A Study of Military Lawyers in Israel
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Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41514 Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank. -
The Raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on International Law By
EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen und Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt e.V. ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l’Homme dans le Monde EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i Diritti dell’Uomo nel Mondo Professor Bill Bowring, President (London) Professeure Monique CHEMILLIER- GENDREAU, Présidente d’honneur (Paris) Thomas SCHMIDT (Rechtsanwalt) Secretary General (Duesseldorf) The raid on the Free Gaza Flotilla on 31 May 2010 Opinion on international law by Prof. em. Dr. Norman Paech University of Hamburg I. The facts The raid by the Israeli army on the Free Gaza Flotilla in the early morning of 31 May 2010 aroused worldwide indignation. In the raid, nine passengers on the Mavi Marmara, sailing under the Turkish flag, died, and at least forty-five were injured, some of them seriously. While a considerable body of opinion sees this as a serious breach of international law, and even speaks of war crimes, the Israeli army regards itself as fully justified, and following an internal review has admitted only that there were some slips in the planning and execution of the seizure of the ships1. Before the events can be further analysed with regard to international law, it is first necessary to set out the sequence in which they occurred, which is constantly being described differently. Only six of the original eight ships gathered on 30 May in international waters, far south of the island of Cyprus and east of Israel. -
192 Comments
GAZA AID CONVOY June 03, 2010 chedet.co.cc 1. The Israelis claim that the activists on the M.V. Mavi Marmara had attacked their commandos with guns, iron rods, scissors and pointed sticks. 2. The last time Free Gaza sent a small boat to take relief supplies to Gaza, Israeli commandos boarded it and towed it to Ashdod. 3. The activists must know that the same thing might happen to them. But it is ridiculous to suggest that the civilian activists planned to fight against the well-armed and well-trained Israelis. 4. Claiming that the activists attacked the commandos first is equally ridiculous. The forces ranged against them were powerful and enormous, capable of sinking their boats. The Israelis have been known to ram supply boats with their armoured naval vessels. What is clear is that the Israeli's were the ones to attack first by dropping their commandos from the helicopter. 5. The Israelis claim that the activists seized the pistols belonging to the commandos. Again this is ridiculous. These are trained soldiers, wearing protective armour and most certainly skilled in unarmed combat. It is most unlikely that raw activists can disarm and seize the guns of the black-suited commandos. 6. In any case, shooting with live bullets against a group of civilians probably armed with wooden sticks is unjustified. The hazy pictures shown by the Israel propagandist of rods being used may not be iron rods at all. They could be wooden sticks as the pictures are dark silhouettes which cannot be identified as activists or soldiers. -
Israel's Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath
Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs June 23, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41275 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Israel’s Blockade of Gaza, the Mavi Marmara Incident, and Its Aftermath Summary Israel unilaterally withdrew from the Gaza Strip in 2005, but retained control of its borders. Hamas, a U.S. State Department-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), won the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections and forcibly seized control of the territory in 2007. Israel imposed a tighter blockade of Gaza in response to Hamas’s takeover and tightened the flow of goods and materials into Gaza after its military offensive against Hamas from December 2008 to January 2009. That offensive destroyed much of Gaza’s infrastructure, but Israel has obstructed the delivery of rebuilding materials that it said could also be used to manufacture weapons and for other military purposes. Israel, the U.N., and international non-governmental organizations differ about the severity of the blockade’s effects on the humanitarian situation of Palestinian residents of Gaza. Nonetheless, it is clear that the territory’s economy and people are suffering. In recent years, humanitarian aid groups have sent supply ships and activists to Gaza. However, Israel directs them to its port of Ashdod for inspection before delivery to Gaza. In May 2010, the pro-Palestinian Free Gaza Movement and the pro-Hamas Turkish Humanitarian Relief Fund organized a six-ship flotilla to deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza and to break Israel’s blockade of the territory. -
Perché Questo Ciclo Di Incontri E Di Seminari
Viva Palestina Italia Perché questo ciclo di incontri e di seminari La pubblicazione del saggio di Ghada Karmi introduce nel discorso pubblico italiano il tema della one-state solution, ed è quindi necessario e doveroso promuoverne la conoscenza e aprire un dibattito, in particolare in questo momento in cui si sta sviluppando da parte sionista una manovra propagandistica senza precedenti. Due esempi tra tutti, la manifestazione del 7 ottobre a Roma Per la verità, per Israele1 e la presenza in Piemonte dal 7 al 12 novembre di Amos Oz2. Ma c'è dell'altro, dalla guerra in Libano nel 2006, all'operazione Piombo Fuso, all'attacco omicida contro la Mavi Marmara, il movimento di solidarietà internazionale con la resistenza palestinese, o almeno parte di esso, sta cercando nuove strade per agire con efficacia contro il sionismo. L' appello palestinese al boicottaggio, disinvestimento e sanzioni (BDS) del 9 luglio 2005, preceduto nel 2004 da quello per il boicottaggio accademico e culturale di Israele, i convogli sempre più numerosi, la flottiglia del maggio 2010, che ha dato un seguito alla felice intuizione del Free Gaza Movement, e quelle che si preannunciano, sono parte di una stessa strategia, una strategia di boicottaggio diretto e indiretto, che mira a ottenere risultati concreti a breve-medio termine. Non si può più permettere al sionismo di continuare a fare tutto quello che gli è stato permesso di fare, a partire dalla pulizia etnica che continua, e di godere della completa immunità e impunità per il suo agire barbaro e criminale, sia da parte delle potenze occidentali sia da parte dei cosiddetti paesi arabi “moderati”. -
Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov 2010 Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies – Study no. 406 Barriers to Peace in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Editor: Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov The statements made and the views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Israel 6 Lloyd George St. Jerusalem 91082 http://www.kas.de/israel E-mail: [email protected] © 2010, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St., 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org E-mail: [email protected] This publication was made possible by funds granted by the Charles H. Revson Foundation. In memory of Professor Alexander L. George, scholar, mentor, friend, and gentleman The Authors Yehudith Auerbach is Head of the Division of Journalism and Communication Studies and teaches at the Department of Political Studies of Bar-Ilan University. Dr. Auerbach studies processes of reconciliation and forgiveness . in national conflicts generally and in the Israeli-Palestinian context specifically and has published many articles on this issue. Yaacov Bar-Siman-Tov is a Professor of International Relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and holds the Chair for the Study of Peace and Regional Cooperation. Since 2003 he is the Head of the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. He specializes in the fields of conflict management and resolution, peace processes and negotiations, stable peace, reconciliation, and the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular. He is the author and editor of 15 books and many articles in these fields. -
Juzgado Central De Instruccion Nº
[Non-official translation of a court order issued by the judge Fernando Andreu on 29 January 2009] CENTRAL MAGISTRATES’ COURT NO. FOUR AUDIENCIA NACIONAL (SPANISH NATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE) MADRID Preliminary Report no.: 157/2.008-G.A. COURT ORDER Madrid, on the twenty-ninth of January two thousand and nine. FACTUAL BACKGROUND. FIRST.- By the representation of Mr. RAED MOHAMMED IBRAHIM MATTAR, Mr. MOHAMMED IBRAHIM MOHAMMED MATTAR, Mr. RAMI MOHAMMED IBRAHIM MATTAR, Mr. KHALIL KHADER MOHAMMED AL SEADI, Mr. MAHMOUD SOBHI MOHAMMED EL HOUWEIT and Mr. MAHASSEL ALI HASAN AL SAHWWA, an action was filed against Mr. DAN HALUTZ, Commander of the Israeli Air Forces at the time the facts took place Mr. BENJAMIN BEN-ELIEZER, Israeli Defence Minister at the time the denounced facts took place, Mr. DORON ALMOG, Southern Command GOC of the Israel Defence Forces, Mr. GIORA EILAND, Head of the Israeli National Security Council and National Security Advisor, Mr. MICHAEL HERZOG, Military Secretary to the Israel Defence Ministry Mr. MOSHE YA´ALON, Chief of Staff of the Israel Defence Forces, and Mr. ABRAHAM DICHTER, General Director of the General Security Service of Israel, and, that, by virtue of the following facts: “On 22 July 2002, between 23.30 and 24.00 hours, an Israeli F16 fighter plane dropped a one-ton bomb on the Al Daraj neighbourhood of the City of Gaza. The main objective of such attack was the house of Salah Shehadeh, who was suspected of being one of the Hamas commanders, due to which the objective of the mission was killing him. -
Context of the Harvard Sussex Draft Convention a Documented Chronology of Events During 1996 Through 2010
Context of the Harvard Sussex Draft Convention A Documented Chronology of Events during 1996 through 2010 Nicholas Dragffy HSP Associate 22 March 2011 Published without footnotes in The CBW Conventions Bulletin special issue of February 2011 1 Introduction The Harvard Sussex Draft Convention would make it a crime under international law for any person, regardless of official position, to develop, produce, acquire, stockpile, retain, transfer, or use biological or chemical weapons; to assist, encourage, induce, order, or direct anyone to engage in any such activities; or to threaten or engage in preparations to use such weapons. To do so, the Draft Convention would provide national courts with extensive jurisdiction – including, to a limited extent, universal jurisdiction – over such crimes and remove the defence of state immunity in relation thereto. This chronology sets out developments relevant to the international criminalization of CBW since the Draft Convention was conceived in 1996. The focus is on state behaviour in regard to applicable and developing legal concepts. The chronology also charts the emergence of the Draft Convention into civil society With regard to universal jurisdiction and state immunity, the chronology focuses primarily on developments in Belgium, France, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. Each of these states has passed legislation conferring universal jurisdiction on its courts, and in each state both victims and non-governmental organizations have filed lawsuits on universal jurisdiction grounds. Each -
Combating Impunity for International Crimes in Spain: from the Prosecution of Pinochet to the Indictment of Garzón
Combating impunity for international crimes in Spain: from the prosecution of Pinochet to the indictment of Garzón Claudia Jiménez Cortés Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Barcelona, May 2011 01-80 WP 2011-1 ING.indd 1 27/10/2011 12:36:30 Institut Català Internacional per la Pau Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes 658, baixos · 08010 Barcelona T. +34 93 554 42 70 | F. +34 93 554 42 80 [email protected] | http://www.icip.cat Editors Javier Alcalde and Rafael Grasa Editorial Board Pablo Aguiar, Alfons Barceló, Catherine Charrett, Gemma Collantes-Celador, Caterina Garcia, Abel Escribà, Vicenç Fisas, Tica Font, Antoni Pigrau, Xavier Pons, Alejandro Pozo, Mònica Sabata, Jaume Saura, Antoni Segura and Josep Maria Terricabras Graphic Design Fundació Tam-Tam Translation Charles Southgate Typesseting and printing Ātona, S.L. / gama, sl ISSN 2013-5793 (online edition) 2013-5785 (paper edition) DL B-38.039-2009 01-80 WP 2011-1 ING.indd 2 27/10/2011 12:36:30 T h e A u T h o r Claudia Jimenez is a Professor of Public International Law at the Au- tonomous University of Barcelona. Her main research topics deal with International Criminal Law and Human Rights, an area where she has an LLM from the Human Rights Centre, University of Essex (1990). She has participated as an observer at the Review Conference of the International Criminal Court (2010) and has supervised the doctoral thesis research of Joan Sanchez (2008) on “The observance of the principle of international legality in the progressive development of crimes against humanity”. -
Palestinian Manipulation of the International Community
PALESTINIAN MANIPULATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY Ambassador Alan Baker (ed.) Palestinian Manipulation of the International Community Edited by Amb. Alan Baker ISBN: 978-965-218-117-6 © 2014 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs 13 Tel Hai Street, Jerusalem, Israel Tel. 972-2-561-9281 Fax. 972-2-561-9112 Contents Overview: Palestinian Manipulation of the International Community Amb. Alan Baker................................................................................................. 5 Manipulating International Law as Part of Anti-Israel “Lawfare” Prof. Robbie Sabel...............................................................................................13 Universal Jurisdiction: Learning the Costs of Political Manipulation the Hard Way Dr. Rephael Ben-Ari...........................................................................................23 The Demonization of Israel at the United Nations in Europe Mr. Hillel Neuer.................................................................................................47 The Role of NGOs in the Palestinian Political War Against Israel Prof. Gerald M. Steinberg...................................................................................65 Politicizing the International Criminal Court Prof. Eugene Kontorovich....................................................................................79 Degrading International Institutions: The United Nations Goldstone Report Amb. Dore Gold .................................................................................................91 -
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Jim Zanotti Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41514 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank. -
The Political Branches and the Transna- Tional Prosecution of International Crimes
105 AMJIL 1 Page 1 105 Am. J. Int'l L. 1 American Journal of International Law January, 2011 *1 THE DIPLOMACY OF UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION: THE POLITICAL BRANCHES AND THE TRANSNA- TIONAL PROSECUTION OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMES Máximo Langer [FNa1] Copyright © 2011 by The American Society of International Law; Máximo Langer Under universal jurisdiction, any state in the world may prosecute and try the core international crimes--crimes against humanity, genocide, torture, and war crimes--without any territorial, personal, or national-interest link to the crime in question when it was committed. [FN1] The jurisdictional claim is predicated on the atrocious nature of the crime and legally based on treaties or customary international law. Unlike the regime of international criminal tribunals created by the United Nations Security Council and the enforcement regime of the International Criminal Court (ICC), the regime of universal jurisdiction is completely decentralized. Defenders of universal jurisdiction claim that it is a crucial tool for bringing justice to victims, deterring state or quasi-state officials from committing international crimes, and establishing a minimum international rule of law by sub- stantially closing the “impunity gap” for international crimes. [FN2] Critics argue that universal jurisdiction disrupts in- ternational relations, provokes judicial chaos, and interferes with political solutions to mass atrocities. [FN3] *2 One of the issues missing from this debate is the role of the political branches, specifically the executive