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Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41514 Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank. -
The Raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on International Law By
EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen und Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt e.V. ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme dans le Monde EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i Diritti dell’Uomo nel Mondo Professor Bill Bowring, President (London) Professeure Monique CHEMILLIER- GENDREAU, Présidente d’honneur (Paris) Thomas SCHMIDT (Rechtsanwalt) Secretary General (Duesseldorf) The raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on international law by Prof. em. Dr. Norman Paech University of Hamburg I. The facts The raid by the Israeli army on the Free Gaza Flotilla in the early morning of 31 May 2010 aroused worldwide indignation. In the raid, nine passengers on the Mavi Marmara, sailing under the Turkish flag, died, and at least forty-five were injured, some of them seriously. While a considerable body of opinion sees this as a serious breach of international law, and even speaks of war crimes, the Israeli army regards itself as fully justified, and following an internal review has admitted only that there were some slips in the planning and execution of the seizure of the ships1. Before the events can be further analysed with regard to international law, it is first necessary to set out the sequence in which they occurred, which is constantly being described differently. Only six of the original eight ships gathered on 30 May in international waters, far south of the island of Cyprus and east of Israel. -
Israel's Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath
Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 23, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41275 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Summary Israel unilaterally withdrew from the Gaza Strip in 2005, but retained control of its borders. Hamas, a U.S. State Department-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and forcibly seized control of the territory in 2007. Israel imposed a tighter blockade of Gaza in response to Hamas’s takeover and tightened the flow of goods and materials into Gaza after its military offensive against Hamas from December 2008 to January 2009. That offensive destroyed much of Gaza’s infrastructure, but Israel has obstructed the delivery of rebuilding materials that it said could also be used to manufacture weapons and for other military purposes. Israel, the U.N., and international non-governmental organizations differ about the severity of the blockade’s effects on the humanitarian situation of Palestinian residents of Gaza. Nonetheless, it is clear that the territory’s economy and people are suffering. In recent years, humanitarian aid groups have sent supply ships and activists to Gaza. However, Israel directs them to its port of Ashdod for inspection before delivery to Gaza. In May 2010, the pro-Palestinian Free Gaza Movement and the pro-Hamas Turkish Humanitarian Relief Fund organized a six-ship flotilla to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza and to break Israel’s blockade of the territory. -
Perché Questo Ciclo Di Incontri E Di Seminari
Viva Palestina Italia Perché questo ciclo di incontri e di seminari La pubblicazione del saggio di Ghada Karmi introduce nel discorso pubblico italiano il tema della one-state solution, ed è quindi necessario e doveroso promuoverne la conoscenza e aprire un dibattito, in particolare in questo momento in cui si sta sviluppando da parte sionista una manovra propagandistica senza precedenti. Due esempi tra tutti, la manifestazione del 7 ottobre a Roma Per la verità, per Israele1 e la presenza in Piemonte dal 7 al 12 novembre di Amos Oz2. Ma c'è dell'altro, dalla guerra in Libano nel 2006, all'operazione Piombo Fuso, all'attacco omicida contro la Mavi Marmara, il movimento di solidarietà internazionale con la resistenza palestinese, o almeno parte di esso, sta cercando nuove strade per agire con efficacia contro il sionismo. L' appello palestinese al boicottaggio, disinvestimento e sanzioni (BDS) del 9 luglio 2005, preceduto nel 2004 da quello per il boicottaggio accademico e culturale di Israele, i convogli sempre più numerosi, la flottiglia del maggio 2010, che ha dato un seguito alla felice intuizione del Free Gaza Movement, e quelle che si preannunciano, sono parte di una stessa strategia, una strategia di boicottaggio diretto e indiretto, che mira a ottenere risultati concreti a breve-medio termine. Non si può più permettere al sionismo di continuare a fare tutto quello che gli è stato permesso di fare, a partire dalla pulizia etnica che continua, e di godere della completa immunità e impunità per il suo agire barbaro e criminale, sia da parte delle potenze occidentali sia da parte dei cosiddetti paesi arabi “moderati”. -
An End to Impunity: the Gaza Flotilla and the Siege of Gaza
Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign Unit 5, 64 Dame Street, Dublin 2, Ireland ++353 (0)1 677 0253 [email protected] www.ipsc.ie An end to impunity: The Gaza flotilla and the siege of Gaza Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC) Briefing Document for the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs - 02/06/2010 In the wake of the killings of international aid activists by There will be fresh aid Israel, this briefing document will give background convoys to Gaza, and the information on the aid convoy to Gaza and attacks on it by only credible way to avert Israeli forces. It will describe the necessity of bringing aid to future crises is to offer Gaza, and finish by offering a solution to this crisis. There will proper diplomatic support to be fresh aid convoys to Gaza, and the only credible way to these convoys and to take avert future crises is to offer proper diplomatic support to robust action to ensure that these convoys and to take robust action to ensure that the the siege of Gaza is lifted. siege of Gaza is lifted. We are aware that Israel does not react to international condemnation, however they have and they will react to international action, to sanctions and the threat of sanctions. Our government needs to take credible action to ensure that the siege is lifted, not simply to avert future political crises and the ongoing humanitarian crises, but also as a necessary precondition for peace in Israel/Palestine Overview of the present crisis Between 3.00 and 4.00 AM this 31st May, the elite Israeli naval unit Flotilla 13 stormed the Mavi Marmara, the Turkish flagship of an international flotilla bringing humanitarian aid to the besieged people of Gaza. -
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41514 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank. -
And on Youtube
Global Media Journal Fall 2012 - GP1 Mazumdar 1 Graduate Paper #1 Shifting Blame on the High Seas … and on YouTube: The Narrative Failure of Israel’s Flotilla Cyber-Diplomacy B. Theo Mazumdar, (Ph.D. Candidate) Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism University of Southern California Keywords cyber-diplomacy, public diplomacy, narrative paradigm, social media, YouTube, Web 2.0, strategic communication Abstract This paper uses Walter Fisher’s narrative paradigm to examine Israel’s efforts to shape the narrative of the violent confrontation and loss of life of activists aboard the Mavi Marmara, part of the Gaza “Freedom Flotilla,” in May 2010. In an exploratory application of Fisher’s narrative paradigm to cyber-diplomacy, this research argues that Israel could not shift blame largely because its concerted and sustained YouTube campaign failed the tests of narrative logic: narrative probability and narrative fidelity. Viewed through the lens of narrative logic, Israel’s cyber-diplomacy rhetoric failed in three main claims: that there is no humanitarian crisis in Gaza; that acting against the Flotilla was a “last resort”; and that the Mavi Marmara was filled with terrorists or “terrorist sympathizers”. As a result, Israel’s narrative failure may have exacerbated an already damaging public relations crisis, adversely affecting the public support of even its staunchest ally, the Unites States. This paper demonstrates the value of the narrative paradigm as an effective rhetorical frame for foreign policy crises and public/cyber diplomacy and as an alternative to foreign policy evaluation based solely on rational logic. Introduction A nation-state will sometimes undertake a politically hazardous act of foreign policy before it can deploy a public relations effort to accompany or build support for that decision. -
The U.S.-Turkey-Israel Triangle
ANALYSIS PAPER Number 34, October 2014 THE U.S.-TURKEY-ISRAEL TRIANGLE Dan Arbell The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2014 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Acknowledgements I would like to thank Haim and Cheryl Saban for their support of this re- search. I also wish to thank Tamara Cofman Wittes for her encouragement and interest in this subject, Dan Byman for shepherding this process and for his continuous sound advice and feedback, and Stephanie Dahle for her ef- forts to move this manuscript through the publication process. Thank you to Martin Indyk for his guidance, Dan Granot and Clara Schein- mann for their assistance, and a special thanks to Michael Oren, a mentor and friend, for his strong support. Last, but not least, I would like to thank my wife Sarit; without her love and support, this project would not have been possible. The U.S.-Turkey-Israel Triangle The Center for Middle East Policy at BROOKINGS ii About the Author Dan Arbell is a nonresident senior fellow with Israel’s negotiating team with Syria (1993-1996), the Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings, and later as deputy chief of mission at the Israeli and a scholar-in-residence with the department of Embassy in Tokyo, Japan (2001-2005). -
Civil Lawsuit
Case 2:15-cv-08130 Document 1 Filed 10/16/15 Page 1 of 31 Page ID #:1 1 Cindy Pánuco, Esq. [S.B. #266921] Brian Olney, Esq. [S.B. # 298089] 2 HADSELL STORMER & RENICK LLP 128 N. Fair Oaks Avenue 3 Pasadena, California 91103 4 Telephone: (626) 585-9600 Facsimile: (626) 577-7079 5 Emails: [email protected] [email protected] 6 7 Attorneys for Plaintiffs 8 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 9 CENTRAL DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA 10 AHMET DOĞAN, individually and on Case No.: behalf of his deceased son FURKAN 11 COMPLAINT FOR DAMAGES: DOĞAN; and HIKMET DOĞAN, 12 individually and on behalf of her 1. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of 13 deceased son, FURKAN DOĞAN, Torture Victim Protection Act, by Ahmet Doğan 14 2. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of Plaintiffs, Torture Victim Protection Act, by 15 Hikmet Doğan vs. 3. Torture In Violation of Torture 16 Victim Protection Act, by Ahmet Doğan and Hikmet Doğan on Behalf 17 EHUD BARAK, of Furkan Doğan as his Successors in Interest 18 Defendant. 4. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of 19 Alien Tort Claims Act, by Ahmet Doğan 20 5. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of Alien Tort Claims Act, by Hikmet 21 Doğan 6. Acts of International Terrorism in 22 Violation of Anti-Terrorism Act, by Ahmet Doğan and Hikmet Doğan on 23 Behalf of Furkan Doğan as his Successors in Interest 24 7. Acts of International Terrorism in Violation of Anti-Terrorism Act, by 25 Ahmet Doğan 26 8. Acts Of International Terrorism In Violation Of Anti-Terrorism Act, by 27 Hikmet Doğan 28 DEMAND FOR JURY TRIAL COMPLAINT FOR DAMAGES Case 2:15-cv-08130 Document 1 Filed 10/16/15 Page 2 of 31 Page ID #:2 1 INTRODUCTION 2 1. -
Conspicuous Among the Passengers and Organizations Aboard the Mavi Marmara Were Turkish and Arab Islamic Extremists Led by IHH
The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center October 5, 2010 Conspicuous among the passengers and organizations aboard the Mavi Marmara were Turkish and Arab Islamic extremists led by IHH. They were joined by extremist European left activists and volunteers who answered the call to help the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and were not 1 partners in IHH's violent plans. (Full Version) The Turkish passenger ship Mavi Marmara, the flagship of the flotilla. It is decorated with the Turkish flag and the logo of the Turkish Islamist organization IHH, the moving spirit behind the flotilla (next to the Turkish flag) (Photo from mycatbirdseat.com, May 22, 2010). 1 This is an executive summary of a detailed report analyzing the human, ideological and organizational components of the passengers aboard the Mavi Marmara. The document itself shortly will be issued separately. 2 2 Executive Summary 1. This objective of this report is to examine the 561 passengers aboard the Mavi Marmara, their identity and the ideology, nature and goals of the organizations behind them, based on the large amount of evidence accumulated since the flotilla. Even if our information is not complete, it clearly provides a picture of their most prominent common characteristics. 2. The Mavi Marmara, the flagship of the last flotilla, was launched, along with two cargo ships, by an extremist Turkish Islamist organization called IHH, which played a key role in the extensive preparations for the voyage. The IHH operatives, some of whom boarded the ship in Istanbul without undergoing a security check, were those who were the most active assailants in the violent, premeditated confrontation with the IDF (while the IDF took control of five other ships – as well as the Rachel Corrie – without exceptional incident). -
Israel, Blockade of Gaza and the Flotilla Incident
Published on How does law protect in war? - Online casebook (https://casebook.icrc.org) Home > Israel, Blockade of Gaza and the Flotilla Incident Israel, Blockade of Gaza and the Flotilla Incident [N.B. The Flotilla Incident has also been the object of a decision on 6 November 2014 by the Prosecutor of the ICC not to proceed with an investigation (see http://www.icc- cpi.int/iccdocs/otp/OTP-COM-Article_53(1)-Report-06Nov2014Eng.pdf [1]), a decision by an ICC Pre-Trial Chamber requesting her to review her decision ( https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/record.aspx?docNo=ICC-01/13-34 [2]) and a final decision of the Prosecutor of 29 November 2017 not to do so (see https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/record.aspx?docNo=ICC-01/13-57 [3]).] N.B. As per the disclaimer [4], neither the ICRC nor the authors can be identified with the opinions expressed in the Cases and Documents. Some cases even come to solutions that clearly violate IHL. They are nevertheless worthy of discussion, if only to raise a challenge to display more humanity in armed conflicts. Similarly, in some of the texts used in the case studies, the facts may not always be proven; nevertheless, they have been selected because they highlight interesting IHL issues and are thus published for didactic purposes. A. Gaza flotilla raid [Source : Courrier International, "L’attaque de la flottille de Gaza", 9 June 2010, available at http://www.courrierinternational.com] [5] On 31 May 2010 Israeli soldiers boarded a flotilla of six ships manned by 700 pro- Palestinian militants […] from over 50 countries. -
“Lawfare”: Exploitation of Courts in the Arab-Israeli Conflict
December 2010 NGO 2nd edition “LAWFARE” Exploitation of Courts in the Arab-Israeli Conflict Anne Herzberg NGO MONITOR NGO Monitor Monograph Series Gerald M. Steinberg, Editor NGO Monitor Monograph Series: NGO “Lawfare”: Exploitation of Courts in the Arab-Israeli Conflict (September 2008 , expanded 2nd edition, December 2010) Statements to European Parliament and Irish Parliament (June 2010) Precision-Guided or Indiscriminate? NGO Reporting on Compliance with the Laws of Armed Conflict (June 2010) Scandinavian NGO Funding: Promoting Boycotts, “Lawfare,” and the Rhetoric of Conflict(March 2010) Experts or Ideologues? A Systematic Analysis of Human Rights Watch’s Focus on Israel (September 2009) Trojan Horse: The Impact of European Government Funding for Israeli NGOs (Hebrew, September 2009) The NGO Front in the Gaza War: The Durban Strategy Continues (February 2009) Europe’s Hidden Hand (April 2008; revised 2nd edition, March 2009) Watching the Watchers: The Politics and Credibility of Non-governmental Organizations in the Arab-Israeli Conflict (June 2007) NGO MONITOR 1 Ben-Maimon Blvd. Jerusalem 92262 Israel Phone: +972-2-566-1020 Fax: +972-77-511-7030 [email protected] www.ngo-monitor.org NGO Monitor’s mission is to provide information and analysis, promote accountability, and support discussion on the reports and activities of NGOs claiming to advance human rights and humanitarian agendas in the framework of the Arab-Israeli conflict. NGO Monitor was founded jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation #580465508 (ע"ר) .The Amutah for NGO Responsibility R.A NGO “Lawfare” Exploitation of Courts in the Arab-Israeli Conflict Anne Herzberg Legal Advisor, NGO Monitor This publication was prepared with the generous support of the Middle East Forum Education Fund.