail’, azja ‘mole, birthmark’, fucɨ ‘mouth’, fudi ‘brush’, fuzɨ ‘nail’, hana ‘nose’, husɨ ‘star’, ika ‘squid’, isɨ ‘stone’, kadi ‘wind’, kazja ‘odor’, kusɨ ‘lower back’, mizɨ ‘water’, hii ‘garlic’, saki ‘wine’, sudi ‘sleeve’, taki ‘bamboo’, tui ‘bird’, usɨ ‘cattle’, zjuu ‘tail’, zzu ‘fish’, cɨgusɨ/sɨgusɨ ‘knee’, ffacɨ ‘hoe’, hanazɨ ‘nose bleed’, judai ‘drool’, kabii ‘paper’, kamadu ‘oven, stove’, kauzɨ ‘mold’, kjuusɨ ‘smoke’, tatami ‘straw mat’ Type C 5 dusɨ ‘friend’, haku ‘box’, hasɨ ‘bridge’, nzɨ ‘thorn’, saba ‘straw sandals’ Category B Type A 1 hidai ‘left’ Type B 48 haa ‘tooth’, jaa ‘house’, juu ‘hot water’, kii ‘tree’, mii ‘eye’, tii ‘hand’, adu ‘heel’, ami ‘rain’, an ‘net’, bara ‘straw’, bata ‘abdomen’, cɨn ‘clothes’, hai ‘south’, hana ‘flower’, hmu ‘cloud’, hnu ‘horn’, in ‘dog’, jama ‘forest’, kaja ‘reed’, kami ‘turtle’, kuzju ‘last year’, mami ‘bean’, min ‘ear’, muzɨ ‘barley’, nai ‘fruit’, nan ‘wave’, nna ‘snail’, nsu ‘miso’, nta ‘earth, dirt’, sɨba, ’lip’, ssa/fusa ‘grass’, taku ‘octopus’, tta ‘tongue’, acja ‘tomorrow’, avva ‘oil’, iiki ‘fish scale’, junaka ‘in the night’, kagan ‘mirror’, kaina ‘upper arm’, kamacɨ ‘cheek’, kujun ‘calendar’, kuvva ‘calf (of leg)’, maffa ‘pillow’, nada ‘tears’, sɨɨsɨ ‘red meat’, zzaku ‘oar’, kannai ‘thunder’, uttu ‘younger sibling’ Type C 14 sɨma ‘island’, nnucɨ ‘life’, cɨtu ‘souvenir’, madu ‘free time’, accja ‘wooden clogs’, auda ‘woven luggage basket’, buuzɨ ‘sugar cane’, hasan ‘scissors’, icɨcɨ ‘five’, makai ‘bowl’, nisjai ‘youth’, zɨmami ‘peanuts’, nabjaara ‘loofa sponge’, zjau ‘gate’ Category C Type B 4 mussu ‘straw woven mat’, akizɨ ‘dragon fly’, fukuru ‘sack, bag’, kangi ‘mane (of a horse, lion, etc.) Type C 49 cjuu ‘dew’, gata/kata ‘grasshopper’, hai ‘needle’, hama ‘beach’, huni ‘bone’, icɨ ‘breath’, in ‘ocean’, itu ‘thread’, kagi ‘shadow, shade’, kazɨcɨ ‘kind of sea urchin’, kui ‘voice’, mai ‘front’, naba ‘dust, dirt’, nabi ‘pot’, naka ‘inside’, sura ‘tip of sugar cane, etc.’, suzja ‘older brother, eldest son’, tida ‘sun’, usɨ ‘mortar’, waa ‘pig’, zɨɨpa ‘ornate hairpin’, aasa ‘sea lettuce’, aman ‘hermit crab’, auzɨ ‘fan’, baaki ‘draining basket, woven basket’, funjuu ‘mikan orange’, gamaku ‘measurement around the hips’, garasa ‘crow’, gusjan ‘walking cane’, hara ‘pillar’, haucɨ ‘broom’, hiticɨ ‘one’, hnu ‘yesterday’, jaani ‘next year’, jacju ‘moxa’, jarabi ‘child’, katana ‘knife’, kazjan ‘mosquito’, sanazɨ ‘loin cloth’, sata ‘sugar’, sauki ‘rib’, ssan ‘louse’, ssui/fusui ‘medicine’, tagu ‘bucket’, tamunu ‘firewood’, umacɨ ‘fire’, mjaarabi ‘young girl’, sɨtumuti ‘morning’, utugai ‘chin’

Underlining is explained in the main text. section 3.3). in proto-Ryukyuan as analyzed by Matsumori (2012), Of the 63 words belonging to Category B, 48 (about they may have changed from a pattern corresponding 78％) are realized as Type B. On the other hand, 14 to Category B to a pattern corresponding to Category words (about 22％) are unexpectedly realized as Type C in proto-Miyako Ryukyuan6). Additionally, the prob- C. The number of Category B words unexpectedly ability is quite high that some of them, auda ‘woven realized as Type C is too high to be treated simply as luggage basket’, buuzɨ ‘sugar cane’, and nisjai ‘youth’ exceptions. There is, however, quite a bit of room to in particular, are borrowings7). Furthermore, although question the categorization of most of these Category I do not have data from the Tarama dialect, the word B, Type C words. Of the 14 words, the 12 that appear in in Table 2 with a double underline, the Category B, Table 2 with single underlines are also realized in an ac- Type C word zjau ‘gate’, is realized in a pattern that cent pattern corresponding to Category C in the Tarama corresponds a neutralization between Category A and dialect, which, like the Ikema dialect, is a dialect of Mi- Category C in the Iejima dialect of Okinawa Ryukyuan yako Ryukyuan. If these words belonged to Category B (Oshio 2009) and in a pattern that corresponds to a neu-

— 59 — 特集「『音声研究』優秀論文賞受賞論文の国際情報発信」●●●●●論文種別（Type）●●●●● tralization between Category B and Category C in the other dialects of Ryukyuan but to have been preserved Shuri dialect of Okinawa Ryukyuan (NINJAL 2001). in Ikema alone. Based on the phylogenetic tree by Accordingly, it may be better to consider zjau ‘gate’ Pellard (2015), this would mean that the hypothesized to belong to Category C rather than Category B. From merger of Categories A1 and A2 would have to had to the above discussion, we can probably conclude that, have occurred as independent developments once in the except for a very few exceptions, words from Category protolanguage for Northern Ryukyuan, once in the pro- B are realized in the Ikema dialect as Type B. tolanguage for the greater Yaeyama family of languag- With a very small number of exceptions8), the over- es (the parent language of Yaeyama and Yonaguni), and whelming majority of Category C words are realized a number of times in the process of the various Miyako as Type C. dialects branching off from the parent language. For the It is clear from the above discussion that, in contrast same change to have occurred repeatedly in a parallel to Category B and Category C, which essentially cor- fashion across different branches of the Ryukyuan lan- respond one for one to Types B and C, respectively, part guage family is highly unlikely. Given the principle of of Category A words correspond to Type A and part to economy in comparative linguistics (Campbell 1998) Type B yielding a one-to-two correspondence relation. that states that when a number of explanations are pos- sible, the explanation that requires the least number of 3.3 Explaining the One-to-two Correspondence parallel changes is the best, this hypothesis cannot be for Category A maintained. How is the one-to-two correspondence in question From the above discussion, it can be concluded for Category A to be explained? It cannot be treated as that: 1) the three-pattern accent system of the Ikema a phonologically conditioned split that occurred within dialect is a reflex of the proto-Ryukyuan three-pattern the Ikema dialect; there are no common phonological system, albeit an imperfect reflex, and 2) the one-to- features among the group of words (Category A, Type two correspondence with Category A in the Ikema B) that are thought to have split off. dialect is the result of words from Category A changing Could the explanation be that the three-pattern sys- from a pattern that corresponds to Category A (namely, tem of the Ikema dialect does not preserve the system Type A) to a pattern that corresponds to Category B of proto-Ryukyuan? That is, at one time the Ikema (namely, Type B). dialect experienced a complete merger of Categories A The problem remaining is to describe what factors and B (i.e. experienced a change to a two-pattern accent brought about the merger of words from Category A. system) and then, after the merger was complete, for As described earlier, such factors are not to be found in some reason or other newly developed a third pattern phonological conditioning. In section 4 we will verify (Type A). This explanation will not work. If this had the hypothesis that the meaning of the nouns was in- been the case, words from not only Category A but also volved in the merger in question. Category B should be realized in the Type A pattern in Ikema. In fact, this is not the case. Except for the 4. Semantically Based Merger single Category B word realized as Type A in Ikema (hidai ‘left’), all the words realized as Type A belong to 4.1 Semantic Bias Category A. These facts mean that the three-pattern ac- If we look at the meanings expressed by the 16 words cent system in Ikema is a reflex of the proto-Ryukyuan that are Category A and are also realized as Type A, a system, although an incomplete reflex in that it experi- clear bias in meaning emerges. ffa ‘child’, hitu ‘person’, enced a realignment in which a portion of the words in tuzɨ ‘wife’, butu ‘husband’, kugani ‘child’ are all words Category A changed from Type A to Type B. describing ‘people’ (other than hitu ‘person’, all are kin- Another explanation is possible. The one-to-two cor- ship terms). agai ‘east’, ii ‘west’, nsɨ/ncɨ ‘north, right’ respondence is a reflection of an opposition (between are all ‘directions’, and ui ‘above’, sɨta ‘below’, tibi Category A1 and Category A2) in proto-Ryukyuan. The ‘behind’ are all words expressing ‘direction in a space’ likelihood of this being the correct explanation is very (below, ‘space’). ttaacɨ/futaacɨ ‘two’, miicɨ ‘three’, low, however. If this explanation were correct, it would juucɨ ‘four’, nncɨ ‘six’, and jaacɨ ‘eight’ are all words require proto-Ryukyuan to have had an accent system expressing ‘number’. On the other hand, among the with a four-way opposition. It would require the dis- words that are realized as Type B in spite of belonging tinction between the categories in question, A1 and A2, to Category A, there is not a single one that expresses to have been lost completely (to have merged) in all ‘people’, ‘direction’, space’, or ‘number’. (The word

— 60 — Semantic Effects of Nouns on Tone Merger: The Ikema Dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan

Table 3 Distribution of accent patterns in Ikema dialect for words that can be considered from dialect correspondences to be of Category A.

Semantic Ikema Tarama Ishigaki feature 1 ttaacɨ/futaacɨ ‘two’ A futaatsɨ ‘two’ A ɸu[ta]:dzï ‘two’ A number 2 miicɨ’ three’ A miitsɨ ‘three’ A [mi]:tsï ‘three’ A number 3 juucɨ ‘four’ A juutsɨ ‘four’ A [ju]:tsï ‘four’ A number 4 nncɨ ‘six’ A mmtsɨ ‘six’ A [ʔn]:tsï ‘six’ A number 5 jaacɨ ‘eight’ A jaatsɨ ‘eight’ A [ja]:tsï ‘eight’ A number 6 fucɨka ‘second day’ A futsɨka ‘second day’ A ɸu[tsï]ka ‘second day’ A number 7 miika ‘third day’ A mɨka ‘third day’ A [mï]:ka ‘third day’ A number 8 juuka ‘fourth day’ A juka ‘fourth day’ A [ju]:ka ‘fourth day’ A number 9 jauka ‘eighth day’ A jooka ‘eighth day’ A [ja]uka ‘eighth day’ A number 10 nnka/muika ‘sixth day’ A mujuka/muika ‘sixth day’ B [ʔŋ]:ka/[mu]ika ‘sixth day’ A number * 11 hacɨka ‘twentieth day’ A patsɨka ‘twentieth day’ B [patsï]ka ‘twentieth day’ A number * 12 futaai ‘two people’ A futaal ‘two people’ A ɸu[ta]:rï ‘two people’ A number 13 kui ‘this’ A kul ‘this’ A [ku]ri ‘this’ A pronoun 14 ui ‘that (proximal)’ A ul ‘that (proximal)’ A [ʔu]ri ‘that (proximal)’ A pronoun 15 kai ‘that (distal)’ A kal ‘that (distal)’ A [ka]ri ‘that (distal)’ A pronoun 16 vva ‘you’ A vva ‘you’ A ʔu[ra ‘you’ BC pronoun * 17 taru ‘who’ A too ‘who’ A [ta]ru ‘who’ A pronoun 18 icɨ ‘when’ A itsɨ ‘when’ A [ʔi]tsï ‘when’ A pronoun 19 hitu ‘person’ A pɨtu ‘person’ A [pï]tu ‘person’ A people 20 butu ‘husband’ A butu ‘husband’ A [bu]du ‘husband’ A people 21 tuzɨ ‘wife’ A tudzɨ ‘wife’ A [tu]dzï ‘wife’ A people 22 jumi ‘bride’ A jumi ‘bride’ A [ju]mi ‘bride’ A people 23 ffa ‘child’ A ffa ‘child’ A [ɸa]: ‘child’ A people 24 kugani ‘children’ A kugani ‘gold, treasure’ A [kuga]ni ‘gold’ A people 25 agai ‘east’ A agal ‘east’ A [ʔa]:rï ‘east’ A time/space 26 ii ‘west’ A il ‘west’ A [ʔi]:rï ‘west’ A time/space 27 nsɨ/ncɨ ‘north/right’ A nisɨ ‘north’ A [ni]sï ‘north’ A time/space 28 ui ‘above’ A ui ‘above’ A [ʔu]i ‘above’ A time/space 29 sɨta ‘below’ A sɨta ‘below’ A [sï]ta ‘below A time/space 30 tibi ‘behind’ A tɕibi ‘behind, buttocks’ A [tʃi]bi ‘buttocks, behind’ A time/space 31 tin ‘sky’ A tin ‘sky’ A [ti]ŋ ‘heaven, sky’ A time/space 32 tabi ‘journey’ A tabi ‘journey’ A [ta]bï ‘journey’ A time/space 33 tunai ‘neighboring’ A tunal ‘neighboring’ A [tuna]rï ‘neighboring’ A time/space 34 kutusɨ ‘this year’ A kutusɨ ‘this year’ B ku[tu]sï ‘this year’ A time/space * 35 hiima ‘daytime’ A pɨɨma ‘daytime’ B [pïro:]ma ‘midday’ A time/space * 36 fuju ‘winter’ A [ɸu]ju ‘winter’ A time/space * 37 budui ‘dance’ A budul ‘dance’ A [budu]rï ‘dance’ A deverbal 38 cɨkai ‘errand’ A tsï[ka]i ‘errand’ A deverbal * 39 jui ‘labor cooperation’ A jui ‘labor cooperation’ A [ju]i ‘labor cooperation’ A deverbal 40 kazai ‘decoration’ A kadʑal ‘decoration’ A [kadza]rï ‘decoration’ A deverbal 41 nuzɨn ‘hope’ A nudzɨm ‘hope’ A [nudzu]mï ‘hope’ A deverbal 42 uwai ‘end’ A [ʔuwa]rï ‘end’ A deverbal * 43 izjai ‘fishing’ A idal ‘fishing’ A ʔi[dza]rï ‘fishing’ A deverbal 44 mjaaku ‘Miyako’ A meeku ‘Miyako’ A [me]:ku ‘Miyako’ A place name 45 jaama ‘Yaeyama’ A jaama ‘Yaeyama’ A [ja]ima ‘Yaeyama’ A place name 46 hii ‘day’ B [pï]: ‘day’ A space/time * 47 juku ‘beside’ C juku ‘beside’ C [ju]ku ‘beside’ A space/time * 48 cɨɨ ‘fishing’ B tsɨɨ ‘fishing’ A [tsï]rï ‘fishing pot’ A deverbal 49 akai ‘light’ B akal ‘light’ A [ʔaka]rï ‘light’ A deverbal 50 dusɨ ‘friend’ C dusɨ ‘friend’ A [du]sï ‘friend’ A people 51 ikai ‘anchor’ A [ʔika]rï ‘anchor’ A * 52 maabi ‘mimicry” A maibi ‘mimicry’ A [ma]abi ‘mimicry’ A

— 61 — 特集「『音声研究』優秀論文賞受賞論文の国際情報発信」●●●●●論文種別（Type）●●●●●

Table 3. Continued.

Semantic Ikema Tarama Ishigaki feature 53 buu ‘cord’ B [bu]: ‘cord, string’ A * 54 haa ‘leaf’ B haa ‘leaf’ A [pa]: ‘leaf’ A 55 huu ‘sail’ B puu ‘sail’ A [pu]: ‘sail’ A 56 juu ‘world’ B juu ‘world’ A [ju]: ‘world’ A 57 kii ‘hair, fur’ B [ki]: ‘hair, fur’ A * 58 cɨru ‘crane’ B tsɨru ‘crane’ A [tsï]ru ‘crane’ A 59 fucɨ ‘mouth’ B futsɨ ‘mouth A [ɸu]tsï ‘mouth’ A 60 fudi ‘writing brush’ B fudi ‘writing brush, whisk’ A [ɸu]di ‘writing brush’ A 61 fuzɨ ‘nail’ B fugɨ ‘nail’ A [ɸu]ŋ ‘nail’ A 62 hana ‘nose’ B pana ‘nose’ A [pa]na ‘nose’ A 63 hata ‘flag’ B [pa]ta ‘flag, pennant’ A * 64 higi ‘beard, body hair’ B pɨgi ‘beard, body hair’ A [pï]ni ‘beard’ A 65 ii ‘baby’ B ii ‘baby’ A [ʔi]i ‘baby’ A 66 ika ‘squid’ B ika ‘squid’ A [ʔi]ka ‘squid’ A 67 isɨ ‘stone’ B isɨ ‘stone’ A [ʔi]ʃi ‘stone’ A 68 juda ‘branch’ B juda ‘branch’ A [ju]da ‘branch’ A 69 kaa ‘well’ B kaa ‘well’ A [ka]: ‘well’ A 70 kadi ‘wind’ B kadi ‘wind’ A [ka]dʒi ‘wind’ A 71 kama ‘oven, iron pot’ B kama ‘oven, iron pot’ A [ka]ma ‘hearth’ A 72 kan ‘crab’ B [ka]ŋ ‘crab’ A * 73 kani ‘hardware’ B kani ‘hardware’ A [ka]ni ‘metal’ A 74 kazja ‘odor’ B kada ‘odor’ A [ka]dza ‘odor’ A 75 kuba ‘kuba palm fruit’ B kuba ‘kuba palm fruit’ A [ku]ba ‘kuba palm fruit’ 76 kuru ‘straw’ B kuru ‘chaff, straw’ A [gu]ru ‘waste, husks’ A 77 kusɨ ‘lower back’ B kusɨ ‘lower back’ A [ku]sï ‘back’ A 78 mai ‘rice’ B maɨ ‘rice’ A [ma]i ‘rice, rice plant’ A 79 mizɨ ‘water’ B midzɨ ‘water’ A [mi]dzï ‘water’ A 80 mmi ‘chest’ B mni ‘chest’ A [ʔn]ni ‘chest, heart’ A 81 mmi ‘ridge’ B mni ‘ridge, hill’ A [ʔn]ni ‘ridge’ A 82 musɨ ‘insect’ B musɨ ‘insect’ A [mu]sï ‘insect’ A 83 hii ‘garlic’ B pir ‘garlic’ A [pi]ŋ ‘garlic’ A 84 saba ‘shark’ B ɕaba ‘shark’ A [sa]ba ‘shark, large shark’ A 85 saki ‘wine’ B ɕaki ‘wine’ A [sa]ki ‘wine’ A 86 ssa ‘foot’ B pɨsa ‘foot’ A pï[sa ‘foot’ BC * 87 ssu ‘cuff, hem’ B ɕuɕu ‘cuff, hem’ A sï[su ‘cuff, hem’ BC * 88 sudi ‘sleeve’ B ɕudi ‘sleeve’ A [su]di ‘sleeve’ A 89 tacɨ ‘dragon’ B tatsɨ ‘dragon’ A [ta]tsï ‘dragon’ A 90 taka ‘hawk, grey-faced B taka ‘hawk’ A [ta]ka ‘hawk, grey-faced A buzzard’ buzzard’ 91 taki ‘bamboo’ B taki ‘bamboo’ A [ta]ki ‘bamboo A 92 tui ‘bird’ B tul ‘bird’ A [tu]rï ‘bird, chicken’ A 93 uru ‘red algae’ B uru ‘red algae’ A [ʔu]:ru ‘shoal’ A 94 usɨ ‘cattle’ B usɨ ‘cattle’ A [ʔu]sï ‘cattle’ A 95 zjuu ‘tail’ B dʑuu ‘tail’ A [dzu]: ‘tail’ A 96 zzu ‘fish B zzu ‘fish’ A [ʔi]dzu ‘fish A 97 afuzɨ ‘yawn’ B [ʔaku]bï ‘yawn’ A * 98 cɨgusɨ/sɨgusɨ ‘knee’ B tsɨbusɨ ‘knee’ A [tsïbu]sï ‘knee’ A 99 ffacɨ ‘hoe’ B ffatsɨ ‘hoe’ A * 100 futai ‘forehead’ B futaigam ‘forehead’ A ɸu[ta]i ‘forehead’ A 101 hanazɨ ‘nosebleed’ B panatsɨɨ ‘nosebleed’ A [pana]dzï: ‘nosebleed’ A 102 inaka ‘country’ B inaka ‘country’ A [ʔina]ka ‘country’ A 103 judai ‘drool’ B judal ‘drool’ A [juda]rï ‘drool’ 104 kabii ‘paper’ B kabɨ ‘paper’ A [ka]bï ‘paper’

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Table 3. Continued.

Semantic Ikema Tarama Ishigaki feature 105 kaccju/kacjuu/ kaccjuu B katɕuu ‘bonito’ A ka[tsu]: ‘bonito’ A ‘bonito’ 106 kacja ‘mosquito netting’ B katɕa ‘mosquito netting’ A [ka]tsa ‘mosquito netting’ a 107 kamadu ‘hearth’ B kamadu ‘hearth’ A [ka]madu ‘hearth’ A 108 katacɨ ‘shape’ B katatsɨ ‘shape’ A [ka]tatsï ‘shape’ A 109 kauzɨ ‘mold’ B kaudzɨ ‘kōji, malt, yeast’ A [ko]:dzï ‘kōji, malt, yeast’ A 110 kjuusɨ ‘smoke’ B kifusɨ ‘smoke’ A [kibu]sï ‘smoke, steam’ A 111 mucɨɨ ‘pounded rice B mutsɨɨ ‘pounded rice cakes’ A [mu]tsï ‘pounded rice cake, A cakes’ mortar’ 112 nnatu ‘shallows’ B minatu ‘harbor’ A [ʔnna]tu/ [mi]natu ‘harbor’ A 113 sanin ‘shell ginger’ B ɕanin ‘shell ginger’ A [sami]ŋ ‘shell ginger’ A 114 tatami ‘straw mat’ B tatami ‘straw mat’ A [tata]ŋ/[tata]mi ‘straw mat’ A 115 niicɨ ‘sleep breathing’ B niikɨ ‘snoring’ A [ni]:gï/[ni]:kï ‘snoring’ A 116 cɨɨ ‘blood’ B tsɨɨ ‘blood’ B [tsï]: ‘blood’ A * 117 naa ‘name’ B naa ‘name’ B [na]: ‘name A * 118 azja ‘mole, birthmark’ B ada ‘mole, birthmark’ B [ʔa]dza ‘mole’ A * 119 cɨmi ‘nail, claw’ B tsɨmi ‘nail. claw’ B [tsï]mi ‘nail, claw’ A * 120 husɨ ‘star’ B pusɨ ‘star’ B [pu]su ‘star’ A * 121 nunu ‘fabric’ B nunu ‘fabric’ B [nu]nu ‘fabric’ A * 122 ncɨ ‘road’ B mitsɨ ‘road’ C [mi]tsï ‘road A * 123 saba ‘straw sandals’ C ɕaba ‘straw sandals’ C [sa]ba ‘straw sandals’ A * 124 haku ‘box’ C paku ‘box’ A [pa]ku ‘box’ A 125 hasɨ ‘bridge’ C [pa]sï ‘bridge’ A * 126 nzɨ ‘thorn’ C ŋgi ‘thorn’ A [ʔŋ]gi ‘splinter’ A 127 tami ‘X’s sake’ C [ta]mi ‘X’s sake’ A * 128 tumu ‘companion’ C tumu ‘companion’ A [tu]mu ‘companion’ A 129 timma ‘large sculling C [ti]mma ‘large sculling A * boat’ boat’ dusɨ ‘friend’ realized as Type C is an exception.) This (9) by identifying as many other nouns as possible that semantic bias strongly suggests that the meaning of the can be considered to belong to Category A. nouns mediated the merger of the accent patterns. This section proposes the hypothesis in (9) to explain the 4.2 Methodology skewness of the distribution of accent patterns. Words that can be thought to belong to Category A (9) Of the nouns belonging to Category A, those hav- were identified in the following way. Words that are ing certain semantic characteristics did not undergo realized in patterns corresponding to Category A in ei- a diachronic change and are realized as Type A; ther or both of the Tarama dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan all others are realized as Type B as the result of a and the Ishigaki-jima Shikamura dialect of Yaeyama diachronic change. Ryukyuan (below, “Ishigaki dialect”), which, like the Our earlier consideration of 53 nouns belonging to Ikema dialect, belong to the Southern Ryukyuan group, Category A suggests the appropriateness of the hypoth- and for which there is Ikema dialect data, were identi- esis in (9), but in order to assert the hypothesis more fied as belonging to Category A in proto-Ryukyuan. firmly, based on stronger evidence, we must consider The Ikema dialect data used was the same set as de- a larger number of nouns. There are a great number of scribed in section 3. The data for the Tarama dialect words that belong to Category A in addition to those were taken from Matsumori (2010) and from data col- included in Matsumori’s categorized vocabulary lists. lected through joint fieldwork conducted by the author In this section, through comparison with other dialects and Matsumori. A simplified phonetic transcription of Ryukyuan, focusing on two dialects belonging to is used below for Tarama data. Data for the Ishigaki Southern Ryukyuan, we will verify the hypothesis in dialect are taken from the Ishigaki Dialect Dictionary

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(Miyagi 2003). Transcriptions follow the original ex- Next, I identified the semantic features in ques- cept that supplementary annotations indicating devoic- tion (below, “distinguishing semantic features”) that ing have been omitted. In the transcriptions, “[” and could be thought to be held by the words that were “]” represent rises and falls in pitch, respectively. The both Category A and Type A (“Category A, Type A”, Ishigaki dialect has a two-pattern accent system and the below) as shown in (10). According to the author’s pattern with a fall in pitch within the word corresponds preliminary analysis, these are the characteristic fea- to Category A (Type A), while the pattern without such tures Category A, Type A nouns are judged to have. a fall corresponds to the neutralized Category B and In addition to words for “people”, “directions, space”, Category C (Type BC). and “number”, such words also include nouns such as When data was missing from either the Tarama dia- kutusɨ ‘this year’ and hiima ‘noon’ indicating “time”, lect set or the Ishigaki dialect set, or when the pattern personal and demonstrative pronouns like kui ‘this’, ui correspondences were irregular (items marked by “*” ‘that (proximal)’, and vva ‘you’, interrogative pronouns in Table 3), I considered the accent pattern correspon- such as taru ‘who’ and icɨ ‘when’, place names like dences in various dialects of the Northern Ryukyuan mjaaku ‘Miyako’ and jaama ‘Yaeyama’, and deverbal group for which published data was available, focusing nouns like budui ‘dance’, cɨkai ‘errand’, and jui ‘labor on the Iejima (Oshio 2009), Shuri (NINJAL 2001), cooperation’. Since the Category A Type A nouns were and Nakijin (Nakasone 1983) dialects of Okinawa not defined by any single feature,, the six features in Ryukyuan and took only those that could be regarded as (10) were set up. It was expected that a simple noun belonging to Category A. As a result, 129 words were with any of the distinguishing semantic features in (10) identified as belonging to Category A (of which 53 belonging to Category A would be realized as Type A words duplicated the Category A words in the catego- and those without any such features would be realized rized Vocabulary of Matsumori (2012)). as Type B.

(10) Distinguishing Semantic Features

a.number miicɨ ‘three’, juucɨ ‘four’, fucɨka ‘second day of the month’, miika ‘third day of the month’, etc. b.pronoun personal and demonstrative pronouns like kui ‘this’ and vva ‘you’; interrogative pronouns like taru ‘who’ and icɨ ‘when’, etc. c.people kinship terms like ffa ‘child’, tuzɨ ‘wife’, butu ‘husband’; hitu ‘person’, etc. d.time and space nouns showing times like kutusɨ ‘this year’ and hiima ‘noon’; nouns showing directions like agai ‘east’ and ii ‘west’; and nouns showing space like ui ‘above’ and sɨta ‘below’ e.deverbal nouns budui ‘dance’, cɨkai ‘errand’, and jui ‘labor cooperation’, etc. f.place names mjaaku ‘Miyako’ and jaama ‘Yaeyama’, etc.

4.3 Results ing the specified semantic features are only the three Table 3 shows the forms in which the 129 nouns words hii ‘day’, cɨɨ ‘fishing’, and akai ‘light’ (numbers that belong to Category A and that also appear in the 46–48 in Table 3). Words that are realized as Type A in Ikema dialect are realized. Of the 129 words, 50 (num- spite of not having the specified semantic features are bers 1–50 in Table 3) are nouns that have one of the only two, ikai ‘anchor’ and maabi ‘mimicry’ (numbers semantic features defined in (10)9). Of these 50 words, 51 and 52). These five words contradict the predictions 45 (numbers 1–45 in Table 3) are realized in the Type A pattern in Ikema. Furthermore, of the 47 words that are Table 4 Cross table showing distribution of 129 words realized in the Type A pattern in Ikema (numbers 1–45, in the Ikema dialect that can be considered to 51, 52), all but two (51 and 52) have the distinguish- belong to Category A. ing semantic features. The hypothesis presented in this Type A Type B Type C Total study is supported by these facts. With specified semantic Let us examine the correspondences in more detail. 45 3 2 79 Table 4 presents the distribution in a cross-table format features of the patterns in which the 129 words appear in Ikema. Without specified 2 69 8 50 The shaded table entries (114 words, approximately 88 semantic features ％) show words that follow the hypothesized distribu- tion. Words that are realized as Type B in spite of hav- Total 47 72 10 129

— 64 — Semantic Effects of Nouns on Tone Merger: The Ikema Dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan of the hypothesis. dialect, it is words that share a particular feature that Besides these, there are a total of ten words that are escape the change and words that do not share the same realized as Type C, in spite of belonging to Category features that undergo the change. This difference is A (numbers 47, 50, 122–129 in Table 3), but since, of worth noting and it brings a new perspective to research these, the three words juku ‘beside’, ncɨ ‘road’, and on diachronic accent change. saba ‘straw sandals’ (numbers 47, 122, and 123) are also Type C in the Tarama dialect, it is possible that 5. Conclusion these words had already moved from a pattern corre- sponding to Category A to a pattern corresponding to This study has examined the distribution of accent Category C in proto-Miyako. Setting these aside, there patterns in the Ikema dialect and has shown that there are seven words that are irregularly realized in Type C was a diachronic change in this dialect by which simple in Ikema. nouns of Type A merged into the Type B pattern and that Be that as it may, the great majority of words (ap- the meanings of the nouns played a role in this merger. proximately 88％) are realized in the patterns predicted Concretely, it was shown that nouns that show number, by the hypothesis stated in (9). This distribution of ac- people, time, space, or place names and interrogative cent patterns cannot be explained without considering pronouns and deverbal nouns did not experience this the meanings of the nouns. diachronic change and remained Type A. As a diachron- ic change in accent that is influenced by semantics, the 4.4 Discussion process of clustering, in which a group of words shar- As shown above, the thesis of this study, that of ing some semantic feature undergo a change, has been nouns belonging to Category A, those that have certain described previously, but the change explicated in this semantic features fail to undergo a diachronic change study, a process in which a group of words sharing some and are realized as Type A while those that do not have semantic features resist a change, is different from pro- such features undergo a diachronic change and are real- cesses of diachronic change hitherto known. ized as Type B, is supported. The fact that meaning par- The semantic analysis of nouns conducted in this ticipates in diachronic change in accent patterns is not study is preliminary and a more thorough analysis surprising in itself. A process called clustering in which based on insights from semantics research is a topic meaning influences changes in accent patterns has pre- for future research. For example, among the nouns that viously been reported (Uwano 2002). In clustering, a did not undergo the diachronic change and remained group of words that share a particular semantic feature Type A are included nouns expressing kinship relations change to have the same accent pattern regardless of like ‘husband’, ‘wife’, bride’, and ‘child’. These nouns what their original accent pattern may have been. For are all of the type that Nishiyama (2003) analyzes example, the interrogative pronouns dare ‘who’ and as complement-taking nouns, that is, as nouns that doko ‘where’ originally had an accent pattern differ- include a parameter and whose denotation cannot be ent from nani ‘what’ and itu ‘when’, but in the Tokyo determined unless the value of the parameter is set (one dialect of Japanese the former have changed to have the cannot answer the question of whether a given person is same word-initial (or HL pattern) accent pattern as the a “husband” or not without determining the person with latter (Uwano 2002). whom he may have the relation “husband”). The words The change in accent patterns in the Ikema dialect is “above”, “below”, “behind”, and “neighboring” show- fundamentally different from the process of clustering, ing space/time are probably also complement-taking however. Whereas it is possible to identify a semantic nouns. It will be necessary to refine the approaches to feature that defines the groups of words that undergo a semantic analysis from a variety of points of view. At diachronic change in the case of clustering, this is not the same time, the linguistic facts reported in this study possible in the case of the change in question in the can probably be said to be of deep interest to research- Ikema dialect. In the accent pattern change in the Ikema ers in semantics. dialect, it is possible to identify semantic features that This study has not considered the effects of linguistic define a group that do not undergo a diachronic change. context. Almost all of the data used were elicited in the To the best of the author’s knowledge, when it comes single context given in (6) (‘X also exist.not (inani- to diachronic accent change, words in a group sharing mate)’ and (‘X also exist.not (animate)’), where X is the some feature, be it phonological or be it semantic, all noun in question, and it is possible that this fact could undergo the change. However, in the case of the Ikema have affected the results. For example, the interrogative

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pronoun taru ‘who’ from Category A was uttered in the Notes frame taru＝mai miin [who＝also exist.not (animate)] 1) Type A nouns are sporadically realized as Type B. ‘there’s no one’, but in this context the word in question (Type B are not realized as Type A.) This vacillation can co-occurs with＝mai, which shows non-specificity, to- be observed for the same speaker in the same utterance gether with miin [exist.not (animate)], which accompa- context and thus should be considered free variation. The nies an indefinite meaning. It is necessary to investigate fact that Type A words can be realized as Type B but not whether in other contexts, for example taru＝ga＝du vice versa suggests that the very small number of Type t-tai [who＝NOM＝FOCUS come-PST] ‘Who came?’, A words that can be recognized in today’s Ikema dialect it would still be realized as Type A. are in the process of merging with Type B. This on-going Defining a single semantic feature that would define change makes it difficult to analyze how the three types pf the group of Category A, Type A nouns is another topic accent patterns are realized in various linguistic contexts. left for future research. In particular, of the six semantic 2) The distinction between clitics and affixes follows the features, “deverbal nouns” stands out as qualitatively description of the Irabu Nagahama dialect (Shimoji 2008), different. It is possible that deverbal nouns have re- which, like Ikema, is also a dialect of Miyako. mained Type A for reasons different from the other 3) This interpretation includes the claim that the com- kinds. In general, in the Ryukyuan languages, deverbal pound noun as a whole constitutes a domain within which nouns that belong to Kindaichi’s (1974) three-mora, a diachronic change in accent applies, but naturally there tonal class1 (such as tatami ‘straw mat’) regularly cor- is room for argument. If one examines the accent pattern respond to Category A. On the other hand, it is unclear of the first element in a compound and the accent pattern whether those that belong to the three-mora, tonal class of the compound as a whole, one finds a correlation be- 4 (such as hasami ‘scissors’) correspond to Category B tween them, at least with regard to compounds of Types or Category C (see also footnote 6). The fact that the B and C. When bata ‘abdomen’ and min ‘ear’ used as the category to which three-mora, tonal class 4 deverbal first elements of Type B compounds are used as simple nouns belong is unclear and the fact that deverbal nouns, they are Type B, and when hai ‘needle’, ibira nouns belonging to Category A show distinct behavior ‘ladle’, sauki ‘basket’, tamunu ‘firewood’, and umacɨ in Ikema may provide some hints for reconstruction ‘fire’ used as the first elements of Type C compounds are of verbal accent patterns in proto-Ryukyuan. As Mat- used as simple nouns, they are likewise realized as Type sumori (2012) points out, there are many unresolved C. These facts may suggest that the process known in problems in the categorization of verbs and adjectives studies as the “General Compounding in proto-Ryukyuan compared to nouns. It is probably Principle” (Поливанов 1928, Hirayama 1951, Uwano essential to advance the analysis of deverbal nouns in 1984, 2012), which states, “the accent pattern of the first parallel with that of verbs and adjectives10). element in a compound determines the accent pattern of the compound as a whole”, can be observed in the Ikema dialect. However, kadi ‘wind’, mizɨ ‘water’, and saka Acknowledgements (＜saki ‘wine’) used as the first elements in Type A com- pounds are Type B when used as simple nouns, so the gen- In this study, I have used Ikema dialect accent data eral compounding principle is not supported. However, on collected together with Yukinori Takubo. The observa- the other hand, these word stems belonged to Category A tion made in this study that the bias in the distribution in proto-Ryukyuan (Matsumori 2012, and see section 3.1 of accent patterns in the Ikema dialect is the result of of this study), so it could be hypothesized that at an earlier a diachronic change influenced by semantics is the au- stage these words were also Type A. This fact is important thor’s own, but he would not have been able to reach because it could overturn the premise of the argument of this observation without vocabulary lists compiled by this study, which holds that the majority of word stems Yukinori Takubo, Yuka Hayashi, and Tomoyuki Kubo in belonging to Category A, including kadi ‘wind’, mizɨ ‘wa- the course of their fieldwork. I would like to express my ter’, and saki ‘wine’, are synchronically realized as Type gratitude to them here. Also, I was also able to use a por- B in the Ikema dialect. If the pattern of Type A compounds tion of the Tarama data collected by Akiko Matsumori, in Ikema are the result of the general compound principle for which I am very grateful. I also received valuable applying synchronically, the word stems belonging to comments from Thomas Pellard, Masahiro Yamada, and Category A like kadi ‘wind’, mizɨ ‘water’, and saki ‘wine’ Ken’ya Nishikawa. Blame for any errors or omissions must synchronically as well as diachronically be Type A lies with the author. This work was supported in part rather than Type B. In order to verify this, as Matsumori JSPS KAKENHI grants (nos. 26244022 and 23720207).

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(2013, footnote 11) points out, a comprehensive survey of nouns can be thought to be derived from the verbs hasamu compounds in Ikema with word stems belonging to Cat- ‘to scissor, to pinch’ and makaru ‘to depart, to withdraw’, egory A as their first elements must be conducted. If the respectively. Among deverbal nouns, while those belong- majority of such compounds are Type A, then word stems ing to the 3-mora, type 1 group in Kindaichi’s Typological belonging to Category A did not undergo a diachronic Vocabulary (1974) (such as tatami ‘straw mats’) regularly change to Type B, but instead, in the contexts used to correspond to Category A in proto-Ryukyuan, there is determine the patterns in this study merely occasioned a room to argue whether those in the 3-mora, type 4 group synchronic shift from Type A to Type B (subject to the (such as hasami ‘scissors’) correspond to Category B or presence or absence of the semantic features identified Category C. Based on the author’s preliminary survey, a in this study). However, at least as can be determined tendency can be seen for 3-mora, type 4 deverbal nouns from the data available, compound nouns in Ikema with to correspond to Category B in proto-Northern Ryukyuan word stems thought to belong to Category A as their first and to Category C in proto-Southern Ryukyuan. This is elements are to a great extent Type B rather than Type A. an important fact to note in the reconstruction of verb For example, amizjata ‘candy’, sadian ‘net for catching accent patterns in proto-Ryukyuan. See also section 5 of fish’, sakifaja ‘drunkard’, and zzuvvja ‘fish-seller’ all in the main text. have as first elements the word stems *ame ‘candy’, *sade 7) A native speaker of the Tarama dialect recognizes the ‘crossed arms’, *sake ‘wine’, and *io ‘fish’, which are word for ‘sugar cane’ (buugɨ) as a borrowing (the native hypothesized to belong to Category A in proto-Ryukyuan word is sɨddza). If one were to track this word back to but which are realized as Type B. Accordingly, the claim proto-Ryukyuan, it would probably be reconstructed as of this study, that the word stems belonging to Category A *wogi or *woogi, which is probably from the same source experienced a (semantically mediated) change from Type as the word wogi (B) ‘reed, rush’ (Jōdai Jiten A to Type B, is further supported. That change, as shown Henshū Iinkai 1967). A word o:gi exists in the Tanegashi- in the main text, can be considered to have taken place ma dialect and in the Yakushima dialect that probably comprehensively with simple nouns and sporadically with stems from the same source as the word in question and, compound nouns. The fact that the general compounding moreover, means ‘sugar cane’ (Tojo 1951, Uemura 2001), principle does not apply to Type A compound nouns (such but this word is the only example where the meaning as kadi＋fucɨ [wind＋blow] ‘typhoon’) should probably be matches that of the Ryukyuan languages, to the best of the explained as the result of the compound noun altogether author’s knowledge. Given the historical background of being the domain of a diachronic change in accent and the the introduction of sugar and sugar cane to the Japanese majority of compound nouns having escaped this change. islands and the geographical relation between Tane- 4) The speakers are five native speakers of the Nishihara gashima and Yakushima and the Ryukyu Archipelago, it variety of the Ikema dialect: MT (b. 1943, male), MK would seem reasonable to view this as a borrowing from (b.1935, male), MH (b. 1947, male), FH (b. 1948, female), the Japanese mainland to the Ryukyus or the reverse, but and FA (b. 1948, female). All data was collected as part of no definite statement can be made. The correspondences fieldwork conducted together with Yukinori Takubo. of two words ‘woven luggage basket’ (ooda in Tarama) 5) The underlined word saba ‘straw sandals’ among the and ‘youth’ (niɕai in Tarama) are not consistent among the Category A, Type C words in Table 2 is also realized in dialects, being realized in a pattern corresponding to neu- a pattern corresponding to Category C in the Miyako tralizing Category A and Category C in the Iejima dialect Tarama dialect (for Tarama dialect data, see section 4). (Oshio 2009) and in a pattern corresponding to Category Since, to the best of the author’s knowledge, it is realized C in the Nakijin dialect (Nakasone 1983). The likelihood in a pattern corresponding to Category A in non-Miyako of tracing these two words back to proto-Ryukyuan and of dialects, it is highly possible that this word had shifted their having been Category B is low. from a pattern corresponding to Category A to a pattern 8) Of the four Category C, Type B words, the three under- corresponding to Category B in proto-Miyako. lined in Table 2 are unstable and vacillating in the Tarama 6) Furthermore, since hasan ‘scissors’ and makai ‘bowl’ dialect. The first word (Tarama akeedzɨ ‘dragonfly’) vacil- (probably to be reconstructed as *pasami and *makari in lates between patterns corresponding to Categories B and C. proto-Ryukyuan) are in a pattern corresponding to Cat- The second word (Tarama fukuru ‘bag’) vacillates among egory C in Yonaguni also (Uwano 2009), the hypothesized patterns corresponding Categories A, B, and C, and the last shift from a pattern corresponding to Category B to a pat- word (Tarama kamgi ‘mane’) vacillates between patterns tern corresponding to Category C may have occurred at corresponding to Categories A and B. There is a possibility the stage of proto-Southern Ryukyuan rather than that of that of these three words some may have shifted to patterns proto-Miyako. However, it should be noted that these two corresponding to Category B or to Category A in proto-Mi-

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yako and some may be borrowings (especially fukuru, given Igarashi, Y. (2016) “Minami Ryūkyū Miyako-go Ikema the irregular correspondence of the segmental phones). hōgen, Tarama hōgen no inritsu kōzō [The prosodic 9) Since tabi ‘journey’ expresses the meaning ‘leaving structure of the Ikema and Tarama dialects of the South- the place where one lives’ or ‘a place other than the place ern Ryukyuan Miyako language].” Gengo Kenkyu 150, 33–57. one lives’, it has been treated as a word having the “space/ Igarashi, Y., Y. Takubo, Y. Hayashi, and T. Kubo (2011a) time’ semantic feature, but there may be different views. “How many tonal contrasts are there in Ikema Ryukyu- th 10) Ikema verbs form two contrasting patterns: Type an?” Proceedings of the 17 International Congress of A (tub- ‘fly’, us- ‘push’, etc.) and Type C (kak- ‘write’, Phonetic Sciences, 930–933. tur- ‘take’, etc.). Adjectives show a three-way contrast Igarashi, Y., Y. Takubo, T. Pellard, and Y. Hayashi (2011b) with Type A (aka- ‘red’, ffa- ‘dark’, etc.), Type B (au- “The three-tone system of Ikema Ryukyuan and its im- ‘blue’, taka- ‘high, tall’, etc.), and Type C (taja- ‘strong’, plications for historical studies.” The 20th International mai- ‘close’, etc.), but only a few Type C adjectives have Conference on Historical Linguistics, 25–30. been found (Igarashi et al. forthcoming), The extreme bias Igarashi, Y., Y. Takubo, Y. Hayashi, T. Pellard, and T. Kubo in distribution found with simple nouns, for which the (2012) “Ryūkyū Miyako-go Ikema hōgen no akusento number of Type A is quite small, is not found at all with taikei wa 3-gata deatte 2-gata dewa nai [The Ikema dia- lect of Miyako Ryukyuan has a three-, not two-, pattern verbs and adjectives. accent system].” Onsei Kenkyū 16(1), 134–148. Igarashi, Y., Y. Takubo, Y. Hayashi, and T. Kubo (forthcom- ing) “Tonal neutralization in the Ikema dialect of Mi- References yako Ryukyuan.” In Haruo Kubozono and Mikio Giriko Aoi, H. 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