Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas?
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Gaza-Israel: the Legal and the Military View Transcript
Gaza-Israel: The Legal and the Military View Transcript Date: Wednesday, 7 October 2015 - 6:00PM Location: Barnard's Inn Hall 07 October 2015 Gaza-Israel: The Legal and Military View Professor Sir Geoffrey Nice QC General Sir Nick Parker For long enough commentators have usually assumed the Israel - Palestine armed conflict might be lawful, even if individual incidents on both sides attracted condemnation. But is that assumption right? May the conflict lack legality altogether, on one side or both? Have there been war crimes committed by both sides as many suggest? The 2014 Israeli – Gaza conflict (that lasted some 52 days and that was called 'Operation Protective Edge' by the Israeli Defence Force) allows a way to explore some of the underlying issues of the overall conflict. General Sir Nick Parker explains how he advised Geoffrey Nice to approach the conflict's legality and reality from a military point of view. Geoffrey Nice explains what conclusions he then reached. Were war crimes committed by either side? Introduction No human is on this earth as a volunteer; we are all created by an act of force, sometimes of violence just as the universe itself arrived by force. We do not leave the world voluntarily but often by the force of disease. As pressed men on earth we operate according to rules of nature – gravity, energy etc. – and the rules we make for ourselves but focus much attention on what to do when our rules are broken, less on how to save ourselves from ever breaking them. That thought certainly will feature in later lectures on prison and sex in this last year of my lectures as Gresham Professor of Law but is also central to this and the next lecture both on Israel and on parts of its continuing conflict with Gaza. -
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress
Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress December 2, 2010 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41514 Hamas: Background and Issues for Congress Summary This report and its appendixes provide background information on Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, and U.S. policy towards it. It also includes information and analysis on (1) the threats Hamas currently poses to U.S. interests, (2) how Hamas compares with other Middle East terrorist groups, (3) Hamas’s ideology and policies (both generally and on discrete issues), (4) its leadership and organization, and (5) its sources of assistance. Finally, the report raises and discusses various legislative and oversight options related to foreign aid strategies, financial sanctions, and regional and international political approaches. In evaluating these options, Congress can assess how Hamas has emerged and adapted over time, and also scrutinize the track record of U.S., Israeli, and international policy to counter Hamas. Hamas is a Palestinian Islamist military and sociopolitical movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. The United States, Israel, the European Union, and Canada consider Hamas a terrorist organization because of (1) its violent resistance to what it deems Israeli occupation of historic Palestine (constituting present-day Israel, West Bank, and Gaza Strip), and (2) its rejection of the off-and-on peace process involving Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) since the early 1990s. Since Hamas’s inception in 1987, it has maintained its primary base of political support and its military command in the Gaza Strip—a territory it has controlled since June 2007—while also having a significant presence in the West Bank. -
HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME for a NEW POLICY? by Tally Helfont
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org October 2010 HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME FOR A NEW POLICY? By Tally Helfont Tally Helfont is an FPRI research fellow. Her research focuses on Middle East-related issues and radical Islamic movements. She has also instructed training courses on behalf of K3 Enterprises in Civil Information Management to U.S. Military Civil Affairs Units and Human Terrain Teams assigned to Iraq and Afghanistan. September 2010 marked the beginning of renewed peace negotiations in the Middle East. The American-brokered talks took some time to restart—18-months to be exact—and its two primary participants, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, were reluctant at best. The parties met on three separate occasions: in Washington D.C. from September 1-2, in Sharm El-Sheikh from September 13-14, and at the Israeli Prime Minister's official residence in Jerusalem on September 15. It is difficult to say whether there was any tangible progress achieved during these meetings, but as it currently stands, the continuation of these efforts is uncertain, and some would even say, unlikely. The United States, on the one hand, and Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia on the other, are exerting significant diplomatic pressure to bridge the current gaps and bring the two sides back to the negotiating table. But what about those who seek to obstruct such efforts? Chief among this camp is the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas. Through numerous statements and acts of violence, Hamas seemed intent on attracting attention during this period of negotiations. -
Reviving a Regional Approach
Reviving a Regional Approach Gilead Sher and Liran Ofek Despite the physical demarcation of the zone of the recent military !"#$!"%&%'!"()*%+**"(,-$&*.(&"/(0&1&-2(%3*()$!&/*$( !"%*4%(+*"%(+*..( beyond the geographical area and the ranges of the rockets shot from it. The operation illustrated the convergence of interests between Israel and 5$&)(-%&%*-2( 3'*\7(897:%(;"/*$(5)/*.(<&%%&3(*.=>'-'2(+3' 3('-(!" *(&9&'"( :.&7'"9(&( *"%$&.(&"/('"\;*"%'&.($!.*('"(%3*(*##!$%-(%!(:$!1!%*(&( *&-*[$*@( Moreover, after the operation, Israeli cabinet ministers spoke of the need to promote a regional initiative, either to achieve a long term solution concerning 0&1&- A and/or as an alternative to bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. 2 0&-(&(#!;"/&%'!"()**"( $*&%*/(#!$(&(:&$&/'91(-3'#%(M(#$!1(&(#$&1*+!$C( of bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians to multilateral $*9'!"&.(/'&.!9;*D(,-$&*.R-(!#[ '&.(-%&" *(%!+&$/(%3*(5$&)(F*& *(,"'%'&%'G*2( which is a proposed framework for multilateral engagement, has remained rather skeptical, and many still see it as a prescription for surrender more than an invitation to negotiations. 3 On the other hand, those who support a $*9'!"&.(#!$1&%()*.'*G*(%3&%(%3*(5$&)('"'%'&%'G*('-(1*&"%(%!(.*G*$&9*('"%*$*-%-( !11!"(%!(,-$&*.(&"/(-!1*(!#(%3*(.*&/'"9(5$&)(-%&%*-(H897:%2(>&;/'(5$&)'&2( I!$/&"2(&"/(%3*(J"'%*/(5$&)(81'$&%*-K2(&"/(%3&%(%!(%3'-(*"/2('%(-3!;./()*( reexamined as a framework for negotiations. L3*(5$&)(F*& *(,"'%'&%'G*(+&-(&""!;" */('"(MNNM2(O;-%()*#!$*(P:*$&%'!"( Q*#*"-'G*(>3'*./2(&"/(3&-(-'" -
Inside Gaza: the Challenge of Clans and Families
INSIDE GAZA: THE CHALLENGE OF CLANS AND FAMILIES Middle East Report N°71 – 20 December 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION: THE DYNAMICS OF CHANGE ............................................... 1 II. THE CHANGING FORTUNES OF KINSHIP NETWORKS................................... 2 A. THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY AND CLAN POLITICS .............................................................2 B. THE 2000 UPRISING AND THE RISE OF CLAN POWER.............................................................3 C. ISRAEL’S GAZA DISENGAGEMENT AND FACTIONAL CONFLICT..............................................3 D. BETWEEN THE 2006 ELECTIONS AND HAMAS’S 2007 SEIZURE OF POWER.............................5 III. KINSHIP NETWORKS IN OPERATION .................................................................. 6 A. ECONOMIC SUPPORT .............................................................................................................6 B. FEUDS AND INFORMAL JUSTICE.............................................................................................7 C. POLITICAL AND SECURITY LEVERAGE...................................................................................9 IV. THE CLANS AND HAMAS........................................................................................ 13 A. BETWEEN GOVERNANCE AND CHAOS .................................................................................13 B. HAMAS’S SEIZURE OF POWER .............................................................................................14 -
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects
The Fatah-Hamas Reconciliation: Threatening Peace Prospects Testimony by David Makovsky Director, Project on the Middle East Peace Process The Washington Institute for Near East Policy February 5, 2013 Hearing of the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, Ranking Member Deutch, and distinguished members of the subcommittee for this wonderful opportunity to testify at your very first session of the new Congress. The issue of unity between Fatah and Hamas is something that the two parties have discussed at different levels since 2007 -- and certainly since the two groups announced an agreement in principle in May 2011. Indeed, a meeting between the groups is scheduled in Cairo in the coming days. One should not rule out that such unity will occur; but the past failures of the groups to unite begs various questions and suggests why unity may not occur in the future. While the idea of unity is popular among divided publics everywhere, there have been genuine obstacles to implementing any unity agreement between Fatah and Hamas. First, it seems that neither Fatah -- the mainstream party of the Palestinian Authority (PA) -- nor Hamas wants to risk what it already possesses, namely Hamas's control of Gaza and the PA's control of its part of the West Bank. Each has its own zone and wants to maintain corresponding control. Second, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has not been willing to commit to a Hamas demand for the end of PA security cooperation with Israel in the West Bank, which has resulted in the arrests of Hamas operatives by the PA. -
United States District Court Eastern District of New
Case 1:04-cv-02799-BMC-PK Document 542 Filed 02/26/09 Page 1 of 18 PageID #: <pageID> UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT EASTERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK -------------------------------------------------------x COURTNEY LINDE, et al., Plaintiff, MEMORANDUM AND ORDER - v - CV-04-2799 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, et al., Defendants. -------------------------------------------------------x PHILIP LITLE, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-04-5449 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff. - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ORAN ALMOG, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-04-5564 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ROBERT L. COULTER, SR., et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-365 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant. --------------------------------------------------------x GILA AFRIAT-KURTZER, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-388 (NG)(VVP) ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x MICHAEL BENNETT et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-3183 (NG)(VVP) Case 1:04-cv-02799-BMC-PK Document 542 Filed 02/26/09 Page 2 of 18 PageID #: <pageID> ARAB BANK, PLC, Defendant/Third Party Plaintiff, - v - BANK HAPOALIM, et al., Third Party Defendants. --------------------------------------------------------x ARNOLD ROTH, et al., Plaintiffs, - v - CV-05-3738 (NG)(VVP) -
Democratizing the PLO
PRIO POLICY BRIEF 03 2012 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace Democratizing the PLO Prospects and Obstacles - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box War (CSCW) Civil of Study the for Centre While the PLO has been recognized both by the international commu- nity and by Israel as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, the organization remains undemocratic. Its leadership is not elected. The PLO represents the secular resistance groups of the past, - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 not the political reality of today. In 2011, however, an agreement was reached between the main Palestinian political groups to hold elections for the PLO. It is planned that these elections will include all Palestini- ans, regardless of their location, in accordance with the principle of ful- ISBN: 978 ISBN: www.prio.no ly proportional representation. Recent Arab uprisings for democracy make regional conditions favourable for the holding of such elections. - 82 - 7288 Meanwhile, Western governments fear that the PLO could come to be - 408 dominated by Islamists who do not recognize the State of Israel. In the - 5 (online); (online); past, such considerations have discouraged the PLO from opening up 978 for democratic reforms. However, the fall of President Hosni Mubarak - 82 - in Egypt has acted as a warning to PLO leaders that sustaining an un- 7288 - 409 democratic and secular PLO could hit back with a vengeance. - 2 (print) Dag Tuastad Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) The Legitimacy Crisis tation might be in the context of Palestinian Palestinian people at large. -
Gaza Violence: Hamas's Tragic Mistake | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Gaza Violence: Hamas's Tragic Mistake Nov 20, 2012 Articles & Testimony Hamas and its new Egyptian supporters have to learn once and for all that firing rockets on Israel's civilian population is unacceptable. he latest actions against Hamas in Gaza -- that began with the killing of its military leader Ahmed Jabari -- T should come as a surprise to no one. Even though it was not reported in great detail in the international media, since the beginning of 2012, 450 rockets have been launched from Gaza into the adjoining Israeli communities, with the town of Sderot the most vulnerable of all. It should also be recalled that since Operation Cast Lead in 2008 -- whose objective was also to halt Hamas rocket attacks on Israel -- Hamas has launched more than 1,500 missiles at Israel, or an average of about 500 per year. The current bloody encounter did not have to happen and comes as a deep disappointment to people of goodwill on both sides of the Israeli and Palestinian divide. To understand the true tragedy of the moment we need to look back to the summer of 2005 when Israel evacuated all of its settlements and military installations from the Gaza Strip and turned the territory over to the Palestinian Authority as part of the policy of "Disengagement." At the time, polls showed that a majority of Israelis supported disengagement, despite the anguish of dislocating citizens from their homes as well as the deep political struggle that this engendered. It was assumed that the transfer of the territory to the Palestinians, even if unilateral, would finally bring about a period of quiet to the south of Israel and the transformation of the Gaza Strip into a productive economy. -
Pamela Murgia
“TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page i — #1 Hamas’ Statements A discourse analysis approach Pamela Murgia TESI DOCTORAL UPF / ANY 2018 DIRECTOR DE LA TESI Prof. Teun A. van Dijk (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Prof. Nicola Melis (Università degli Studi di Cagliari) Departament Traducció i Ciències del Llenguatge “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page ii — #2 “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page iii — #3 Abstract Hamas, acronym for Islamic Resistance Movement, is a political movement that was founded in 1987 and has, since 2007, been in charge of the Gaza Strip. The movement was initially characterised by a language accentuated by tropes of po- litical Islam and, after the Oslo Accords, by a strong rejection of the institutions established by the Accords. Consequently, the movement refused to take part in the elections of the Palestinian Authority. The failure of the Accords in the early 2000s led the movement to take a turn, deciding to participate in the elec- tions. Hamas thus underwent a significant political development, that resulted in changes in rhetoric, ideological representations, and self-representation. The present work aims to study the movements ideological development and commu- nication strategies by the means of Discourse Analysis, with the analysis of the corpora of bayan¯ at¯ , the official statements issued by Hamas and published on their official website. Resumen Hamas, acrónimo de “Movimiento de Resistencia Islámica”, es un movimiento político que se fundó en 1987 y que desde 2007 controla la Franja de Gaza. El movimiento se caracterizó inicialmente por un lenguaje fuertemente marcado por los topoi del Islam político y, después de los Acuerdos de Oslo, por un rechazo radical de las instituciones resultado de los mismos Acuerdos. -
Advance Unedited Version Distr.: General 3 June 2013
A/HRC/23/21 Advance Unedited Version Distr.: General 3 June 2013 Original: English Human Rights Council Twenty-third session Agenda item 7 Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Richard Falk* Summary In the present report, while noting the continuing non-cooperation of Israel, the Special Rapporteur addresses Israel‟s Operation “Pillar of Defense” and the general human rights situation in the Gaza Strip, as well as the expansion of Israeli settlements – and businesses that profit from Israeli settlements and the situation of Palestinians detained by Israel. * Late submission. GE.13- A/HRC/23/21 Contents Paragraphs Page I. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1–7 3 II. The Gaza Strip ......................................................................................................... 8–30 5 A. Operation “Pillar of Defense” ......................................................................... 8–15 5 B. Economic and social conditions...................................................................... 16–19 9 C. Health in Gaza ................................................................................................ 20–22 10 D. Ceasefire implementation ............................................................................... 23–30 11 III. Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons and detention -
Operation Pillar of Defense 1 Operation Pillar of Defense
Operation Pillar of Defense 1 Operation Pillar of Defense Operation Pillar of Defense Part of Gaza–Israel conflict Iron Dome launches during operation Pillar of Defense Date 14–21 November 2012 Location Gaza Strip Israel [1] [1] 30°40′N 34°50′E Coordinates: 30°40′N 34°50′E Result Ceasefire, both sides claim victory • According to Israel, the operation "severely impaired Hamas's launching capabilities." • According to Hamas, their rocket strikes led to the ceasefire deal • Cessation of rocket fire from Gaza into Israel. • Gaza fishermen allowed 6 nautical miles out to sea for fishing, reduced back to 3 nautical miles after 22 March 2013 Belligerents Israel Gaza Strip • Hamas – Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades • PIJ • PFLP-GC • PFLP • PRC • Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Commanders and leaders Operation Pillar of Defense 2 Benjamin Netanyahu Ismail Haniyeh Prime Minister (Prime Minister of the Hamas Authority) Ehud Barak Mohammed Deif Minister of Defense (Commander of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades) Benny Gantz Ahmed Jabari (KIA) Chief of General Staff (Deputy commander of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades) Amir Eshel Ramadan Shallah Air Force Commander (Secretary-General of Palestinian Islamic Jihad) Yoram Cohen Abu Jamal Director of Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) (spokesperson of the Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades) Strength Israeli Southern Command and up to 75,000 reservists 10,000 Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades 8,000 Islamic Jihad Unknown for the rest 10,000 Security forces. Casualties and losses 2 soldiers killed. Palestinian figures: 20 soldiers wounded. 55