DOCSLIB.ORG

Inside Libya Chaos in the Mediterranean

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Inside Libya Chaos in the Mediterranean Middle East Council Inside Libya Chaos in the mediterranean Kwasi Kwarteng MP Leo Docherty March 2017 Conservative Middle East Council INSIDE LIBYA: CHAOS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN Conservative Middle East Council INSIDE LIBYA: CHAOS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY KEY FINDINGS • Field Marshal Haftar sees his mission as fighting jihadist terrorism. • A large degree of order and governance exists in Eastern Libya. • Despite being under pressure, the East remains stable while the West is plagued by disorder and insecurity. • The House of Representatives is a nucleus for the development of a Libyan Parliamentary system, and has a geographical reach across Libya. • Western Libya, particularly Tripoli itself, is dominated by warlords and criminal gangs; they all have an interest in prolonging the relative confusion in the West. KEY RECOMMENDATIONS • The UK should urgently engage with Haftar, the LNA and the HoR • The UK should support the LNA to secure Libya’s borders and bring an end to the illegal trafficking of people from Libya’s sea ports. • The UK should reconsider its view of the GNA and acknowledge its limited capacity to deliver any kind of governance or security for Libya. 1 Conservative Middle East Council INSIDE LIBYA: CHAOS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN DELEGATION TO LIBYA – MARCH 2017 OVERVIEW In the first week of March 2017 CMEC Vice Chairman Kwasi Kwarteng MP, and CMEC Director Leo Docherty, travelled to Libya to meet the Commander of the Libyan National Army (LNA) Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. They also met the Speaker of the House of Representatives (HoR), Aguila Saleh, and members of the House of Representatives. The purpose of the delegation was to gain a deeper understanding of the situation inside Libya itself. Since the revolution and overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 the political and economic conditions of that country remain extremely fluid. The enthusiastic optimism associated with the visit of Prime Minister David Cameron to Tripoli and Benghazi in September 2011, accompanied by French President Nicolas Sarkozy, has not been sustained. For the British government, Libya became less of a priority, while responsibility for fixing Libya’s many intractable problems, mostly regarding security and political governance, were left to the UN and EU. Despite the best efforts of these organisations, Libya appears to many observers as nothing other than a failed state. Riven by militias, home to ISIS and Al Qaeda, and with unguarded borders, Libya appears simply incapable of constraining the movement of tens of thousands of migrants who travel through Africa to Europe every year. It has been plausibly argued that the UK, despite its central role in the toppling of Gaddafi, has simply not paid enough attention to Libya since 2011. The delegation travelled to Libya on a flight from Alexandria to Al Bayda. From Al Bayda the CMEC team travelled by road to Al Rajma (near Benghazi), Al Marj and Tobruk, from where a flight was eventually taken back to Alexandria. The meetings took place in Field Marshal Haftar’s Military Camp in Al Rajma, in and around the city of Al Bayda and in Tobruk. The circuitous route afforded ample opportunity to closely observe the situation on the ground. The visit took place against the background of attacks against the LNA-held oil terminals of Al Sider and Ras Lanuf, on the western edge of Libya’s oil crescent, by militias aligned with the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Tripoli but reportedly containing jihadist elements. The loss of the oil terminal is a significant operational setback for the LNA. A counter attack is now underway and the battle continues as this report goes to press. 2 Conservative Middle East Council INSIDE LIBYA: CHAOS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN KEY FINDINGS 1. Field Marshal Haftar sees his mission as fighting jihadist terrorism. Field Marshal Haftar has a very clear focus on the operational challenge of defeating the jihadist militias in the west of Libya. He struck the delegation very much as an operational solider, a ‘soldiers’s soldier’, who did not concern himself with grand political strategy. Despite the ongoing attacks in the oil crescent, Haftar appeared composed and confident when the delegation met him. He sees himself as a Libyan nationalist and describes his mission as ridding Libya of the multitude of militias - both Islamist and criminal - that dominate the western half of the country. Although an observant Muslim, he appears to be largely secular in his world view. Haftar appears to be a self-confident military man, who is proud of his achievements. He described to the delegation a series of military operations over the last three years, often in minute detail. He spoke about the worsening security situation in Libya and the rise of jihadist militias that encouraged him to lead a military offensive against them. This became known as Operation Karama - Dignity. In 2014 I called for people to gather in Rajma with their own weapons…300 people came. We attacked the headquarters of the Islamists in Hawari, west of Benghazi and killed their leaders…after this 3,000 people joined us. Now we have 60,000. Benghazi is now free of jihadists, only a few remain on the western edge. Haftar points out that the LNA, since taking control of the oil crescent in September 2016, has allowed the oil to flow and the revenues to continue to be paid unhindered to the National Oil Company (NOC). …the funds go to the NOC and then to the Central Bank…but they are in the hands of the militias – the militias call the shots and Libyans are still poor… Haftar described his determination to secure the oil crescent and re-take the lost terminals. He also outlined his belief in the LNA’s ability – if enhanced militarily - to pacify the Jufra region in Southern Libya. Haftar sees his mission as a national project covering all of Libya. Both Haftar and the Speaker of the HoR described their desire for close relations with the United Kingdom. Haftar appealed for British help: We can end this chaos but we call on your government to help us… One of Haftar’s senior advisers described the suspicions many Libyans have about the presence of UK Special Forces in Libya who, while they are known to be present in the East, are not actively engaging with the LNA. There is a large degree of scepticism over UK’s role and intentions given the discreet supported currently given by other major powers. The adviser stated: People are asking – the Egyptians are backing us, the UAE, France and the Russians are backing us…the Americans probably will do…what are the British waiting for? 3 Conservative Middle East Council INSIDE LIBYA: CHAOS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN 2. A large degree of order and governance exists in Eastern Libya. During the long road trips between Al Bayda, Al Rajma and Tobruk many well organised police and military check points could be seen. Traffic police were also visible. In the urban centres normal civilian life appeared to be going ahead unhindered by any security concern. Shops and restaurants were busy with customers. It was striking to the delegation that every soldier we saw appeared well equipped, and dressed in a distinctive military uniform. One unusual sight the delegation witnessed was a queue of around two hundred people outside the Wahda Bank in Al Marj. These people were waiting to take cash from their bank accounts. Such withdrawals have been severely restricted due to the withholding of funds from the East of Libya by the Central Bank of Libya in Tripoli. This is set against an economic backdrop in which Libya’s GDP has, according to some measures, roughly halved since the revolution of 2011. 3. Despite being under pressure, the East remains stable while the West is plagued by disorder and insecurity. Field Marshal Haftar and the LNA complain about a lack of money. The recent successful attacks by militias against LNA forces in the oil crescent show that the LNA is militarily vulnerable. Despite the LNA reportedly receiving some military support from the UAE, Egypt, and Russia, it is by all accounts under-trained and under-equipped. Despite controlling the oil crescent since September 2016, Haftar has not stopped the flow of oil from Libya’s oil crescent. Revenues from sales of oil to the international market are still flowing to the National Oil company and the Libyan Central Bank. The LNA continues to be adversely affected by the reported failure of the Libyan Central Bank to honour its agreement to send 40% of oil revenues to Benghazi, while 60% is reportedly received by Tripoli. Meanwhile, in the west a large number of different militias – some criminal, some jihadist – prevail. These include ISIS, Ansar Al Sharia, the Derna Mujahidin Shura Council, the Islamist Ajdabiya Revolutionaries Shura Council, Tripoli Revolutionary Brigade, Special Deterrent Force (Tripoli) and the Benghazi Revolutionaries Shura Council (a coalition of Islamist militias, including Ansar Al Sharia, the 17 February Brigade and the Rafallah Al Sahati Brigade).* In the west many of the militia leaders, such as Abdelhakim Belhadj and Khaled Al Sharif, were involved with the Libya Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), an organisation with loose links to Al Qaeda. Other leaders, such as Salah Badi and Ali Al Sallabi, were imprisoned under the Gaddafi regime. The political motivations of these different agents remain unclear. They do not have any organised political programmes, nor do they operate under party political labels. On the other hand, they have been effective at creating militias on the ground, and carving themselves positions of power and influence. * A full list of militias can be found in the Appendix on Page 11 4 Conservative Middle East Council INSIDE LIBYA: CHAOS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN The commitment of such people to a strong, functioning central government in Libya is doubtful.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Haftar's Calculus for Libya: What Happened, and What Is Next? ICSR Insight by Inga Kristina Trauthig
    Haftar's Calculus for Libya: What Happened, and What is Next? ICSR Insight by Inga Kristina Trauthig In recent days, a battle for Tripoli has At the time of writing, fighting is been raging that bears the forlorn ongoing. On Sunday, 8 April, Tripoli’s possibility of regression for Libya as a only functioning civilian airport at Mitiga whole. A military offensive led by was forced to be evacuated as it was General Khalifa Haftar, commander of hit with air strikes attributed to the LNA. the so-called “Libyan National Army” These airstrikes took place the same (LNA) that mostly controls eastern day that the “Tripoli International Fair” Libya, was launched on April 3, to the occurred, signalling the formidable level dismay of much the international of resilience Libyans have attained after community. A few days after the launch eight years of turbulence following of the military campaign by Haftar, Qaddafi’s overthrow. some analysts have already concluded that “Libya is (…) [in] its third civil war since 2011”. The LNA forces first took the town of Gharyan, 100 km south of Tripoli, before advancing to the city’s outskirts. ICSR, Department of War Studies, King’s College London. All rights reserved. Haftar's Calculus for Libya: What Happened, and What is Next? ICSR Insight by Inga Kristina Trauthig What is happening? Haftar had been building his forces in central Libya for months. At the beginning of the year, he claimed to have “taken control” of southern Libya, indicating that he was prepping for an advance on the western part of Libya, the last piece missing.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya's Fight for Survival
    LIBYA’S FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS September 2015 ! ! ! TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD 3 ESSAY ONE COMPETING JIHADIST ORGANISATIONS AND NETWORKS 6 Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and Ansar al-Sharia in Libya Stefano Torelli and Arturo Varvelli ESSAY TWO POLITICAL PARTY OR ARMED FACTION? 31 The Future of the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood Valentina Colombo, Giuseppe Dentice and Arturo Varvelli ESSAY THREE MAPPING RADICAL ISLAMIST MILITIAS IN LIBYA 53 Wolfgang Pusztai and Arturo Varvelli ESSAY FOUR THE EXPLOITATION OF MIGRATION ROUTES TO EUROPE 73 Human Trafficking Through Areas of Libya Affected by Fundamentalism Nancy Porsia ABOUT THE AUTHORS 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY 89 2 LIBYA’S FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS LIBYA’S FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL 3 DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS FOREWORD ! ! This publication is a compilation of four different essays, edited by Dr. Arturo Varvelli PhD, which from part of a series of studies undertaken by EFD to analyse the nature and spread of the phenomenon of radicalisation in the European Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods. It focuses on Libya and assesses the current situation on the ground through a number of diverse and varied prisms. It identifies patterns and trends as well as specific local and regional developments in order to provide a comprehensive overview of the situation of radicalisation in post-Ghadaffi Libya and the extent to which this may be contributing to regional as well as international instability Months of acute political turmoil in Libya following the fall of the Qaddafi regime, compounded by a weak national identity as well as legacies from the civil war in 2011 which ended Qaddafi’s 42-year rule, have resulted in Libya becoming a failed state with a strong radical Islamist presence.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: Conflict, Transition, and U.S
    Libya: Conflict, Transition, and U.S. Policy Updated April 13, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33142 SUMMARY RL33142 Libya: Conflict, Transition, and U.S. Policy April 13, 2020 Libya’s political transition has been disrupted by armed non-state groups and threatened by the indecision and infighting of interim leaders. After a uprising ended the 40-plus-year rule of Christopher M. Blanchard Muammar al Qadhafi in 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form a stable government, Specialist in Middle address security issues, reshape the country’s finances, or create a viable framework for post- Eastern Affairs conflict justice and reconciliation. Insecurity spread as local armed groups competed for influence and resources. Qadhafi compounded stabilization challenges by depriving Libyans of experience in self-government, stifling civil society, and leaving state institutions weak. Militias, local leaders, and coalitions of national figures with competing foreign patrons remain the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. An atmosphere of persistent lawlessness has enabled militias, criminals, and Islamist terrorist groups to operate with impunity, while recurrent conflict has endangered civilians’ rights and safety. Issues of dispute have included governance, military command, national finances, and control of oil infrastructure. Key Issues and Actors in Libya. After a previous round of conflict in 2014, the country’s transitional institutions fragmented. A Government of National Accord (GNA) based in the capital, Tripoli, took power under the 2015 U.N.- brokered Libyan Political Agreement. Leaders of the House of Representatives (HOR) that were elected in 2014 declined to endorse the GNA, and they and a rival interim government based in eastern Libya have challenged the GNA’s authority with support from the Libyan National Army/Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LNA/LAAF) movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal Du Qatar Dossier N° 1 Du 25.12.11
    PALESTINE – SOLIDARITÉ http://www.palestine-solidarite.org Journal du Qatar Dossier N° 1 du 25.12.11 Par C.De Broeder & M.Lemaire a) Le "Journal d'Iran " est visible sur les blogs : http://journaldeguerre.blogs.dhnet.be/ http://journauxdeguerre.blogs.lalibre.be/ b) sur le site de Eva Resis : no-war.over-blog.com c) sur le site de Robert Bibeau : http://www.robertbibeau.ca/palestine.html d) Et sur le site Palestine Solidarité : NB : Si vous voulez-me contacter ou obtenir le Journal par mail une seule adresse : [email protected] Sommaire. Tiré à part Badis Guettaf : Libye : la «victoire occidentale» du Qatar. Sami Kleib : La vérité sur les visées inquiétantes du Qatar et des puissances occidentales. 1 Médias & Manipulation de l’opinion / Vidéos 1-1 H. Z : Al-Jazeera n’est pas une voix indépendante de l’Amérique ! 2 Les dosser & point de vue 2-1 Mounir Abi : Les manœuvres du Qatar en Algérie. 3 Courrier des lecteurs & trouvé sur le net & témoignage. 3-1 France: un fonds qatari de 50 millions d’euros pour les entrepreneurs de banlieue… 3-2 Parti Anti Sioniste : Le Qatar lorgne sur les banlieues françaises... Pourquoi ? 4 Analyse - Géopolitique et stratégie – Réflexion 4-1 Fatma Benmosbah : Les pérégrinations Qataries en Afrique du Nord. 5 Annexe 5-1 Rappel : Arnaud Castaignet : Libye: après l'OTAN le Qatar. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Tiré à part Badis Guettaf : Libye : la «victoire occidentale» du Qatar. Si l’on en croit les médias, (car quand il ne s’agit pas de faire la guerre il leur arrive de donner de l’information), le Qatar ferait cavalier seul en Libye.
    [Show full text]
  • «Libya Al-Mostakbal»
    TUNISIA Tripoli Derna Zawiya Misrata Tobruk Zintan Zliten Marj Bayda Gherian Benghazi Bani Walid Sirte The West The East LIBYA Mapping Libya’s Factions A project by the Middle East and North Africa Programme at the European Council on Foreign Relations EGYPT Author: Mary Fitzgerald ALGERIA Design maps: Laura Canali NIGER CHAD SUDAN Designed by Laura Canali www.lauracanali.com POLITICOS 1. Two camps, two governments, two parliaments TUNISIA Tripoli Derna Zawiya 2. Who is in charge? Misrata Tobruk Zintan Zliten Marj Bayda Gherian Benghazi 3. Islamists and anti-Islamists Bani Walid Sirte ARMED GROUPS The West The East 1. Benghazi LIBYA 2. The East Understanding the fault lines of Libya’s turmoil requires moving beyond the one-dimensional narratives peddled by various actors in the conict. All have an interest in spinning certain 3. The West tropes about the crisis, painting it either as Islamists versus “liberals” or self-proclaimed “revolutionaries” versus former regime elements trying to stage a comeback. Others hold that 4. Derna & ISIS the ghting is primarily driven by tribal rivalries or regional power plays like that between Zintan and Misrata in the west and federalists and their opponents in the east. In fact, all of these EGYPT elements are present to various degrees in Libya’s unraveling, but none overrides the others as a dominant narrative. Power is diuse in Libya, and the two broad camps in the current crisis are built on loose and often shifting alliances of convenience drawn from a constellation of political and armed factions. The inuence of individual players, particularly political gures, ALGERIA can shift dramatically depending on the actions of armed groups on the ground.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaddafi Supporters Since 2011
    Country Policy and Information Note Libya: Actual or perceived supporters of former President Gaddafi Version 3.0 April 2019 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • A Strategy for Success in Libya
    A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 A Strategy for Success in Libya Emily Estelle NOVEMBER 2017 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE © 2017 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, 501(c)(3) educational organization and does not take institutional positions on any issues. The views expressed here are those of the author(s). Contents Executive Summary ......................................................................................................................1 Why the US Must Act in Libya Now ............................................................................................................................1 Wrong Problem, Wrong Strategy ............................................................................................................................... 2 What to Do ........................................................................................................................................................................ 2 Reframing US Policy in Libya .................................................................................................. 5 America’s Opportunity in Libya ................................................................................................................................. 6 The US Approach in Libya ............................................................................................................................................ 6 The Current Situation
    [Show full text]
  • Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • After Gaddafi 01 0 0.Pdf
    Benghazi in an individual capacity and the group it- ures such as Zahi Mogherbi and Amal al-Obeidi. They self does not seem to be reforming. Al-Qaeda in the found an echo in the administrative elites, which, al- Islamic Maghreb has also been cited as a potential though they may have served the regime for years, spoiler in Libya. In fact, an early attempt to infiltrate did not necessarily accept its values or projects. Both the country was foiled and since then the group has groups represent an essential resource for the future, been taking arms and weapons out of Libya instead. and will certainly take part in a future government. It is unlikely to play any role at all. Scenarios for the future The position of the Union of Free Officers is unknown and, although they may form a pressure group, their membership is elderly and many of them – such as the Three scenarios have been proposed for Libya in the rijal al-khima (‘the men of the tent’ – Colonel Gaddafi’s future: (1) the Gaddafi regime is restored to power; closest confidants) – too compromised by their as- (2) Libya becomes a failing state; and (3) some kind sociation with the Gaddafi regime. The exiled groups of pluralistic government emerges in a reunified state. will undoubtedly seek roles in any new regime but The possibility that Libya remains, as at present, a they suffer from the fact that they have been abroad divided state between East and West has been ex- for up to thirty years or more.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya's Fight for Survival
    LIBYIA’S FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS September 2015 About the European Foundation for Democracy The European Foundation for Democracy is a Brussels-based policy institute dedicated to upholding Europe’s fundamental values of freedom and equality, regardless of gender, ethnicity or religion. Today these principles are being challenged by a number of factors, among them rapid social change as a result of high levels of immigration from cultures with different customs, a rise in intolerance on all sides, an increasing sense of a conflict of civilisations and the growing influence of radical, extremist ideologies worldwide. We work with grassroots activists, media, policy experts and government officials throughout Europe to identify constructive approaches to addressing these challenges. Our goal is to ensure that the universal values of the Enlightenment –religious tolerance, political pluralism, individual liberty and government by demo- cracy – remain the core foundation of Europe’s prosperity and welfare, and the basis on which diverse cultures and opinions can interact peacefully. About the Counter Extremism Project The Counter Extremism Project (CEP) is a not-for-profit, non-partisan, international policy organization formed to address the threat from extremist ideology. It does so by pressuring financial support networks, countering the narrative of extremists and their online recruitment, and advocating for effective laws, policies and regula- tions. CEP uses its research and analytical expertise to build a global movement against the threat to pluralism, peace and tolerance posed by extremism of all types. In the United States, CEP is based in New York City with a team in Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis Committee
    CRISIS COMMITTEE Lyon Model United Nations 2018 Study Guide Libyan Civil War !1 LyonMUN 2018 – Libyan Civil War Director: Thomas Ron Deputy Director: Malte Westphal Chairs: Laurence Turner and Carine Karaki Backroom: Ben Bolton, Camille Saikali, Margaux Da Silva, and Antoine Gaudim !2 Director’s Welcome Dear Delegates, On behalf of the whole team I would like to welcome you to LyonMUN 2018 and this simulation of the Libyan Civil War. It is strange to feel that such an important topic that we all remember happening is already over 7 years old. Therefore, we felt it would be a good time to simulate it and think about the ways it could have gone. As delegates you will each be given characters to play in this crisis. These were real people who made a difference within the actual Civil War and have their own objectives and goals. You are tasked with advancing the goals of your character and making sure that they end up doing well out of this crisis. Every action will have consequences, everything you do will have ramifications, and mistakes can be deadly. Your chairs will be there to help but they will also be representing characters and have their own interests, meaning they may not be fully trustworthy. Behind the scenes you will have a backroom which will interpret your directives and move the plot forward. We will be there to read what you say and put it into action. However, a word to the wise, the way your wish may be interpreted may not be ideal.
    [Show full text]
  • Field-Marshal Albert Kesselring in Context
    Field-Marshal Albert Kesselring in Context Andrew Sangster Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy University of East Anglia History School August 2014 Word Count: 99,919 © This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or abstract must include full attribution. Abstract This thesis explores the life and context of Kesselring the last living German Field Marshal. It examines his background, military experience during the Great War, his involvement in the Freikorps, in order to understand what moulded his attitudes. Kesselring's role in the clandestine re-organisation of the German war machine is studied; his role in the development of the Blitzkrieg; the growth of the Luftwaffe is looked at along with his command of Air Fleets from Poland to Barbarossa. His appointment to Southern Command is explored indicating his limited authority. His command in North Africa and Italy is examined to ascertain whether he deserved the accolade of being one of the finest defence generals of the war; the thesis suggests that the Allies found this an expedient description of him which in turn masked their own inadequacies. During the final months on the Western Front, the thesis asks why he fought so ruthlessly to the bitter end. His imprisonment and trial are examined from the legal and historical/political point of view, and the contentions which arose regarding his early release.
    [Show full text]