Democratizing the PLO
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Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41514 Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank. -
United States District Court Eastern District of New
Case 1:04-cv-02799-BMC-PK Document 542 Filed 02/26/09 Page 1 of 18 PageID #: <pageID> UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT EASTERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK -------------------------------------------------------x COURTNEY LINDE, et al., Plaintiff, MEMORANDUM AND ORDER - v - CV-04-2799 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, et al., Defendants. -------------------------------------------------------x PHILIP LITLE, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-04-5449 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff. - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ORAN ALMOG, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-04-5564 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ROBERT L. COULTER, SR., et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-365 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant. --------------------------------------------------------x GILA AFRIAT-KURTZER, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-388 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x MICHAEL BENNETT et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-3183 (NG)(VVP) Case 1:04-cv-02799-BMC-PK Document 542 Filed 02/26/09 Page 2 of 18 PageID #: <pageID> ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ARNOLD ROTH, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-3738 (NG)(VVP) -
Dealing with Hamas
DEALING WITH HAMAS 26 January 2004 ICG Middle East Report N°21 Amman/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. HAMAS: ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT.............................................................. 4 A. ORIGINS................................................................................................................................4 B. TRANSFORMATION................................................................................................................5 C. ASCENDANCY .......................................................................................................................6 D. THE CHALLENGE OF OSLO ....................................................................................................8 III. HAMAS AND THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE ..................................................... 10 A. ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE ...........................................................................................10 B. THE HAMAS CHARTER ........................................................................................................11 C. HAMAS AND THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION ............................................................................13 D. HAMAS AND THE USES OF VIOLENCE ..................................................................................16 IV. OPTIONS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS.................................................................. -
Inclusion of Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Action. Case Studies Collection 2019
CASE STUDIES COLLECTION 2019 Inclusion of persons with disabilities in humanitarian action 39 examples of field practices, and learnings from 20 countries, for all phases of humanitarian response 2 | Inclusion of persons with disabilities in humanitarian action Acknowledgements CBM International, Humanity & Inclusion (HI) and the International Disability Alliance (IDA) would like to thank all the contributors to this publication. Thanks go to the lead author and coordinator of the report, Tom Palmer (HI); the staff from CBM, HI and IDA who supported the drafting, coordination and finalization of the report, Elena Bertozzi (HI), Georgia Dominik (IDA) and Emma Pettey (CBM); as well as the members of the steering committee of the project, Priscille Geiser (IDA), Christian Modino Hok (CBM), Flavia Stea Antonini (HI) and Tushar Wali (CBM). Special thanks also go to those who have dedicated time to share their practices and learnings from field experience. Thanks to HI staff Sien Andries (global), Ghislaine Bujimbi (Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC), Raymond Wasanga (DRC), Tity Atumisi (DRC), Osama Hamdan (Palestine), Rafid Shikwana (Iraq), Marwa Mubarak (Jordan), Shaden Abdullah (Jordan), Yazan AL Jayyousi (Jordan), Shirin Kiani (Jordan), Marlee Quinn (Jordan), Yahoko Asai (Jordan), Jeroen Stol (Kenya), Rachel Temoi (Kenya), Marie Mabrut (Myanmar), Carissa Galla (Philippines), Menchie Lacson (Philippines), Idrissa Ccheifou (Niger) and Estelle Koudougou (Niger). Thanks to CBM staff Gordon Rattray (global), Alberto Tonon (global), Oliver Neuschäfer -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 17, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world— including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance within the Palestinian Authority (PA). Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development amid concern for preventing the funds from benefitting Palestinian rejectionists who advocate violence against Israelis. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. Following Hamas’s takeover of Gaza in June 2007, the United States and the other members of the international Quartet (the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia) have sought to bolster the West Bank-based PA, led by President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. -
A Comparative Analysis of Cnn and Al Jazeera's Coverage
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CNN AND AL JAZEERA’S COVERAGE OF THE PALESTINIAN- ISRAELI CONFLICT OF 2014 BY HALIMA SADIYYA ADAMU P13SSMM8011 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES, AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY ZARIA, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF SCIENCE DEGREE IN MASS COMMUNICATION DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION, FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA OCTOBER, 2018 1 DECLARATION I declare that the work in this dissertation entitled A Comparative Analysis of CNN and Al Jazeera English Coverage of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict of 2014 was written by me in the department of Mass Communication. The information derived from the literature has been duly acknowledged in the text and a list of references provided. No part of this thesis has been presented for the award of any form of academic qualification at this, or any other academic institution. _________________________ ________________________Halima Sadiyya Adamu Date P13SSMM8011 2 CERTIFICATION This dissertation entitled A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF CNN AND AL JAZEERA‘S COVERAGE OF THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT OF 2014 by ADAMU HALIMA SADIYYA meets the regulations governing the award of the degree of Masters of Science (M.S.c Hons) in Mass Communication of the Ahmadu Bello University, and is approved for its contribution to knowledge and literary presentation. Mal. Usman Jimada ______________________ __________________ Chairman, Supervisory Committee Date Dr. Ibrahim Jimoh _______________________ __________________ Member, Supervisory Committee Date Dr. Mahmood Umar ________________________ __________________ Head of Department Date Prof. Sadiq Z. Abubakar _____________________ _________________ Dean, School of Postgraduate Studies Date 3 DEDICATION For my beloved late father, Mallam Sa‘idu Hassan Adamu (Paapa) who was always so proud of me. -
Contextualizing Palestinian Political Succession
Viewpoints No. 130 After Abbas: Contextualizing Palestinian Political Succession Hillel Zand Wilson Center December 2018 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Until Death Do Us Part “It’s possible that this is my final meeting with you. No one knows how long [I] will live. No one can force a political plan upon me that I don’t want. Only what I want will happen; I will not end my life with betrayal!”1 These are the words reported to have been spoken by Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas at the Fatah Revolutionary Council’s meeting in March 2018. While details of the Council’s meetings are normally publicized, those from this most recent meeting were not. What is clear, however, is that the ailing, 83-year-old Abbas is keen on orchestrating what Palestinian leadership will look like immediately after he no longer holds the presidency. Equally clear is that, almost fourteen years into his four-year presidential mandate, and despite the fact that more than 60% of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza want him to resign, Abbas will only yield power upon his own death or incapacitation.2 The question of Palestinian succession remains an enigma, one characterized by speculation and hypotheticals, largely due to the legal ambiguousness that faces Palestinian politics. Numerous analysts have posited possible presidential contenders — from the establishment to the radicals to the wild cards — and ranked their likelihood of accession.3 Yet the identification of potential successors is immaterial in the absence of a more robust contextual framework. The most significant questions surrounding the issue of Palestinian succession are not about who could succeed Abbas, but rather, what will be the conditions in which the successor accedes to power and what factors will determine their success. -
Palestinian Refugees in Syria During the Syrian Civil War
Teka Kom. Politol. Stos. Międzynar. – OL PAN, 2017, 12/1, 107–123 PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN SYRIA DURING THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR Marcin Szydzisz Institute of International Studies Faculty of Social Sciences University of Wroclaw Abstract: The article is an attempt to describe situation of Palestinian refugees during the Syrian Civil War. The author explains the attitude of the conflict’s main parties towards Palestinians. The paper also presents the stance of Palestinian parties (Hamas and PLO) and Palestinian refugees towards the Assad regime and rebels. Unfortunately, fights have been occurring in Palestinian camps, too (especially in the Yarmouk camp), so Palestinians are also victims of the conflict. Key words: Palestine, Palestinian refugees, Syria, Yarmouk camp During the 1948 war that established Israel’s existence, about 750,000 Arabs who had lived in Mandatory Palestine fled or were expelled from their homes. Almost 70,000 of them fled to Syria. They came mainly from the northern part of Palestine – Safad, Haifa, Acre, Tiberias, Nazareth and Jaffa. The majority of Palestinian refugees were settled along the border area with Israel. After the 1967 war, another 100,000 people, some of whom were Palestinian refugees, fled from the Golan Heights to other parts of Syria. According to UNRWA (the United Nation Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees) there are 560,000 registered Palestinian refugees1, almost three percent of the total Syrian population2. Some of these refugees lived in thirteen camps, nine of which are acknowledged by UNWRA (constituting about 30% of the Palestinian refugee population), while the other four camps are recognized only by Syrian govern- 1 http://www.unrwa.org/syria-crisis April 16, 2015. -
Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas?
Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas? Yousef Munayyer March 15, 2017 Background importantly the United States and other western players. Over the course of this time, Since its establishment in the 1980s, the the Fatah faction in the West Bank has been led Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, or by Mahmoud Abbas, who is simultaneously Hamas, has increasingly become an important the chairman of the PLO as well as the player in domestic Palestinian politics as well president of the Ramallah-based Palestinian as in the armed struggle against Israel. As its Authority. The Gaza-based PA, run by Hamas, ranks and its role have grown over the years, has been led by Ismail Haniyeh, who served so too has tension with its rival Palestinian both as prime minister and as head of Hamas’s political faction Fatah. Despite opposing the Gaza-based political organization. Oslo Accords, Hamas decided to enter into the Palestinian political fray in 2006 when it fielded candidates for the Palestinian An Internal Election Legislative Council (PLC), an Oslo-created institution, and ultimately won enough votes For the first time in recent memory, there will to form a Palestinian Authority (PA) governing be a change in the figures playing these roles. coalition. What followed, along with Haniyeh, who has been the Gaza-based Hamas opposition to such an outcome from the West, prime minister since Hamas ran in the PLC was an unwillingness on the part of Fatah to elections, came up to the end of his second partner in any sort of wider coalition. -
Hamas Ceasefire Proposal: Peace Or Pause? | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 447 Hamas Ceasefire Proposal: Peace or Pause? Mar 16, 2004 Brief Analysis as the radical Palestinian Islamist organization Hamas adopted a new, more moderate view on peace with H Israel? In recent months, elite news organizations—from the Economist to National Public Radio—have highlighted interviews by Hamas leaders such as founder Shaykh Ahmed Yassin suggesting a willingness on the part of the organization to negotiate a "long-term truce" with Israel. On December 1, 2003, Yassin declared that Hamas was "ready to reach or to go with this enemy [Israel] into a long-term . truce. But the enemy . must pull out from all the Palestinian territories and . remove all shapes and kinds of occupation." Given that as a movement, Hamas embodies fundamental hostility to the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine, and that the organization has claimed responsibility for dozens of suicide bomb attacks (attempted and successful) both inside and outside the Green Line, these media outlets take heart from what appears to be a newfound pragmatism in the organization's approach. Such a policy, some journalists note, would help Hamas push aside Yasir Arafat's Palestinian Authority and emerge as the principal Palestinian interlocutor in negotiations with Israel. In reality, however, Hamas truce offers are not new. Hamas has, in fact, proposed a ceasefire with Israel no fewer than eleven times since 1993. In most cases, these offers have served to deflect massive Israeli retaliation against the group's leadership in response to a Hamas terrorist act. On at least three occasions, Hamas proposals have included tacit acceptance of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, rather than "from the river to the sea," i.e., accepting Israel within its Green Line borders. -
Palestinian Factions
Order Code RS21235 Updated June 8, 2005 CRS Report for Congress .Received through the CRS Web Palestinian Factions Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle East Religious & Cultural Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Palestinian factionalism continues to dominate the political landscape in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The manner in which competing nationalist, socialist, Islamist, and democratic-minded Palestinians vie to control the direction of any future Palestinian state may influence United States objectives in the region. These include ending anti- Israeli violence, supporting Palestinian reforms, and bolstering Palestinian democratization and civil society. Some factions are designated foreign terrorist organizations by the State Department. One of these, Hamas, is building on recent electoral successes and may soon join the Palestinian parliament. This report describes the dominant Palestinian factions, and will be updated as events warrant. See also CRS Issue Brief IB91137, The Middle East Peace Talks. Overview Recent and upcoming Palestinian local, municipal, and legislative elections are drawing the attention of policymakers to Palestinian factions.1 The purpose of this report is to describe dominant Palestinian factions and some of the challenges that factions present. For decades, Palestinian factionalism has dominated the political landscape in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. With Hamas, a dominant faction, faring well in local and municipal elections and poised to gain parliamentary representation, the United States and Israel, in all likelihood, will be faced with a foreign terrorist organization (FTO) in a position of political authority. Also, during the current Palestinian uprising that began in September 2000, violence and terrorism against Israelis has been conducted not only by Hamas, but also factions related to the PLO, and Fatah in particular. -
Is the EU Losing Credibility in Palestine?
> > POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 50 - JUNE 2010 Is the EU losing credibility in Palestine? Daniela Huber The Israeli attack on the Gaza Flotilla and the resulting diplo- >> matic reverberations have engendered clear international agreement on one subject: that the Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip has to be lifted. The EU’s foreign policy chief, Catherine Ashton, was HIGHLIGHTS quick to condemn the attack and urged Israel to lift the blockade, call- ing it ‘unacceptable’ and ‘counterproductive’. This move would be a • The EU should actively first step to improving the deteriorating living conditions in Gaza. But it must be remembered that the Middle East Quartet contributed support a Palestinian to the current impasse through its political boycott of the elected reconciliation process, Hamas government and, perhaps more crucially, of the National Uni- resulting in elections without ty Government, which would have provided an opportunity for Pales- further delay tinian reconciliation. • The EU has lost credibility The divide in Palestinian society prevails. In 2009, national elections as a normative actor since originally scheduled for January 2010 were postponed to an unknown its political boycott of date. This postponement counted with the EU’s silent support. Now Hamas: it should re-energise President Abbas has also delayed the municipal elections planned for its approach to democracy July 2010. The elections had already been boycotted by Hamas and promotion, focusing on were to take place in the West Bank only. Palestinian civil society capacity building The postponement of the elections comes in the wake of the Flotilla attack with mounting calls for Palestinian unity to bring about an end to the blockade of the Gaza Strip.