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Proto-Genbun Itchi Discourse and from the rest of society.1 Other calls for writing reform in early were also primarily the Philology of Itō Jinsai concerned with the adoption of a simplified script © Kelly Hansen, San Diego State University to facilitate education and increase literacy rates, whereas later genbun itchi advocates such as Genbun itchi is conventionally described as a literary critic and writer Tsubouchi Shōyō (1859- Meiji-period language reform movement that 1935) sought a new written form capable of sought to eliminate archaic forms in written elevating the Japanese literary tradition beyond the Japanese, and instead develop a style closer to the perceived frivolity of -period gesaku writings. spoken vernacular of the time. This study seeks an Despite these differing goals, genbun itchi expanded linguistic model for genbun itchi, rooted proponents in the early decades of Meiji shared in pre-Meiji philological discourse. Although overt two significant points of commonality: an empha- calls for language reform would not emerge until sis on the need for a transparent written medium the , changing approaches to capable of realistically depicting contemporary lexicographical studies by leading scholars such as society, and a heavy reliance on contrastive analys- Itō Jinsai (1627-1705) served as important es of Japanese and Western writing scripts and precursors to the genbun itchi movement. In Gomō literary traditions. The introduction of Western jigi (The Meaning of Terms in the Analects and discourse as the impetus for the genbun itchi Mencius), Jinsai rejected the notion of literary movement has characterized the majority of twen- Chinese as a medium embodying abstract, fixed tieth-century critical writings on genbun itchi as meaning, and instead rooted his philological well.2 analyses within the parameters of the concrete, everyday, contemporary world. By insisting on 1 Yamamoto Masahide, the foremost scholar direct, transparent relationships between on genbun itchi, traces a framework for the signifiers and their real-world referents, Jinsai movement that locates its origins in Maejima’s contributed to the formulation of a new discourse focused on the status of the written word itself. petition. See Genbun itchi no rekishi ronkō (To- kyo: Ōfūsha, 1971); Genbun itchi no rekishi ronkō Proto-genbun itchi is a neologism I have created to zokuhen (: Ōfūsha, 1981); and Kindai buntai describe the growing awareness of the gap between the written and spoken languages that surfaced in hassei no shiteki kenkyū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, seventeenth-century Japan, and to mark the 1965). In English, prominent scholars of the genbun itchi movement such as Nanette Twine significance of this as a harbinger for later have followed the same framework. See her nineteenth-century proposals directly advocating writing reform. Language and the Modern State: The Reform of Written Japanese (London and New York:

Routledge, 1991). However, this is not to suggest Toward a Theory of Proto-Genbun Itchi that Maejima was the first to criticize the un- Critical works and analyses traditionally situate the origins of the genbun itchi movement in wieldiness of the . Arai Hakuseki’s (1657-1725) Seijō kibun (Tidings of Maejima Hisoka's (1835-1919) 1866 unsolicited the West, 1715-25), a work based on interviews petition to the shogun (1837-1913) entitled "Kanji gohaishi no gi" with the Italian missionary Giovanni-Battista ("Proposal for the Abolition of Kanji"). In this Sidotti (1668-1714), observed how comparatively concise and efficient the Western alphabet was. petition, Maejima vehemently attacks both the Although Hakuseki did not go so far as to call for cumbersome system of kanji as well as the tradi- tional style of education, particularly its focus on script reform, this is one more piece of evidence Sino-Japanese writings (), a course of study illustrating that the status of the written language was at issue well before the start of the Meiji that took years to master and served as a powerful period. discourse effectively separating the educated elite 2 Several scholars have challenged the critical emphasis on Futabatei Shimei's novel, Ukigumo (The Floating Cloud, 1887-89), as the seminal

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While not discounting the impact of the West, between the spoken and written languages, gener- locating the development of modern written ally described as one of the key impetuses for the Japanese within the narrow confines of Western genbun itchi movement, is also frequently cited as discourse has resulted in the construction of an one of the defining characteristics of language in unrealistic linguistic model that attributes the Edo Japan.4 However, this is not to suggest that creation of genbun itchi to a few prominent indi- conventional written forms such as literary Chinese viduals. This framework also places genbun itchi steadily lost ground to increasing use of verna- firmly outside all pre-Meiji traditions, despite the cular-based language. On the contrary, Chinese fact that the limitations of conventional written written discourse proved stubbornly adaptable to forms were very much at issue in the as linguistic and literary shifts, frequently serving as well.3 In fact, a growing awareness of the gap the medium for new genres and forms of 5 expression well into the Meiji period. This study work in the genbun itchi movement. Karatani Kojin, for example, considers Mori Ōgai's Mai- late Edo period, thus suggesting that the goal of hime (The Dancing Girl, 1890) closer to the goal of these writers was not to "create" a new written genbun itchi. Although written in classical bun- language, but rather to establish and stabilize a gotai style, Karatani finds it "easier to translate standardized written form from among the many in into English" because it is more realistic and use. Other chapters in this collection provide follows "the conceptual and grammatical structure historical background for the etymology of forms of a work written in a European language and with which later genbun itchi writers would translated into Japanese." Ukigumo, on the other experiment, highlighting both the diversity of writ- hand, he states, never escapes "the pull of the ten forms in the early modern period, as well as the ninjōbon and kokkeibon styles of Edo period complexities of genbun itchi language discourse gesaku fiction." See his Origins of Modern not captured in many other critical studies. Still, , trans. Brett de Bary (Durham this work does not present an overall framework and London: Duke University Press, 1993), 50-51. for incorporating genbun itchi discourse into pre- In Accomplices of Silence: The Modern Japanese Meiji writing. Possible reasons for this will be Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, discussed in the conclusion of this paper. 1974), Masao Miyoshi uses Futabatei's own 4 See, for example, Okimori Takuya, Nihon- translation style as a point for comparative goshi (Tokyo: Ōfūsha, 1989), 31; and Kamei Taka- analysis, concluding that Futabatei's Russian shi et al. ed., Kindaigo no nagare, Nihongo no translations more accurately approximate the rekishi 5 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2007), 260-61. In realism of West-ern novels and exhibit a style English, see Naoki Sakai, Voices of the Past: The closer to a modern Japanese narrative than Status of Language in Eighteenth-Century Japan- Ukigumo (37). Karatani and Miyoshi offer fresh ese Discourse (Ithaca and London: Cornell Uni- perspectives from which to examine the genbun versity Press, 1991), and H.D. Harootunian, Things itchi movement, but it is worth noting that they still Seen and Unseen: Discourse and Ideology in locate it within the framework of Meiji-period Tokugawa Nativism (Chicago and London: The Western discourse. University of Chicago Press, 1988), 40-75. 3 Recent studies on genbun itchi have placed 5 The poet Kan Sazan (1748-1827), for ex- more emphasis on pre-Meiji written forms as ample, first trained as Confucian scholar but later models for genbun itchi writers. See, for example, returned to his hometown and appropriated the Hida Yoshifumi, ed., Genbun itchi undō, Kokugo medium of Chinese poetry, or kanshi, to describe ronkyū 11 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2004). This edited the everyday activities in the lives of the people volume focuses on language style (buntai). In around him. Similarly, in the genre of gibun, or Chapter Two, Hattori Takashi situates his analysis playful literature, writers such as Hattori Bushō within the framework of the "langue/parole dis- (1842-1908), who produced Tōkyō shin hanjōki tinction," and brings up the important point that the (Record of Tokyo’s New Prosperity, 1874-76), wide variety of sentence endings found in early appropriated Sino-Japanese discourse for descrip- genbun itchi works were already in existence in the tions of modernization and Westernization. Early

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examines how Jinsai’s philological approach as the purposes of this article, the preponderance of presented in Gomō jigi reflects a shift in discourse lexicographies is one more piece of evidence aimed at transparent language capable of depicting supporting the status of language itself as an issue contemporary society, and in doing so, highlights in Tokugawa Japan. Thus, Jinsai's method, to apply the not insignificant role that Chinese discourse lexical analysis in support of a new philosophical played in the eventual realization of genbun itchi. approach, was not a new one, but the manner in which he reformulated the written medium of the Jinsai and the Writing of Gomō jigi Neo-Confucian lexicon had far-reaching effects. By the time of Jinsai's birth, the Neo-Confu- Jinsai's approach, known as kogigaku 古義学 (the cian teachings of Zhu Xi (1130-1200) were already study of ancient meaning) sought an interpretation well known to scholars in Japan. Although Jinsai, of the writings of Confucius and Mencius based on too, began his studies of Confucianism through the a world-view reflecting human beings as living works of Zhu Xi, he would eventually reject these creatures existing in a physical world.8 As will be 6 writings and develop his own approach. The shown, Jinsai stressed action over explication and general structure of Gomō jigi, however, is not discussion, and in doing so challenged the notion without precedent; in fact, John A. Tucker traces of the Way as static and unchanging. It was not the framework directly to Xingli ziyi (The literary Chinese itself with which Jinsai took issue, Meanings of Neo-Confucian Terms) by Chen Beixi but rather the intertextual interpretations that had (1159-1223), a disciple of Zhu Xi’s whose work built up over the centuries and which, in his was well known in the early Tokugawa period. The opinion, had compromised the meaning of the writing of jigi, a genre that Tucker has termed texts. By reformulating the connections between "philosophical lexicographies," can be found in the the ancient written language and concrete referents works of other Tokugawa-period Confucian in contemporary everyday life, Jinsai sought an scholars as well. Yamaga Sokō authored Seikyō interpretation of the texts in which meaning could yōroku (Essential Teachings of the Sages, 1665), be perceived through cognitive processes, thereby and Ogyū Sorai wrote Benmei (Distinguishing highlighting the role that context plays in the 7 Names, 1717) in direct response to Gomō jigi. For creation of meaning. In contrast to Yamazaki An- sai’s (1618-82) Kimon school, where the cur- translations and adaptations of Western literature riculum concentrated on techniques designed to (hon’an) as well as political novels (seiji shōsetsu) focus attention inward, including rote memori- are also examples of Meiji-period genres that used zation and seiza (seated mediation), Jinsai's teach- ings emphasized the importance of living out the Sino-Japanese written forms. 9 6 For a biographical overview of Jinsai's early Way through daily-life actions. As will be seen, life and studies in Confucianism, see Kaizuka Shi- geru, Itō Jinsai, Nihon no meicho 13 (Tokyo: Chūō defined parameters vis-à-vis humanity, ethics, Kōron, 1972), 7-33. For a detailed discussion of society and the metaphysical realm.” See John A. Jinsai's shift away from the writings of Zhu Xi, see Tucker, Itō Jinsai's Gomō jigi and the Philo- Samuel Hideo Yamashita, "The Early Life and sophical Definition of Early Modern Japan (Lei- Thought of Itō Jinsai," Harvard Journal of Asiatic den: Brill, 1998), 7. Studies 43, no. 2 (1983): 453-480. Yamashita seeks 8 For a discussion of Jinsai's notion of human to go beyond the conventional interpretation that beings as living creatures, especially in contrast to Jinsai's status as a chōnin led him to pursue a Zhu Xi's approach, see Koyasu Nobukuni, Itō framework for Neo-Confucianism aimed at com- Jinsai no sekai (Tokyo: Perikan-sha, 2004), 18-21. moners rather than the warrior class. Yamashita For a discussion of his life-affirming world view also provides a detailed analysis based on events (seiseiteki sekaikan), see ibid, 222-226. and writings from Jinsai's life prior to his rejection 9 Among the many competing ideologies that of Zhu Xi. emerged in the first decades of Tokugawa rule, 7 According to Tucker, "Tokugawa jigi were Ansai may have been the first to create a coherent literary mediums by which empires of meaning ideology incorporating Neo Confucianism with were distinguished for the sake of legislating well- Shinto and Buddhism. For a detailed discussion,

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he was frequently critical of Neo-Confucians who little doubt that Jinsai considered Gomō jigi to be emphasized discussion over action.10 an important work, and that it had a significant Gomō jigi was first written in 1683, in impact in his own lifetime. response to a request from junior councilor Inaba Masayasu, but by the mid 1680s copies had began Gomō jigi as Proto-Genbun Itchi Discourse to circulate among Jinsai's students. When an Unlike later Meiji-period advocates of genbun unauthorized copy was published in 1695, Jinsai itchi, Jinsai’s approach did not attack the medium started to gain national attention. He continued to of literary Chinese itself. 12 However, he challeng- revise Gomō jigi until his death; the text was then ed its status as what Benedict Anderson has termed further edited by his son, Itō Tōgai (1670-1736) a truth language: before being officially published posthumously in 1705.11 Given this textual history, there can be Christendom, the Islamic Ummah, and even the Middle Kingdom - which, though see Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Ideology: Early we think of it today as Chinese . . . Constructs 1570-1680 (Princeton NJ: Princeton imaginable largely through the medium of University Press, 1985), 194-286. Although An- a sacred language and written script . . . all sai's school was located across the street from the great classical communities conceived Jinsai's, there was apparently little or no contact of themselves as cosmically central, between the two. John A. Tucker argues that the through the medium of a sacred language differences between the two camps were not really linked to a superterrestrial order of power. so great. (See Tucker, 62.) However, Jinsai's fre- Accordingly, the stretch of written Latin, quent critical references to Neo-Confucianism are Pali, Arabic, or Chinese was, in theory, evidence that he clearly perceived himself to be in unlimited. (In fact, the deader the written opposition to the Neo-Confucians such as Ansai, language - the farther it was from speech - the better: in principle everyone has and wished to distance himself from this discourse. 13 10 See, for example, Gomō jigi, Nihon shisō access to a pure world of signs.) taikei 33, 124. Ansai in turn responded to Jinsai's Gomō jigi with Gomō jigi benhi (Critique of Gomō whether the Chinese version or the kanbun version jigi) a reactionary work in which he meticulously should be seen as the primary text is clearly an area criticized Jinsai's work section by section. for further research; however, it should be noted 11 The evolution of this text is a complex one, that both modes of writing fall under the para- and has raised questions about how Jinsai intended meters of Chinese discourse, which is the focus of the text to be read. In his review of John A. this study. Tucker’s Itō Jinsai’s Gomō jigi and the Philo- 12 Literary Chinese was, of course, just one sophical Definition of Early Modern Japan, I. J. written form among the many in use during the McMullen states that “Jinsai undoubtedly saw Edo period. In addition to a growing use of ver- himself as writing in Chinese,” and “the Gomō jigi nacular-based Japanese written forms aimed at the needs to be read as a Chinese text.” See “Itō Jinsai general populace, this period also saw an increase and the Meaning of Words,” Monumenta Nip- in imports of foreign books, including works in ponica 54 no. 4 (1999), 513. In his response to vernacular Chinese and Western languages. As the McMullen’s review, Tucker asserted that there is language of the educated elite, however, literary no “Chinese” reading of the text, because Jinsai Chinese would continue to maintain a tenacious “wrote in kanbun for a Japanese audience.” See hold as the privileged discourse in scholarly and “Correspondence,” Monumenta Nipponica 55 n. 2 official realms. For a brief overview of written (2000), 321. For a detailed discussion of variations forms from the Edo through early Meiji periods, in all extant manuscripts, produced over a period of see Bjarke Frellesvig, A History of the Japanese 22 years (1683-1705), see Miyake Masahiko, Language (Cambridge: Cambridge University “Gomō jigi no seiritsu to sono kōi,” in Press, 2011), 377-83. Nihonshi no kenkyū, ed. Kimura Takeo (Tokyo: 13 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communi- Mineruba Shobō 1970), 197-216. The issue of ties: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of

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intellectual discourse grew significantly. 15 For Anderson's description of truth languages high- Confucian scholars, many of whom served as lights two important aspects relevant to the status tutors and advisors within the governmental of literary Chinese in premodern Japan, both of system, establishing the applicability of Confucian which Jinsai’s philological approach addressed. thought to Tokugawa Japan was key to their First was the notion of a "sacred language linked to success. A syncretic approach, which downplayed a superterrestrial order of power," suggesting a Chinese aspects and instead sought to emphasize discourse in which the medium of the language the universality of Confucianism through parallels itself was imbued with a sense of authority.14 This with indigenous Shinto traditions, can be found in was certainly the case in pre-modern Japan, where theories such as those promoted by Hayashi Razan the mere ability to read or recite literary Chinese (1583-1657) and Yamazaki Ansai, among others.16 was enough to accord one elite status. With the This domestication of Confucianism also led some breakdown of esoteric forms of teaching and the to emphasize cognitive understanding of the rapid expansion of print culture in the seventeenth ancient texts themselves. 17 Kumazawa Banzan century, the ranks of those participating in 15 This growth was due to a number of factors, Nationalism (London and New York: Verso, including policies implemented by Tokugawa Ie- 1991), 12-13. yasu that allotted government funds for the printing 14 The perspective of the language as a medi- of books and the creation of a library (known today um embodying authority is based on part on the as Momijiyama Bunko). For an in-depth analysis presumption of written Chinese as an ideographic of the rise of commercial printing in seventeenth- system. It should be noted that the appropriateness century Japan, see Peter Kornicki, The Book in of the term “ideogram” to describe Chinese charac- Japan: A Cultural History from the Beginnings to ters is not without controversy. On one hand are the Nineteenth Century (Honolulu: University of opponents of the ideogram theory who argue that Hawaii Press, 2001), 129-140. 16 Chinese characters are best described as logo- For example, in Section 18 of Shintō denjū grams, representing not ideas, but rather words (or (Introduction to Shinto), Razan discusses his Ritō syllables), a stance based on the premise of the Shinchi Shinto School, which fuses principles of primacy of speech over writing. These scholars Shinto and Confucianism. See Kinsei shintōron, argue that the notion of Chinese characters as zenki kokugaku, Nihon shisō taikei 39 (Tokyo: ideographic has seriously impeded Western under- Iwanami Shoten, 1972), 18-19. standing of the Chinese language, and contributed In Jindai no maki kōgi (Lectures on the Age of to exoticized notions of the uniqueness of Chinese the Gods Volume [of the Nihon Shōgi]), Yamazaki culture. Critics on the other side challenge the Ansai links Neo-Confucian concepts to Shinto primacy of speech over writing, and uphold the terms. See Taira Shigemichi and Abe Akio, ed. notion of Chinese characters as ideograms. For a Nihon shisō taikei 39 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, summary of these debates in recent scholarship, 1972), 143-88. For a detailed discussion of Ansai’s see Edward McDonald’s “Getting over the Walls approach, see Ooms, 239-41. The notion of words of Discourse: ‘Character Fetishization’ in Chinese being the embodiment of universal truths them- Studies,” The Journal of Asian Studies 68 n. 5 selves was a key part of Ansai's philosophy be- (Nov 2009), 1189-1213. While the ideogram/lo- cause it allowed him to merge Neo-Confucianism gogram debate is certainly relevant to the status of and Shinto into his Suika Shintō 垂加神道 written Japanese as well, it should be noted that the school. By searching for these truths, he could text being analyzed in this article is neither claim that a concept in Chinese also existed in Chinese nor Japanese, but kanbun, a written form Japan, simply under a different name. based on no natural spoken language. In addition, 17 For a detailed discussion of the varied ap- my focus is not on contemporary approaches to proaches to Confucianism in early Tokugawa, see linguistic analysis of written Chinese or Japanese, Kate Wildman Nakai, “The Naturalization of Con- but rather on the philological discourse employed fucianism in Tokugawa Japan: The Problem of by Jinsai in Gomō jigi. Sinocentrism,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies

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(1619-1691), for example, defined knowledge one, dating back to Confucius himself.20 However, (meichi 明知) not as an increase in cognizant abil- this article will show how Jinsai’s distinct philo- ity in relation to facts or language, but rather the logical approach helped lay the groundwork improvement of one’s ethical nature (dōtokuteki toward a perception of literary Chinese as a risei 道徳的理性).18 As will be shown, however, linguistic system distinct and separate from that of Jinsai rejected the transference of Confucian Japanese. principles to other thought systems, including Dao- ism, Buddhism, and Shinto, and promoted learning Aspects of Jinsai's Philology based on philological analysis of the ancient texts In Gomō jigi, Jinsai introduces movement and themselves. action into his theory of Confucianism by defining Jinsai’s philological approach also challenged the Way not as a set, fixed form, but rather as a the second significant aspect of Anderson’s defini- system constantly in flux. This is evident in the tion of truth language: the notion of literary opening lines of the work, which begins with a Chinese as a "dead" language, a "pure world of sweeping sense of the dynamic nature of the Way: signs" as far removed from speech as possible. Sino-Japanese kanbun styles that developed out of A way is like a road that people pass along literary Chinese in premodern Japan represented as they come and go. That which is called a written forms that had never had oral counterparts way is thus a passage for all things. That outside of formal recitation. These forms had slow- which is called the Way of Heaven refers to ly compromised the content of the Chinese texts the ceaseless comings and goings of yin and blurred the boundary between the two languag- and yang, one by one. The Book of Chang- es. More problematic for Jinsai, however, were the es says, "Yin and yang, one by one: this is multiplicity of meanings that had come to be what is called the Way." The character for associated with kanji historically through inter- "one," which is combined with each of the textual connections. While the syncretic approach- characters "yin" and "yang," most likely es of Razan, Ansai and Banzan further expanded means, "first yin and then yang," or "first these connections, Jinsai sought to eliminate yang and then yin," and also describes the meanings acquired through subsequent interpreta- ceaseless revolutions of coming and going, tions of the ancient texts, often based on the influ- and of prosperity and decline. Between ence of later thought systems, particularly Bud- heaven and earth is a unifying life force dhism and Daoism.19 Of course, Jinsai was hardly that is yin and sometimes yang. These two the first to question interpretations of ancient works, or to call for a move back to a rigorous 20 See, for example, Analects, sections 12.17 analysis of archaic texts. In fact, the tradition of and 13.3. The Neo-Confucian thought of Zhu Xi referring to new approaches not as innovations but which Jinsai attacks in Gomō jigi also purported to rather as a return to the true teachings is an old be a reinterpretation of ancient texts based on historical analysis, and later Qing Dynasty (1644- 1911) contemporaries of many of the Tokugawa scholars discussed in this article advocated 40, n. 1 (1980): 157-99. It should be noted that the meticulous linguistic analysis of ancient texts as merits of these approaches are not at issue in this the best method for recovering the true meaning of study. They are mentioned here only as a point of the ancient texts. Of particular prominence at this contrast to Jinsai’s philological approach. time in China was the Evidentiary School (考証学 18 Quoted in Bitō Masahide, Nihon hōken Ch: kaozheng xue; Jp: kōshōgaku) which sought to shisōshi kenkyū (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 1961), 230. recover the pure, golden age of Confucianism Bitō also provides an insightful discussion in this untainted by the influences of Buddhism and Dao- section of contrasting views on the concept of ism. Many scholars in Japan would have been learning between Banzan and Ogyū Sorai. aware of these concurrent movements on the main- 19 Examples of this will be given later in this land, and undoubtedly drew upon them in their article. own work.

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things respond to all on heaven and earth, commentaries. He strengthens this argument by as they fill and empty, prosper and decline, emphasizing that the derivations of the character come and go, without ever stopping. This, are grounded in lifeless, inert meanings, making it which is the whole of Heaven's Way and incompatible with a concept of the Way as a the transformative force of nature, gives process connected to the constant motion of birth to the myriad transformations and all everyday life: creatures under heaven.21 The character for "Way" was originally an Likening the philosophical notion of the Way to a active one, describing the mysteries of all physical road helps to locate Jinsai's approach life's transformations. Characters such as within the realm of everyday life. The concrete "principle" are lifeless. This character, language he employs throughout the passage cre- originally said to have referred to the grain ates a vibrant, lively description that supports his in a jade stone, is classified under the jade focus on everyday physicality. The abstract notions radical (玉), and derives its pronunciation of yin and yang are concretized by parallel from the character for ri (里).22 Later it phrasing of action verbs: "coming and going," came to be used to describe the order of "prosper and decline," and "fill and empty." These things, but it is insufficient for describing lexical choices further enhance the notion of the mysteries of all life's transformations movement, and give the passage itself a sense of under heaven and earth.23 rhythm and energy. Jinsai also uses close analysis of the kanji signifiers themselves to emphasize his The imagery in this passage emphasizes the notion points. The Chinese character for "one" which of life as a concept inherently “active” (katsu 活) attaches to both yin and yang, he noted, might and reflecting "the mysteries of all life's trans- suggest "first yin and then yang," or "first yang and formations" (seiseikaka no myō 生生化化の妙). then yin," an interpretation that again highlights In contrast, the Neo-Confucian interpretations movement over fixity. Thus, within the first few which Jinsai is refuting are described as an un- lines of Gomō jigi, Jinsai introduces two important changing "order of things" (jibutsu no jōri 事物の characteristics of his philological approach: concrete, active imagery and close attention to 條理) and even "lifeless," or dead (shi 死). detail. Outright rejection of the signifier ri also allows Jinsai also regularly applies rigorous Jinsai to discount the historically associated mean- diachronic analysis in order to argue for a ings and nuances which such a term brings to the particular contextual reading from among the discussion. Jinsai rejects Laozi's depiction of the multiplicity of meanings that had arisen over time. Way not only because of the latter's usage of ri, but For example, Jinsai's interpretation of the Way also because of the associated incorporation of rejects the Neo-Confucian notion of principle (ri concepts from Daoist and Buddhist thought: 理) because the term is not found in the writings of Confucius or Mencius, but appears only later in The sage Confucius used the expression, "heaven and earth" to refer to living things.

21 This is why The Book of Changes states, Gomō jigi, ed. Yoshikawa Kōjirō and Shi- "We can also gaze upon the heart of heaven mizu Shigeru, Nihon shisō taikei 33, 115. For a full and earth." To the Daoists, who interpreted English translation of Gomō jigi, see Tucker’s the Way as emptiness and nothingness, translation in Itō Jinsai's Gomō jigi and the gazing upon heaven and earth was no dif- Philosophical Definition of Early Modern Japan. ferent from gazing upon an inanimate Tucker's translation is unquestionably more elo- thing. Furthermore, Confucius spoke of quent than the versions I offer here. However, for "the Way of Heaven," but Laozi spoke of the purposes of this study I have chosen to sacrifice natural expression and elegance for a more literal translation in an effort to highlight the detailed 22 A unit of measurement: 3.9273 kilometers. philological aspects of Jinsai's writing. 23 Gomō jigi, 124.

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"the Principles of Heaven." Their teachings ciples."26 refer to different things. Our Way is fun- damentally different from that of Daoism Here, Jinsai argues through one simple but and Buddhism, and these should not be important term how Laozi's use of the phrase mixed together as if they were all one. An "Heaven's Principles" (tenri 天理) rather than investigation into the two characters used "Heaven's Way" (tendō 天道) is a significant in the expression "principles of heaven," lexical distinction separating the two thought shows they often appear in the writings of systems. Although the notion of diachronic change Zhuangzi, but not in the writings of 24 in language is an unquestioned component of any Confucius. modern linguistic theory, Jinsai's insistence that meaning be attached to context represents a The distinction between "Way of Heaven" and significant innovation in Tokugawa period philol- "Principles of Heaven" is of utmost importance to ogy. By rejecting the notion that a concept such as Jinsai because it reveals how the use of termi- ri embodies fixed meaning(s) across time and nology from other thought systems such as Daoism traditions, and by linking it instead to a specific has produced new combinations of kanji com- tradition, he introduces a new linguistic discourse pounds, which in turn leads to additional meanings in which language reflects content rather than for each character. He further distinguishes his embodying it. own interpretation of the Way from that of Laozi The notion that each kanji must correlate to through contrastive active and static imagery: "liv- meaning deriving from a verifiable concept also ing things" (katsubutsu 活物), terminology that he frames Jinsai's criticism of Zhu Xi's notion of attributes to Confucius, are equated with "the heart human nature (sei 性 ). He begins by stating: of heaven and earth" but "inanimate" or "lifeless Confucius said, "Although human nature itself is things" (shibutsu 死物), the terminology of Bud- not so varied, behavior varies considerably. This is dhists and Daoists, are equated with "emptiness the basic standard for all discussions of human and nothingness" (kyomu 虚無).25 In this way, he nature throughout time. . . Mencius also said, "The is able to both discredit later commentaries and inequality among things equates to their reiterate his stance that the Way is rooted in the nature/feelings."27 Jinsai then contrasts this with everyday world. the following comments about Zhu Xi: Jinsai concludes the section on ri by again emphasizing the contrast between the use of the In The Collected Commentaries of Zhu Xi, terms “Way” and “principle” as a dichotomy be- it says, "Human nature is the principle that tween active and static states: people receive from heaven at birth. This is completely good, never evil." In other Of course, the Way is an action word, em- words, it says "Human nature is namely bodying activity. Principle is a static word, principle." If we can see evidence of this, embodying non-action. Confucius saw the then we can say [human nature] is good. Way as a reality, so he explained its However, if we cannot see evidence of this, principles through action. Laozi saw the then there is nothing that points to good- Way as empty, so he explained it in static ness. If we cannot see evidence of evil, and terms. Confucius spoke of "Heaven's Way" also cannot see evidence of goodness, then or "Heaven's Decree," but he never said even if we say it is "completely good," in "Heaven's Principles." He often said "The Way of Human Beings" or "Human Na- ture," but he never said "Human Prin- 26 Gomō jigi, 124-5. 27 Ibid, 134. Mencius' reference to nature uses 24 Ibid. the term jō rather than sei, but Tucker’s translation 25 It is unclear what text Jinsai is referring to notes that this usage of jō has generally been taken here. to mean "nature."

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reality this is just an empty term.28 the precise effect of the activation cannot be discerned through the physical world, then sei as a Jinsai rejects abstract statements such as "human signifier cannot be linked directly to any definable nature is namely principle" because there is no concept. Instead, Jinsai links human nature to method by which to confirm or deny such an sensory experiences, such as the eye's reaction to assertion. The orthodox Neo-Confucians' notion of color. Feelings, or the desire for a particular human nature, in which all human beings share the sensory experience, are also linked to concepts that universal principle equally, also does not account form part of everyday life experience. for the variation of human nature found in daily Samuel Hideo Yamashita outlines a similar life, and is therefore incompatible with Jinsai's argument in Jinsai's analysis of the relationship approach. between humanity (jin 仁) and love (ai 愛) in his Jinsai’s rejection of abstraction is also seen in 1658 essay, "Jinsetsu" ("Theory of Humanity"). his criticism of Zhu Xi's interpretation regarding Much like the argument between sei and jō, Jinsai the connection between sei and jō 情, emotions. challenges Zhu Xi's statement that "humanity is the For Zhu Xi, human nature and emotions are in a principle of love," which suggests that humanity dichotomous relationship consisting of an abstract exists in the higher realm of principle while love concept (sei) and its concrete realization (jō). In the occupies the lower realm of material force. In passage below, Jinsai challenges this dichotomy, "Jinsetsu," Jinsai states, "If one considers the arguing instead that sei and jō are on equal footing. emotions external and then speaks of humanity, he He explains the connection between the two terms not only loses human nature, but also forces as follows: scholars to grope in the dark and to seek the distant. And this leaves them little room for Feelings are desires of human nature. They action." 30 "Groping in the dark” suggests a are said to be that which activates. Thus, statement devoid of a real-world context, a form human nature and feelings can be consi- both undefinable and not perceivable via the dered together. . . Neo-Confucians say, senses, leading to a state of inertion, or nonaction. "Feelings activate human nature." This is The incorporation of the notion of desire into the not substantiated. First, we must look argument once again highlights Jinsai's emphasis carefully at the term "desire" and under- on the Way as a concept reflecting individual vari- stand it. . . The ancients usually said ation. The parallels in these arguments illustrate "human feelings," "feelings and desires," or how the focus on active, verifiable signified con- "feelings common in the world." Human cepts forms a vital component of Jinsai's philolo- nature describes what color means to the gical approach. eyes, what sound means to the ears, what Critics may well question the extent to which taste means to the mouth, and rest means to Jinsai effectively argues his case. Naoki Sakai, for the limbs: this is human nature. Feelings example, takes issue with Jinsai's criticism of Zhu describe the eye's desire to see a beautiful Xi and the Buddhists for neglecting the mundane, sight, the ear's desire to hear something noting that "both of these teachings held para- pleasant, the mouth's desire to taste mount the notion that philosophical ideas should something good, and the limb's desire to never be uprooted from the sphere of 'nearness,' get some rest.29 where one encounters things and people in everyday life."31 He adds that Zhu Xi's collected The phrase that Jinsai criticizes, that "feelings works, containing titles such as Reflections on activate human nature," is problematic for his interpretation of the Way because it suggests that 30 English translation from Yamashita, 463. human nature exists as a transcendent process, The Japanese version of this passage can be found beyond the parameters of everyday experiences. If in Nihon shisō taikei 33, 277. Yamashita notes that this is one of the key factors that led Jinsai to turn 28 Ibid, 135. away from the writings of Zhu Xi (461-63). 29 Ibid, 138. 31 Sakai, 33-34.

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Things at Hand, indicate that his approach was object as it moves through a vessel, Jinsai suggests, certainly not without reference to the everyday. so too might a scholar trace the derivation of a Although Jinsai’s approach to Confucianism may word back to its roots in earlier writings. However, not have been as different from Zhu Xi as he to be aware of this movement requires perception would have liked his readers to believe, his insis- (gugan 具眼). In other words, understanding of a tence on connecting kanji signifiers to the every- text comes only through direct cognitive input in day, physical world represents a unique approach which the reader correlates each kanji signifier which seeks to lessen the gap between the written with a referent in the material world. The use of the medium of literary Chinese and the concrete world term "vessel," equated here with the writings of of Tokugawa Japan. Confucius and Mencius, also suggests that correct An active notion of the Way rooted in meti- meaning is impossible without knowledge of the culous diachronic analysis is also reflected in Jin- historical context of a text. sai's explanation of the term “learning” (gaku 学). Jinsai's insistence on distinguishing the vessel He is particularly critical of his contemporaries from the meaning highlights again his emphasis on who equate "lecturing on the principles of mora- separating content and form, or medium and lity" with learning: message. In the traditional approach to the study of Chinese classics promoted by Jinsai's neighbor and [My] learning method is based on two rival Ansai, repeated reading and/or copying of the aspects that are called (blood) vessels and classics was one of the primary modes of learning, meaning. Vessel means the teachings of a process that students were advised to continue for Confucius and Mencius, such as Mencius' as long as necessary until the significance of the explanation of humanity and righteousness. text became clear.34 Clarity of meaning, or under- Meaning is namely that contained in the standing of the text, was revealed not by analyzing writings of the sages. Of course, meanings the language as a vehicle for communicating are derived from the vessel, so scholars must content, but rather through repeated exposure, first understand the vessel, or they will be presumably leading to ab-sorption of the language just like a rudderless boat without a light, and its significance. In other words, the act of drifting about, not knowing where they may reading could be equated with knowledge of the land. The subject of the vessel must be text itself. This suggests that the acquisition of considered prior to any discussion on knowledge might be described not as comprehen- meaning, even though the vessel is more sion gained by understanding of signifier/signified difficult. This is because the vessel is like a relationships but rather by familiarity created straight road. We know where it leads only through repetition. Although recitation of a text after a long journey of ten million ri. Like could demonstrate successful achievement of the meaning, the road is vast and expansive. A learning method (memori-zation), this was proble- person lacking in perception, who sees meaning as simple and stable, will not be 32 Although ketsumyaku is a term that fits well into aware of this. Jinsai's emphasis on materiality, he was not the first to use it. It is also found in the works of the This passage sets up a contrast between (blood) thirteenth century Song scholar Lin Xiyi, whose vessel (ketsumyaku 血脈) and meaning (imi 意味 writings on Zhuangzi were particularly well known ). By using the term "(blood) vessel," Jinsai has and circulated among Danrin school poets of the again selected a concrete term rooted in physi- seventeenth century. Jinsai may have very well 33 cality. Just as one might trace the path of an drawn upon them, although adapting them to his own philological approach, in Gomō jigi. For a 32 Gomō jigi,148. more extensive discussion, see editorial notes for 33 Ketsumyaku is often translated as "major Gomō jigi in Nihon shisō taikei 33, 516. argument" or "line of reasoning" (Yamashita, 475- 34 For a more extensive discussion of the 6). It has been left as "vessel" in this translation to teaching methods used by Ansai and Jinsai, see emphasize the concreteness of Jinsai's philology. Tucker, 46-48.

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matic for Jinsai because comprehension itself through later traditions, but also establishes a clear remained unverifiable. The correlation between distinction between the medium, the language of memorization and learning also supported the literary Chinese, and the everyday actions that perpetuation of literary Chinese as a medium express it. Elements of Jinsai’s approach would imbued with a sense of authority. play a key role in the philology of later-period Jinsai does not discount the importance of scholars as well, as discussed in the next section. repeated actions in the learning process, noting that the character for "learning" originally meant Itō Jinsai and the Socio-Political Framework of "imitation." Using calligraphy as an analogy, Jinsai Proto-Genbun Itchi Discourse explains how a student begins by "copying" the Clearly, the use of a philological framework in characters from a primer until he has mastered the and of itself did not set Jinsai apart from other use of the brush and the stroke order of the Confucian scholars who advocated lexicography as characters. After sufficient repetition, he will come a method of inquiry. In many ways, he was simply to understand the meaning of calligraphy as an art. one more in a long line of scholars who carried out However, Jinsai does not equate this repeated meticulous lexical analysis as a means of providing action with knowledge of the art itself. He also substance to his particular version of Neo-Confu- insists that the student apply sensory input to the cian philosophy. However, Jinsai's approach, fo- task, explaining that "to see and hear is intrinsic to cusing on rigorous diachronic analysis and empha- learning," and suggesting that students must use sizing identifiable links between kanji signifiers cognitive skills to analyze and understand the and concrete, definable concepts, reflects a signi- content of the texts by recognizing connections ficant shift in early modern language discourse. between the printed language and the physical His legacy can be traced through later Tokugawa- world.35 Jinsai is particularly critical of the Zen- period Confucian scholars, most notably Ogyū style focus on meditation, a technique that Sorai (1666-1728), who drew on the work of Jinsai encourages the practitioner to cut off all sensory to advocate a pedagogical approach to the learning input and cannot, therefore, lead one towards the of literary Chinese which insisted on recognizing "real" principles of heaven and earth.36 Japanese, literary Chinese, and even vernacular The discussion above, focusing on Jinsai’s Chinese as separate and distinct language systems. analysis of the concepts of principle (ri), human In 1702, Sorai wrote to Jinsai, expressing his nature (sei), and learning (gaku), illustrates key admiration for Gomō jigi and asking to be accepted elements of Jinsai’s philological approach. First, as a disciple, but Jinsai never responded. At the through ongoing diachronic analysis supported by time he wrote the letter, Sorai was moving in the the use of concrete imagery emphasizing the highest levels of political circles, serving as a re- ongoing state of flux common to all language sys- tainer under Yanagisawa Yoshiyasu, grand cham- tems, Jinsai develops a theory of the Way that berlain to Shogun Tokugawa Tsunayoshi, so Jin- firmly rejects abstract interpretations that cannot be sai's silence may have simply been an attempt to verified. In addition, by emphasizing the impor- avoid political entanglement. In any case, Sorai's tance of context for determining meaning, he not attitude towards Jinsai turned critical after this. only rejects later intertextual meanings introduced One of Sorai's best-known works, Benmei, was written primarily as an attempt to discredit Gomō 37 35 Gomō jigi, 73. jigi. The two works are strikingly similar both in 36 These references are based on comments organization and methodology, however, suggest- Jinsai made regarding his experience with hakko- tsukan (skeleton meditation), a Tendai Buddhist 37 For the full text, see Ogyū Sorai, Nihon practice that he engaged in following a prolonged shisō taikei v. 36, ed. Yoshikawa Kōjirō et al (To- illness in 1655, but later denounced. Through quiet kyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1973), 9-36. For an English meditation, practitioners of hakkotsukan come to translation, see Ogyū Sorai’s Philosophical Mas- see themselves and those around them as skeletons. terworks: The Bendo and Benmei, trans. John A. See Ishida Ichirō, Itō Jinsai, Jinbutsu sōsho 39 Tucker (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, (Tokyo: Yohikawa Kōbunkan, 1960), 35-6. 2006).

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ing that Sorai was heavily influenced by Jinsai, de- Despite a vastly different research agenda, spite his comments and writings to the contrary. A Motoori Norinaga’s (1730-1801) philological quick glance at the contents reveals the similarities approach also advances the proto-genbun itchi between these books: Jinsai's work is divided into discourse propagated by Jinsai and Sorai. 41 25 categories, while Sorai's has 34, but many of the Although Norinaga himself denied that his method categories are either identical or very similar, and had any connection to Sorai’s, the existence of a both writers use lexical analysis to support their pamphlet in Norinaga's own writing entitled Sorai claims. 38 Sorai’s teachings focused on the Six shū attests to the fact that, at the very least, Nori- Classics rather than the works of Confucius and naga was familiar with his work. Like Sorai, Mencius, but he used an approach he termed Norinaga distinguished clear boundaries between kobunjigaku 古文辞学 (archaic literary studies), a linguistic systems, in his case, between the method based on lexicographical analysis striking- language of ancient Japan and that of literary ly similar to Jinsai's. Like Jinsai, it was not the Chinese. As a kokugaku (native studies) scholar language or culture of China itself which Sorai Norinaga was interested not in the ancient Chinese attacked, but rather the annotated kanbun forms texts, but rather the earliest extant Japanese texts, which Sorai argued were mere gibberish — neither namely the Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters, 42 Chinese nor Japanese — and had seriously 712). Like Sorai, Norinaga also used vernacular- corrupted and compromised the meaning of the based language as a medium of instruction. In ancient Chinese texts.39 Instead, he insisted that Kokin wakashū tōkagami (A Kokin Wakashū Tele- the study of literary Chinese be approached as the scope, 1797), Norinaga opted to create a translation study of any foreign language, with translation into of this tenth-century poetry collection in con- either vernacular Japanese or Chinese as a means temporary Japanese (using the de gozaru sentence- of confirming comprehension. In other words, ending form) rather than a more conventional an- Sorai expanded the proto-genbun ichi discourse notated commentary. The telescope, he explains in initiated in Jinsai’s philological approach by the preface, serves to pull the text out of the distant overtly differentiating literary Chinese and kanbun past and place it directly in front of the reader, as distinct linguistic systems.40 thereby allowing for a more immediate and direct emotional response. On the first page of the pre- 38 For a brief discussion, see Kanaya Osamu, face, he glosses the character for yaku (translation) ed. Ogyū Sorai shū (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobō, 1944), 108. goku juyō no kenkyū (: Dōshōsha, 39 Some critics may argue that, similar to 1984), 190-200. Miyake notes that Jinsai’s kanbun Nakai’s analysis of early modern scholars who incorporates euphony and nuances of daily sought to detach Confucianism from its Chinese conversational vocabulary, suggesting an attempt context and establish its relevance within a Japan- to accommodate the students at his school. Unlike ese cultural setting, Jinsai and Sorai were simply Sorai, however, he does appear to have employed doing the same through a separation of linguistic kanbun as a teaching tool for understanding texts form. However, their greater emphasis on the in literary Chinese. language of the ancient texts contributed to their 41 For a detailed discussion of the impact of common rejection of unverifiable abstractions, one Confucian studies on Norinaga, see Usami Kiso- aspect of their philological approach that I argue hachi, Kinsei karon no kenkyū: Kangaku to no here served as an important precursor to genbun kōshō (: Izumi, 1987), 247-286. This section itchi discourse. discusses the impact of Hori Keizan, Norinaga’s 40 Ogyū Sorai zenshū 5, ed. Imanaka Kanshi teacher in Kyoto, but also makes reference to and Maramoto Tatsuya (Tokyo: Kawade Shobō, Sorai. 1977), 16. Sorai's approach also no doubt drew on 42 See Kojikiden 1, Motoori Norinaga zenshū the fact that he had access to books in both literary 9 (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobō, 1968), 17-18. Nori- and vernacular Chinese due to the ongoing impor- naga is, of course, referring to the Japanese lan- tation of books from China during the Tokugawa guage as it existed prior to the introduction of period. See Ō ba Osamu, Edo jidai ni okeru Chū - Chinese characters.

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as utsu (reflect), suggesting that he is not at- meaning, is a clear precursor of these later tempting to define or rectify terms, as previous discursive shifts. Confucian scholars had done, but rather to reproduce the text through another linguistic Conclusion system. Norinaga refers to the language of his text This study began by challenging the as satobigoto, or vulgar language, and goes on to conventional notion of genbun itchi as a language explain that, while vernacular language is more reform movement arising exclusively in the early familiar and understandable, the writer must Meiji period, and instead proposed an expanded choose words carefully to avoid becoming too linguistic model for proto-genbun itchi beginning unrefined.43 His comments foreshadow numerous in the seventeenth century. However, the tendency genbun itchi advocates, most notably Tsubouchi to situate genbun itchi as a modern phenomenon Shōyō, who would praise the directness and precipitated almost wholly by Westernization transparency of the colloquial language while remains difficult to dispel. Unlike Meiji-period deploring its vulgarity.44 genbun ichi advocates who overtly critiqued the Despite Maejima’s focus on a comparative inadequacies of conventional written forms, analysis with Western languages, his call for philological methods and language discourse in the written language reform also reflects a tone writings of Jinsai and others did not lead to overt surprisingly reminiscent of Jinsai. In the opening attempts at overhaul or reform of the written of “Kanji gohaishi no gi,” Maejima criticizes the language. On the contrary, it would lead them back "roundabout education methods [of Japan] in to the past, as they attempted to recover the origins which knowledge comes only after one has learned of pristine languages, unaltered by later linguistic the kanji," insisting that the true purpose of frameworks or thought systems. For Meiji leaders, learning should be “nothing but an understanding however, Japan’s future lay not in the past, but in and knowledge of the facts."45 As an educator, the seemingly more advanced technology and Maejima was criticizing the excessive number of culture of the West. The 1868 Gokajō no goseimon years required to learn the thousands of kanji (Meiji Charter Oath) asserted that the "evil necessary for literacy, something that did not practices of the past" should be discarded, and concern Jinsai. However, Maejima's proposal for prominent scholars of Western studies took a script reform also reflects the frustrations of a similar line. 46 In an 1885 editorial, Fukuzawa linguistic system in which cognitive understanding Yukichi (1834-1901) boldly declared that "today's of the content of a text is, if not unverifiable, at the China and Korea have not done a thing for Japan," very least a secondary goal. A theory of proto- and suggested that Japan "leave the ranks of Asian genbun itchi highlights the fact that the frustrations nations and cast our lot with civilized nations of which genbun itchi advocates expressed over the the West."47 As the entire nation became swept up gap between the spoken and written language, as in the fervent pursuit of kaika (civilization well as the very notion of Japanese as a distinct and enlightenment), genbun itchi advocates also linguistic system, was not initiated solely by the strove to garner support by publicly rejecting pre- influx of Western culture, but in fact surfaced in Meiji traditions, and instead connecting themselves the beginning of the early modern period. Gomō with forward-looking Western discourse. Ueda jigi, an early work to challenge the notion of literary Chinese as a medium embodying fixed 46 See David J. Lu, Japan: A Documentary History (New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc, 1997), 309. 43 See Norinaga’s preface to Kokin wakashû The phrase "evil practices of the past" refers to tōkagami in Motoori Norinaga zenshū 3, ed. Ōku- policies such as jōi, expelling foreigners. bo Tadashi (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobō, 1969), 5-13. 47 Fukuzawa Yukichi, "Datsu-a ron" (Escape 44 Tsubouchi Shōyō, The Essence of the from Asia). First published as an editorial in the Novel, trans. Nanette Twine. (Australia: Univer- Jiji shinpō on March 16, 1885. Reproduced in sity of Queensland, 1981), 55. Gendai Nihon shisō taikei 8 (Tokyo: Chikuma 45 Maejima Hisoka, Maejima Hisoka jijoden Shobō, 1963), 38-40. English translation by Lu, (Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Sentā, 1997), 167. 352-3.

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Kazutoshi (1867-1937), who was educated in Wes- revitalized the field of Japanese literary studies by tern linguistic theory in both Japan and Europe, moving away from the three broad tendencies of harshly criticized the education of kokugo (national literary criticism (literary histories, bibliographical language) based on the study of kokubun (classical studies, and author studies), and challenging Chinese or Japanese texts). His insistence that ko- conventional assumptions that literature necessar- kugo should only refer to contemporary spoken or ily reflected the author’s interiority. 51 Kamei’s written language illustrates how language reform discussion of what he terms the “non-person advocates felt a clear need to distance themselves narrator” in Futabatei’s Ukigumo, which he argues from Japan’s linguistic past.48 is transformed by the end of the novel through the The ongoing tendency to consider genbun itchi author’s growing awareness of his own sensibility, only within the context of Meiji-period discourse suggests that, in the formation of his genbun itchi can also be attributed to the public sense of crisis style, Fubatei struggled with much more than regarding the status of the written language that selection of linguistics forms. Similarly, Lee Yeon- both political and literary leaders such as Maejima suk’s analysis of the ideology of kokugo situates and Shōyō openly expressed. Nanette Twine the emergence of this concept not within kokugaku defines the term "language modernization" in studies, but rather “as a peculiar manifestation of relation to genbun itchi as "some aspect of a Japan’s modernity, more specifically, Japan’s particular language [that] requires modification linguistic modernity.” She asserts that kokugo is before it can meet the requirements of the society it certainly connected to nihongo (the Japanese serves."49 She goes on to explain that this may language), but the ancient language of Japan include growth of the lexicon to "reflect the (yamato kotoba) that forms the focus of kokugaku multiplicity of new concepts, institutions, and studies is not. She adds that as the “ultimate objects abroad in society," as well as syntactic representation of the idea of connecting the changes that may occur "under the influence of to the Japanese spirit,” the foreign language or in response to changes in formation of kokugo required both policies of patterns of thought and logic as a result of new standardization to establish the homogeneity of the value orientations."50 In one sense, language mo- Japanese language, and the production of Benedict dernization might be used to describe the constant Anderson’s imagined community, situating it state of flux and ongoing change that is part of any clearly in the Meiji period. 52 language system, but the suggestion that there is a The focus of this study, however, has not been need for modification in order for a language to to dispel, or even downplay the impact which adequately serve as an effective medium of com- newly emerging ideological frameworks had on munication implies a time of rapid language written language change following the Meiji change in response to large-scale social or political Restoration, but rather to highlight the over-em- shifts. phasis on linguistic and literary discontinuity In recent years, these social and political shifts between the early modern and modern periods. have increasingly become the focus of linguistic Although this study challenges the notion of gen- and literary scholarship, offering new perspectives bun itchi as a wholly Meiji-period language reform on genbun itchi discourse. Kamei Hideo’s movement, my intention is not so much to establish no henkaku (Transformations of Sensibility, 1983) a new boundary for (proto) genbun itchi, but rather

48 For a detailed discussion of Ueda and the 51 Kamei Hideo, Transformations of Sens- concept of kokugo in the Meiji Period, see Lee ibility: The Phenomenology of Meiji Literature, Yeounsuk, The Ideology of Kokugo: Nationalizing trans. Michael Bourdaghs (Ann Arbor, MI: The Language in Modern Japan, trans. Maki Hirano Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Hubbard (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, Michigan, 2002). Kamei’s preface to the English 2010), 73-113. edition also includes an overview of the process 49 Twine, Language and the Modern State: that led him to reformulate his thoughts on literary The Reform of Written Japanese, 7. criticism. 50 Ibid. 52 Lee, 4.

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to develop a theory realistically rooted within the parameters of Japanese socio-linguistic discourse itself. Jinsai's philological reexamination of classi- cal Chinese texts was situated within the tradition of philological studies, but was also significantly innovative in its diachronic approach to linguistics. By emphasizing transparent language and verifi- able meaning, Jinsai initiated a discourse that brought the issue of the status of language itself into the sphere of intellectual discourse, thus opening the door to new possibilities. In this way, Gomō jigi played a key role in setting the stage for the rise of genbun itchi.

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