Perché Questo Ciclo Di Incontri E Di Seminari

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Perché Questo Ciclo Di Incontri E Di Seminari Viva Palestina Italia Perché questo ciclo di incontri e di seminari La pubblicazione del saggio di Ghada Karmi introduce nel discorso pubblico italiano il tema della one-state solution, ed è quindi necessario e doveroso promuoverne la conoscenza e aprire un dibattito, in particolare in questo momento in cui si sta sviluppando da parte sionista una manovra propagandistica senza precedenti. Due esempi tra tutti, la manifestazione del 7 ottobre a Roma Per la verità, per Israele1 e la presenza in Piemonte dal 7 al 12 novembre di Amos Oz2. Ma c'è dell'altro, dalla guerra in Libano nel 2006, all'operazione Piombo Fuso, all'attacco omicida contro la Mavi Marmara, il movimento di solidarietà internazionale con la resistenza palestinese, o almeno parte di esso, sta cercando nuove strade per agire con efficacia contro il sionismo. L' appello palestinese al boicottaggio, disinvestimento e sanzioni (BDS) del 9 luglio 2005, preceduto nel 2004 da quello per il boicottaggio accademico e culturale di Israele, i convogli sempre più numerosi, la flottiglia del maggio 2010, che ha dato un seguito alla felice intuizione del Free Gaza Movement, e quelle che si preannunciano, sono parte di una stessa strategia, una strategia di boicottaggio diretto e indiretto, che mira a ottenere risultati concreti a breve-medio termine. Non si può più permettere al sionismo di continuare a fare tutto quello che gli è stato permesso di fare, a partire dalla pulizia etnica che continua, e di godere della completa immunità e impunità per il suo agire barbaro e criminale, sia da parte delle potenze occidentali sia da parte dei cosiddetti paesi arabi “moderati”. L'attacco alla Mavi Marmara ha indotto qualche significativo cambiamento in una parte non marginale dell'opinione pubblica internazionale. Il convoglio VivaPalestina5, con la partecipazione di delegazioni di 30 paesi, tra le quali 12 di paesi arabi, ha assunto una dimensione internazionale senza precedenti. La partecipazione di Kevin Ovenden ai seminari di Napoli, Roma e Pisa potrà permettere gli approfondimenti necessari. Un nuovo fenomeno si sta concretizzando, quello della crescita esponenziale delle brigate internazionali di attivisti non-violenti, coinvolti nelle campagne BDS, nei convogli e nelle flottiglie. È giunto il tempo di mettere fine a rituali consunti che si trascinano da decenni e di passare a definire strategie e tattiche efficaci e capillari. La lotta a sostegno dei palestinesi è una lotta in difesa di tutti i popoli oppressi. E' una lotta contro il colonialismo occidentale che in Medio Oriente ha manifestato e continua a manifestare le sue forme più odiose e criminali. E' una lotta per la dignità umana. 1. Relatrici e relatori Ghada Karmi, palestinese, è medico, scrittrice e docente universitaria. Scrive spesso sulla questione palestinese in giornali e riviste, tra le quali The Guardian, The Nation e il Journal of Palestine Studies. Insegna all’Istituto di Studi Arabi & Islamici della Università di Exeter, GB. Ha scritto a favore della one-state solution dal 1990. Nata a Gerusalemme, nella sua autobiografia del 2002, In Search of Fatima: A Palestinian Story, descrive la sua vita nel quartiere Katamon di Gerusalemme, tra palestinesi, cristiani e mussulmani. Tra i vicini c’era Khalil al-Sakakini, uno dei più importanti intellettuali palestinesi. Con la sua famiglia fu costretta a fuggire a Londra nel 1948, l’anno della Nakba, dove suo padre, Hasan Sa'id Karmi, lavorò alla BBC. Bibliografia 1 The Palestinian Exodus 1948-1998. Ithaca Press 1999 In Search of Fatima: A Palestinian Story, Verso 2002 Married to another man: Israel's dilemma in Palestine, Pluto press, 2007 Sposata a un altro uomo – Per uno stato laico e democratico nella Palestina storica, DeriveApprodi, 2010 Kevin Ovenden, è un attivista politico inglese di sinistra, membro della leadership del partito “The Respect” e uno dei leader di Viva Palestina. Ovenden è stato per molti anni uno dei leader del Socialist Workers Party. Vive a Newham. Ovenden era a bordo della MV Mavi Marmara, parte della flottiglia 2010 per Gaza. È stato detenuto dalle forze israeliane e successivamente deportato a Istanbul. È stato il leader del convoglio VivaPalestina5. Pietro Stefano Beretta, monzese, 34 anni, è traduttore free-lance e appassionato di diritti umani. Ha realizzato e pubblicato su internet la traduzione italiana delle relazioni di Amnesty International sul conflitto di Gaza e di diversi testi ufficiali delle Nazioni Unite e di ONG israeliane sulla situazione dei diritti umani in Palestina. Collabora dal 2008 con l'associazione Tlaxcala - Traduttori per la diversità. Sta curando la traduzione e pubblicazione del Rapporto Goldstone in italiano. Sergio Cararo, giornalista, è direttore di Radio Città Aperta e del periodico «Contropiano». Ha pubblicato: No/made Italy (et al., Mediaprint, 2001); La coscienza di Cipputi (et al., ivi, 2002); L'impossibile simmetria. Palestina e Israele nell'epoca della guerra infinita (Contropiano, 2002); e Cuba. Orgoglio e pregiudizi (con Mario Baldassarri, Achab, 2005). Collabora a diverse riviste, tra le quali «La Rinascita della Sinistra», «L'Ernesto», «Proteo», e al progetto televisivo «Pandora». Diana Carminati, già professore associato di Storia dell'Europa contemporanea presso l'Università di Torino sino al 2004, si è occupata di problemi di storia della Resistenza in Piemonte; si è successivamente occupata di studi su nazionalismo, militarismo, guerra e sistema patriarcale, studi sulla storia delle donne e della storia di genere, dei quali sono stati pubblicati alcuni articoli. E' stata direttrice nel 1995-98 del Cirsde (Centro Interdisciplinare di Ricerche e Studi delle donne) presso l'Università di Torino. Ha lavorato dall'inizio degli anni '90 all'interno della rete italiana delle Donne in nero contro la guerra, nei Balcani e negli ultimi cinque anni in Palestina/Israele seguendo progetti internazionali (con OMS e Comune di Torino) con i Centri delle donne di Haifa e Gaza che si occupano di violenza contro le donne. E’ stato ripubblicato recentemente il suo libro Langa partigiana ’43 – ‘45, con altri scritti, a cura di Araba Fenice, Boves 2007. Ha partecipato al convoglio VivaPalestina3. Iain Chambers è stato tra gli animatori del Centro per gli Studi Culturali di Birmingham in Inghilterra. Trasferitosi in Italia, insegna Studi culturali, postcoloniali e mediterranei all’Università di Napoli “L’Orientale”, dove ha fondato il Centro di Studi Postcoloniali. In Italia ha pubblicato, tra l’altro, Dialoghi di frontiera (1995), Hendrix, hip hop e l’interruzione del pensiero (con Paul Gilroy, 1995), Ritmi urbani (2003), Paesaggi migratori (2003), Sulla soglia del mondo (2003), Esercizi di potere, Gramsci, Said e il postcoloniale (a cura, 2006), e Le molte voci del Mediterraneo (2007). Wasim Dahmash ha insegnato Dialettologia Araba all’Università La Sapienza di Roma. Ora insegna Letteratura araba all’Università di Cagliari. Ha curato la traduzione in italiano di numerosi testi di autori arabi, (vedi http://web.tiscali.it/dahmash/libri.html), tra i quali Dentro la notte – Diario Palestinese di Ibrahim Nasrallah (Ilisso 2004), Versi in Galilea di Samih Al-Qasim (Edizioni Q, 2005), Palestinese! e altri racconti di Samira Azzam (Edizioni Q, 2003). Flavia Donati, medico, psichiatra e psicoanalista SPI, si è laureata a Milano, ha lavorato a Londra negli anni 80 in psichiatria e in comunità psico-terapeutiche per giovani borderline. Rientrata in Italia a Roma nel ‘89, lavora come psichiatra e psicoanalista e collabora a 2 interventi di emergenza e di supporto nell’ambito di progetti ONU. Giorgio S. Frankel si occupa di Medio Oriente, petrolio e industria aerospaziale. Giornalista professionista, collabora a “Il Sole 24 Ore”, “Il Mulino”, il “Corriere del Ticino” e altri periodici. Ha pubblicato nel 2010 per DeriveApprodi, L'Iran e la bomba – I futuri assetti del Medio Oriente e la competizione globale. Vladimiro Giacché si è laureato e perfezionato in Filosofia alla Scuola Normale di Pisa. Lavora nel settore finanziario. È autore di volumi e saggi di argomento filosofico ed economico, fra i quali Finalità e soggettività. Forme del finalismo nella Scienza della logica di Hegel (Pantograf 1990), La filosofia. Storia e testi (con G. Tognini, La Nuova Italia 1996) e Storia del Mediocredito Centrale (con P. Peluffo, Laterza 1997). Ha pubblicato nel 2005 per DeriveApprodi Escalation. Anatomia della guerra infinita (con A. Burgio e M. Dinucci) e nel 2008 La fabbrica del falso – Strategie della menzogna nella politica contemporanea. Suoi articoli e saggi sono stati pubblicati in volumi collettanei e su numerose riviste italiane e straniere. Ha pubblicato nel 2009, sempre per DeriveApprodi, Karl Marx – Il capitalismo e la crisi – Scritti scelti a cura di Vladimiro Giacché. Piero Gilardi nasce a Torino nel 1942. Nel 1963, realizza la sua prima mostra personale Macchine per il futuro. Due anni più tardi realizza le prime opere in poliuretano espanso ed espone a Parigi, Bruxelles, Colonia, Amburgo, Amsterdam e New York. A partire dal 1968 interrompe la produzione di opere per partecipare all'elaborazione tecnica delle nuove tendenze artistiche della fine degli anni '60: Arte Povera, Land Art, Antiform Art. Come militante politico e animatore della cultura giovanile conduce svariate esperienze di creatività collettiva nelle periferie urbane e "mondiali": Nicaragua, Riserve Indiane negli USA e Africa. Nel 1981 riprende l'attività nel mondo artistico, esponendo in gallerie installazioni accompagnate da workshops creativi con
Recommended publications
  • Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
    Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41514 Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • The Raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on International Law By
    EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen und Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt e.V. ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme dans le Monde EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i Diritti dell’Uomo nel Mondo Professor Bill Bowring, President (London) Professeure Monique CHEMILLIER- GENDREAU, Présidente d’honneur (Paris) Thomas SCHMIDT (Rechtsanwalt) Secretary General (Duesseldorf) The raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on international law by Prof. em. Dr. Norman Paech University of Hamburg I. The facts The raid by the Israeli army on the Free Gaza Flotilla in the early morning of 31 May 2010 aroused worldwide indignation. In the raid, nine passengers on the Mavi Marmara, sailing under the Turkish flag, died, and at least forty-five were injured, some of them seriously. While a considerable body of opinion sees this as a serious breach of international law, and even speaks of war crimes, the Israeli army regards itself as fully justified, and following an internal review has admitted only that there were some slips in the planning and execution of the seizure of the ships1. Before the events can be further analysed with regard to international law, it is first necessary to set out the sequence in which they occurred, which is constantly being described differently. Only six of the original eight ships gathered on 30 May in international waters, far south of the island of Cyprus and east of Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • 192 Comments
    GAZA AID CONVOY June 03, 2010 chedet.co.cc 1. The Israelis claim that the activists on the M.V. Mavi Marmara had attacked their commandos with guns, iron rods, scissors and pointed sticks. 2. The last time Free Gaza sent a small boat to take relief supplies to Gaza, Israeli commandos boarded it and towed it to Ashdod. 3. The activists must know that the same thing might happen to them. But it is ridiculous to suggest that the civilian activists planned to fight against the well-armed and well-trained Israelis. 4. Claiming that the activists attacked the commandos first is equally ridiculous. The forces ranged against them were powerful and enormous, capable of sinking their boats. The Israelis have been known to ram supply boats with their armoured naval vessels. What is clear is that the Israeli's were the ones to attack first by dropping their commandos from the helicopter. 5. The Israelis claim that the activists seized the pistols belonging to the commandos. Again this is ridiculous. These are trained soldiers, wearing protective armour and most certainly skilled in unarmed combat. It is most unlikely that raw activists can disarm and seize the guns of the black-suited commandos. 6. In any case, shooting with live bullets against a group of civilians probably armed with wooden sticks is unjustified. The hazy pictures shown by the Israel propagandist of rods being used may not be iron rods at all. They could be wooden sticks as the pictures are dark silhouettes which cannot be identified as activists or soldiers.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath
    Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 23, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41275 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Summary Israel unilaterally withdrew from the Gaza Strip in 2005, but retained control of its borders. Hamas, a U.S. State Department-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and forcibly seized control of the territory in 2007. Israel imposed a tighter blockade of Gaza in response to Hamas’s takeover and tightened the flow of goods and materials into Gaza after its military offensive against Hamas from December 2008 to January 2009. That offensive destroyed much of Gaza’s infrastructure, but Israel has obstructed the delivery of rebuilding materials that it said could also be used to manufacture weapons and for other military purposes. Israel, the U.N., and international non-governmental organizations differ about the severity of the blockade’s effects on the humanitarian situation of Palestinian residents of Gaza. Nonetheless, it is clear that the territory’s economy and people are suffering. In recent years, humanitarian aid groups have sent supply ships and activists to Gaza. However, Israel directs them to its port of Ashdod for inspection before delivery to Gaza. In May 2010, the pro-Palestinian Free Gaza Movement and the pro-Hamas Turkish Humanitarian Relief Fund organized a six-ship flotilla to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza and to break Israel’s blockade of the territory.
    [Show full text]
  • Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
    Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41514 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank.
    [Show full text]
  • And on Youtube
    Global Media Journal Fall 2012 - GP1 Mazumdar 1 Graduate Paper #1 Shifting Blame on the High Seas … and on YouTube: The Narrative Failure of Israel’s Flotilla Cyber-Diplomacy B. Theo Mazumdar, (Ph.D. Candidate) Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism University of Southern California Keywords cyber-diplomacy, public diplomacy, narrative paradigm, social media, YouTube, Web 2.0, strategic communication Abstract This paper uses Walter Fisher’s narrative paradigm to examine Israel’s efforts to shape the narrative of the violent confrontation and loss of life of activists aboard the Mavi Marmara, part of the Gaza “Freedom Flotilla,” in May 2010. In an exploratory application of Fisher’s narrative paradigm to cyber-diplomacy, this research argues that Israel could not shift blame largely because its concerted and sustained YouTube campaign failed the tests of narrative logic: narrative probability and narrative fidelity. Viewed through the lens of narrative logic, Israel’s cyber-diplomacy rhetoric failed in three main claims: that there is no humanitarian crisis in Gaza; that acting against the Flotilla was a “last resort”; and that the Mavi Marmara was filled with terrorists or “terrorist sympathizers”. As a result, Israel’s narrative failure may have exacerbated an already damaging public relations crisis, adversely affecting the public support of even its staunchest ally, the Unites States. This paper demonstrates the value of the narrative paradigm as an effective rhetorical frame for foreign policy crises and public/cyber diplomacy and as an alternative to foreign policy evaluation based solely on rational logic. Introduction A nation-state will sometimes undertake a politically hazardous act of foreign policy before it can deploy a public relations effort to accompany or build support for that decision.
    [Show full text]
  • The U.S.-Turkey-Israel Triangle
    ANALYSIS PAPER Number 34, October 2014 THE U.S.-TURKEY-ISRAEL TRIANGLE Dan Arbell The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2014 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Acknowledgements I would like to thank Haim and Cheryl Saban for their support of this re- search. I also wish to thank Tamara Cofman Wittes for her encouragement and interest in this subject, Dan Byman for shepherding this process and for his continuous sound advice and feedback, and Stephanie Dahle for her ef- forts to move this manuscript through the publication process. Thank you to Martin Indyk for his guidance, Dan Granot and Clara Schein- mann for their assistance, and a special thanks to Michael Oren, a mentor and friend, for his strong support. Last, but not least, I would like to thank my wife Sarit; without her love and support, this project would not have been possible. The U.S.-Turkey-Israel Triangle The Center for Middle East Policy at BROOKINGS ii About the Author Dan Arbell is a nonresident senior fellow with Israel’s negotiating team with Syria (1993-1996), the Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings, and later as deputy chief of mission at the Israeli and a scholar-in-residence with the department of Embassy in Tokyo, Japan (2001-2005).
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Lawsuit
    Case 2:15-cv-08130 Document 1 Filed 10/16/15 Page 1 of 31 Page ID #:1 1 Cindy Pánuco, Esq. [S.B. #266921] Brian Olney, Esq. [S.B. # 298089] 2 HADSELL STORMER & RENICK LLP 128 N. Fair Oaks Avenue 3 Pasadena, California 91103 4 Telephone: (626) 585-9600 Facsimile: (626) 577-7079 5 Emails: [email protected] [email protected] 6 7 Attorneys for Plaintiffs 8 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 9 CENTRAL DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA 10 AHMET DOĞAN, individually and on Case No.: behalf of his deceased son FURKAN 11 COMPLAINT FOR DAMAGES: DOĞAN; and HIKMET DOĞAN, 12 individually and on behalf of her 1. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of 13 deceased son, FURKAN DOĞAN, Torture Victim Protection Act, by Ahmet Doğan 14 2. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of Plaintiffs, Torture Victim Protection Act, by 15 Hikmet Doğan vs. 3. Torture In Violation of Torture 16 Victim Protection Act, by Ahmet Doğan and Hikmet Doğan on Behalf 17 EHUD BARAK, of Furkan Doğan as his Successors in Interest 18 Defendant. 4. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of 19 Alien Tort Claims Act, by Ahmet Doğan 20 5. Extrajudicial Killing in Violation of Alien Tort Claims Act, by Hikmet 21 Doğan 6. Acts of International Terrorism in 22 Violation of Anti-Terrorism Act, by Ahmet Doğan and Hikmet Doğan on 23 Behalf of Furkan Doğan as his Successors in Interest 24 7. Acts of International Terrorism in Violation of Anti-Terrorism Act, by 25 Ahmet Doğan 26 8. Acts Of International Terrorism In Violation Of Anti-Terrorism Act, by 27 Hikmet Doğan 28 DEMAND FOR JURY TRIAL COMPLAINT FOR DAMAGES Case 2:15-cv-08130 Document 1 Filed 10/16/15 Page 2 of 31 Page ID #:2 1 INTRODUCTION 2 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel, Blockade of Gaza and the Flotilla Incident
    Published on How does law protect in war? - Online casebook (https://casebook.icrc.org) Home > Israel, Blockade of Gaza and the Flotilla Incident Israel, Blockade of Gaza and the Flotilla Incident [N.B. The Flotilla Incident has also been the object of a decision on 6 November 2014 by the Prosecutor of the ICC not to proceed with an investigation (see http://www.icc- cpi.int/iccdocs/otp/OTP-COM-Article_53(1)-Report-06Nov2014Eng.pdf [1]), a decision by an ICC Pre-Trial Chamber requesting her to review her decision ( https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/record.aspx?docNo=ICC-01/13-34 [2]) and a final decision of the Prosecutor of 29 November 2017 not to do so (see https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/record.aspx?docNo=ICC-01/13-57 [3]).] N.B. As per the disclaimer [4], neither the ICRC nor the authors can be identified with the opinions expressed in the Cases and Documents. Some cases even come to solutions that clearly violate IHL. They are nevertheless worthy of discussion, if only to raise a challenge to display more humanity in armed conflicts. Similarly, in some of the texts used in the case studies, the facts may not always be proven; nevertheless, they have been selected because they highlight interesting IHL issues and are thus published for didactic purposes. A. Gaza flotilla raid [Source : Courrier International, "L’attaque de la flottille de Gaza", 9 June 2010, available at http://www.courrierinternational.com] [5] On 31 May 2010 Israeli soldiers boarded a flotilla of six ships manned by 700 pro- Palestinian militants […] from over 50 countries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Venture of the Comoros Referral at the Preliminary Examination Stage
    Carsten Stahn (editors) Morten Bergsmo and Publication Series No. 32 (2018): Editors of this volume: Quality Control in Preliminary Examination: Volume 1 Morten Bergsmo is Director of the Cen- tre for International Law Research and Policy Morten Bergsmo and Carsten Stahn (editors) (CILRAP). This is the fi rst of two volumes entitled Quality Control in Preliminary Examination. They Carsten Stahn is Professor of International form part of a wider research project led by the Centre for International Law Re- Criminal Law and Global Justice at Leiden search and Policy (CILRAP) on how we ensure the highest quality and cost-effi ciency Law School, and Programme Director of the during the more fact-intensive phases of work on core international crimes. The Grotius Centre for International Legal Stud- 2013 volume Quality Control in Fact-Finding considers fact-fi nding outside the criminal ies in The Hague. justice system. An upcoming volume concerns quality control in criminal investiga- The Torkel Opsahl Academic EPublisher tions. The present volume deals with ‘preliminary examination’, the phase when crim- 1 Volume in Preliminary Examination: Quality Control (TOAEP) furthers the objective of excellence inal justice seeks to determine whether there is a reasonable basis to proceed to full in research, scholarship and education by pub- criminal investigation. The book does not specifi cally recommend that prosecutorial lishing worldwide in print and through the discretion in this phase should be further regulated, but that its exercise should be Internet. As a non-profi t publisher, it is fi rmly committed to open access publishing. more vigilantly assessed. It promotes an awareness and culture of quality control, including freedom and motivation to challenge the quality of work.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey, the Global Muslim Brotherhood, and the Gaza Flotilla Steven G
    TURKEY, THE GLOBAL MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD, AND THE GAZA FLOTILLA Steven G. Merley Abstract: This report presents the results of an investigation into the role played by the Global Muslim Brotherhood and its Turkish allies in the May 2010 Gaza flotilla which involved a violent altercation between passengers on one of the ships and Israeli naval forces. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs המרכז הירושלמי לענייני ציבור ומדינה )ע"ר( © 2011 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel Hai Street, Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281, Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Email: [email protected] www.jcpa.org ISBN 978-965-218-095-7 Production Director: Adam Shay Editor: Sharon Blass Graphic Design: www.ramijaki.co.il • Rami & Jacky / Elisheva Cohen Cover Photo: The Turkish ship Mavi Marmara taking part in the Gaza flotilla (AFP). Photos: AP, AFP Cihan News Agency Note: All quotations used in this report were either cited verbatim from their sources or translated where necessary. The misspellings and other linguistic errors that appear in these references are the result of either translations by non-native English speakers or errors in the source documents. CONTENTS GLOSSARY 5 CONCLUSIONS 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 13 Background 13 Turkish/MB Network 15 Demonizing Israel 17 Conferences 17 Demonstrations 17 Press Conferences 18 Legal Actions 18 Aid Campaigns 18 Support of the Turkish Government 19 Relationship to Hamas 19 Pre-Flotilla Support 20 Post-Flotilla Support 21 Statements 21 Role of Kuwait 22 IUMS Meeting 23 Chart 1: Turkish/MB Network 24 THE REPORT 25 Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Scholars Weigh in on Gaza Blockade, Flotilla Deaths Page 1 of 4
    Legal Scholars Weigh in on Gaza Blockade, Flotilla Deaths Page 1 of 4 Legal Scholars Weigh in on Gaza Blockade, Flotilla Deaths Erik Schechter June 28, 2010 Nearly a month after its deadly naval raid on an aid flotilla, Israel refuses to lift its blockade of the Gaza Strip. Still, the government of Benjamin Netanyahu has loosened restrictions on the types of goods that may enter the Hamas-ruled coastal enclave. Likewise, it has set up a commission to examine the events of May 30-31. None of this, however, has squelched criticism of the Gaza blockade and the flotilla incident. To recap, in late May, the Free Gaza Movement, a pro- Palestinian solidarity group, arranged for six ships MV Mavi Marmara, May 22, 2010 by Free Gaza Movement (CC) loaded with humanitarian aid to breach the Israeli naval blockade. Anticipating arrival of this flotilla, the Israeli navy sailed out to the boats and warned them away from Gaza coastline, offering instead to have the cargo delivered to the territory via Israeli land terminals. However, the flotilla activists rejected the offer. When the Free Gaza crew made it clear that they intended to run the blockade, Israeli navy commandos boarded the boats at night, in international waters, and subdued the passengers. This occurred, for the most part, without incident. However, on one ship, the MV Mavi Marmara, a large contingent of baton-wielding Turkish Islamist activists clashed with commandos, resulting in the deaths of nine passengers. This bloody episode provoked a wave of outrage—and not just in the Muslim world.
    [Show full text]