Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
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News of Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center News of Terrorism and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict (September 1-6, 2010) Hamas spokesman Musheir al-Masri extols the terrorist shooting attack in Judea and Samaria (Al-Jazeera TV, August 31, 2010). Overview This past week events focused on the relaunching of the direct talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in Washington. According to media reports, both sides agreed their objective was to formulate a "framework agreement" within a year which would define the principles of a resolution for the conflict and the establishment of a Palestinian state. George Mitchell, the American envoy to the Middle East, said that Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas had also agreed to meet in the Middle East on September 14 and 15, and that they would continue meeting every two weeks. The opening session was accompanied by shootin g attacks carried out by Hamas and targeting Israeli vehicles in Judea and Samaria: An attack southeast of Hebron killed four Israeli civilians. In another shooting attack in eastern Samaria two Israeli civilians were wounded. A shooting attack northeast of Ramallah did not result in casualties. Responsibility for the attacks, which were intended to disrupt 248-10 the relaunching of the talks, was claimed by Hamas, which also threatened to maintain a dialogue with Israel "with guns." 2 Important Terrorist Events Shooting Attacks in Judea and Samaria On the evening of August 31 an Israeli vehicle was shot at near the Bani Naim junction southeast of Kiryat Arba in Judea. The four Israeli civilians in the car were killed. -
United States District Court Eastern District of New
Case 1:04-cv-02799-BMC-PK Document 542 Filed 02/26/09 Page 1 of 18 PageID #: <pageID> UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT EASTERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK -------------------------------------------------------x COURTNEY LINDE, et al., Plaintiff, MEMORANDUM AND ORDER - v - CV-04-2799 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, et al., Defendants. -------------------------------------------------------x PHILIP LITLE, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-04-5449 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff. - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ORAN ALMOG, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-04-5564 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ROBERT L. COULTER, SR., et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-365 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant. --------------------------------------------------------x GILA AFRIAT-KURTZER, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-388 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x MICHAEL BENNETT et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-3183 (NG)(VVP) Case 1:04-cv-02799-BMC-PK Document 542 Filed 02/26/09 Page 2 of 18 PageID #: <pageID> ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ARNOLD ROTH, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-3738 (NG)(VVP) -
Democratizing the PLO
PRIO POLICY BRIEF 03 2012 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace Democratizing the PLO Prospects and Obstacles - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box War (CSCW) Civil of Study the for Centre While the PLO has been recognized both by the international commu- nity and by Israel as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, the organization remains undemocratic. Its leadership is not elected. The PLO represents the secular resistance groups of the past, - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 not the political reality of today. In 2011, however, an agreement was reached between the main Palestinian political groups to hold elections for the PLO. It is planned that these elections will include all Palestini- ans, regardless of their location, in accordance with the principle of ful- ISBN: 978 ISBN: www.prio.no ly proportional representation. Recent Arab uprisings for democracy make regional conditions favourable for the holding of such elections. - 82 - 7288 Meanwhile, Western governments fear that the PLO could come to be - 408 dominated by Islamists who do not recognize the State of Israel. In the - 5 (online); (online); past, such considerations have discouraged the PLO from opening up 978 for democratic reforms. However, the fall of President Hosni Mubarak - 82 - in Egypt has acted as a warning to PLO leaders that sustaining an un- 7288 - 409 democratic and secular PLO could hit back with a vengeance. - 2 (print) Dag Tuastad Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) The Legitimacy Crisis tation might be in the context of Palestinian Palestinian people at large. -
The Raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on International Law By
EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen und Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt e.V. ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme dans le Monde EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i Diritti dell’Uomo nel Mondo Professor Bill Bowring, President (London) Professeure Monique CHEMILLIER- GENDREAU, Présidente d’honneur (Paris) Thomas SCHMIDT (Rechtsanwalt) Secretary General (Duesseldorf) The raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on international law by Prof. em. Dr. Norman Paech University of Hamburg I. The facts The raid by the Israeli army on the Free Gaza Flotilla in the early morning of 31 May 2010 aroused worldwide indignation. In the raid, nine passengers on the Mavi Marmara, sailing under the Turkish flag, died, and at least forty-five were injured, some of them seriously. While a considerable body of opinion sees this as a serious breach of international law, and even speaks of war crimes, the Israeli army regards itself as fully justified, and following an internal review has admitted only that there were some slips in the planning and execution of the seizure of the ships1. Before the events can be further analysed with regard to international law, it is first necessary to set out the sequence in which they occurred, which is constantly being described differently. Only six of the original eight ships gathered on 30 May in international waters, far south of the island of Cyprus and east of Israel. -
192 Comments
GAZA AID CONVOY June 03, 2010 chedet.co.cc 1. The Israelis claim that the activists on the M.V. Mavi Marmara had attacked their commandos with guns, iron rods, scissors and pointed sticks. 2. The last time Free Gaza sent a small boat to take relief supplies to Gaza, Israeli commandos boarded it and towed it to Ashdod. 3. The activists must know that the same thing might happen to them. But it is ridiculous to suggest that the civilian activists planned to fight against the well-armed and well-trained Israelis. 4. Claiming that the activists attacked the commandos first is equally ridiculous. The forces ranged against them were powerful and enormous, capable of sinking their boats. The Israelis have been known to ram supply boats with their armoured naval vessels. What is clear is that the Israeli's were the ones to attack first by dropping their commandos from the helicopter. 5. The Israelis claim that the activists seized the pistols belonging to the commandos. Again this is ridiculous. These are trained soldiers, wearing protective armour and most certainly skilled in unarmed combat. It is most unlikely that raw activists can disarm and seize the guns of the black-suited commandos. 6. In any case, shooting with live bullets against a group of civilians probably armed with wooden sticks is unjustified. The hazy pictures shown by the Israel propagandist of rods being used may not be iron rods at all. They could be wooden sticks as the pictures are dark silhouettes which cannot be identified as activists or soldiers. -
Backgrounder on Hamas
APPENDIX F International Relief Fund for the Afflicted and Needy (Canada) Backgrounder on Hamas Appendix F – Backgrounder on Hamas1 Hamas is a radical Sunni terrorist organization that employs political and violent means to pursue the goal of establishing an Islamic Palestinian state in Israel.2 The origins of the movement lie with the Muslim Brotherhood,3 an Islamist organization founded in Egypt in 1928, and led by early Islamist figures such as Hassan el-Banna and Sayyid Qutb. Starting in 1967 and continuing throughout the 1970’s, the Palestinian branch of the Brotherhood gained popularity amongst the people of Gaza via communal activism, religious preaching and education.4 With the outbreak of the first intifada5 against Israel in 1987, the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood moved beyond its basis as a social and religious group establishing Hamas as an Islamist alternative to the secular nationalist resistance led by the PLO. Through its Charter, Hamas clearly states its objectives of establishing an Islamic state in all of Palestine. To realize this goal, the organization relies upon the use of violent jihad, the education of the Palestinian population in its Islamist ideology, providing social services, and promoting the liberation of the “Palestinian land” as an individual duty of Muslims everywhere. Objectives, Strategies, and Structure In its Charter, Hamas describes itself as a “distinct Palestinian Movement which owes its loyalty to Allah, derives from Islam its way of life and strives to raise the banner of Allah over every inch -
THE CHALLENGE of GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications
BROOKINGS 1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20036-2103 www.brookings.edu ANALYSIS PAPER Number 23, July 2011 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications Daniel Byman Gad Goldstein ANALYSIS PAPER Number 23, July 2011 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications Daniel Byman Gad Goldstein The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2011 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Table of Contents Executive Summary . iv Acknowledgements . ix The Authors . x Introduction . 1 The Nature of the Challenge in Gaza . 3 Factors Beyond Gaza to Consider . 18 Policy Options . 24 THE CHALLENGE OF GAZA: Policy Options and Broader Implications The Saban Center at BRooKings iii Executive Summary lthough both the United States and Israel Hamas draws on many resources to stay in power . devote tremendous attention to the Middle Most notably, Hamas has long exploited its infra- East peace process, the Gaza Strip and its structure of mosques, social services, and communi- HamasA government have continued to vex Ameri- ty organizations to raise money and attract recruits . -
Chapter 7 of Understanding Islamic Charities
CHAPTER SEVEN HAMAS RESISTANCE AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF PALESTINIAN SOCIETY* HAIM MALKA Introduction For the Islamic movement Hamas, “resistance” is a way of life. It defines the movement, as its name-Islamic Resistance Movement-suggests, and drives its all-encompassing strategy to establish an Islamic Palestine through the transformation of society. Though the term resistance is most commonly associated with terrorism, for Hamas it is a comprehensive concept embracing military, social, and political activity. Resistance is a rejection of the status quo and an alternative paradigm to the secular-nationalist agenda of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in every sphere of Palestinian life.1 At the core of this strategy is a diverse network of social welfare institutions linked by personal relationships, shared values, and common interests. This network is most advanced in the Gaza Strip, where the Muslim Brotherhood built an independent infrastructure, as opposed to the movement in the West Bank which was closely linked to the Brotherhood’s Jordanian branch. The network of charitable organizations and services, not unique to Hamas, has not only been an important platform for spreading the movement’s version of Islam but has also provided a supportive infrastructure for military operatives to exploit and has been a major factor in the movement’s electoral victories.2 While political action and military operations may be tactics in pursuit of their overall goals, Hamas’ social services are the key to its broader strategy of transforming society. The movement cannot exist without * Haim Malka is deputy director and senior fellow with the Middle East program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). -
Dealing with Hamas
DEALING WITH HAMAS 26 January 2004 ICG Middle East Report N°21 Amman/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. HAMAS: ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT.............................................................. 4 A. ORIGINS................................................................................................................................4 B. TRANSFORMATION................................................................................................................5 C. ASCENDANCY .......................................................................................................................6 D. THE CHALLENGE OF OSLO ....................................................................................................8 III. HAMAS AND THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE ..................................................... 10 A. ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE ...........................................................................................10 B. THE HAMAS CHARTER ........................................................................................................11 C. HAMAS AND THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION ............................................................................13 D. HAMAS AND THE USES OF VIOLENCE ..................................................................................16 IV. OPTIONS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS.................................................................. -
Islamic Relief Charity / Extremism / Terror
Islamic Relief Charity / Extremism / Terror meforum.org Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................ 1 Introduction ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 From Birmingham to Cairo �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4 Origins ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Branches and Officials ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Government Support ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 17 Terror Finance ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20 Hate Speech ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25 Charity, Extremism & Terror ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29 What Now? �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Executive Summary What is Islamic Relief? Islamic Relief is one of the largest Islamic charities in the world. Founded in 1984, Islamic Relief today maintains -
Israel's Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath
Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 23, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41275 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Summary Israel unilaterally withdrew from the Gaza Strip in 2005, but retained control of its borders. Hamas, a U.S. State Department-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and forcibly seized control of the territory in 2007. Israel imposed a tighter blockade of Gaza in response to Hamas’s takeover and tightened the flow of goods and materials into Gaza after its military offensive against Hamas from December 2008 to January 2009. That offensive destroyed much of Gaza’s infrastructure, but Israel has obstructed the delivery of rebuilding materials that it said could also be used to manufacture weapons and for other military purposes. Israel, the U.N., and international non-governmental organizations differ about the severity of the blockade’s effects on the humanitarian situation of Palestinian residents of Gaza. Nonetheless, it is clear that the territory’s economy and people are suffering. In recent years, humanitarian aid groups have sent supply ships and activists to Gaza. However, Israel directs them to its port of Ashdod for inspection before delivery to Gaza. In May 2010, the pro-Palestinian Free Gaza Movement and the pro-Hamas Turkish Humanitarian Relief Fund organized a six-ship flotilla to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza and to break Israel’s blockade of the territory. -
Perché Questo Ciclo Di Incontri E Di Seminari
Viva Palestina Italia Perché questo ciclo di incontri e di seminari La pubblicazione del saggio di Ghada Karmi introduce nel discorso pubblico italiano il tema della one-state solution, ed è quindi necessario e doveroso promuoverne la conoscenza e aprire un dibattito, in particolare in questo momento in cui si sta sviluppando da parte sionista una manovra propagandistica senza precedenti. Due esempi tra tutti, la manifestazione del 7 ottobre a Roma Per la verità, per Israele1 e la presenza in Piemonte dal 7 al 12 novembre di Amos Oz2. Ma c'è dell'altro, dalla guerra in Libano nel 2006, all'operazione Piombo Fuso, all'attacco omicida contro la Mavi Marmara, il movimento di solidarietà internazionale con la resistenza palestinese, o almeno parte di esso, sta cercando nuove strade per agire con efficacia contro il sionismo. L' appello palestinese al boicottaggio, disinvestimento e sanzioni (BDS) del 9 luglio 2005, preceduto nel 2004 da quello per il boicottaggio accademico e culturale di Israele, i convogli sempre più numerosi, la flottiglia del maggio 2010, che ha dato un seguito alla felice intuizione del Free Gaza Movement, e quelle che si preannunciano, sono parte di una stessa strategia, una strategia di boicottaggio diretto e indiretto, che mira a ottenere risultati concreti a breve-medio termine. Non si può più permettere al sionismo di continuare a fare tutto quello che gli è stato permesso di fare, a partire dalla pulizia etnica che continua, e di godere della completa immunità e impunità per il suo agire barbaro e criminale, sia da parte delle potenze occidentali sia da parte dei cosiddetti paesi arabi “moderati”.