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Military Coups in Sub-Saharan Africa

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Military Coups in Sub-Saharan Africa Staffan Wiking Scandinavian Institute of African Studies Published by: Scandinavian Institute ofAfrican Studies P.O. Box 2126, S-75002 Uppsala, Sweden Distributed by: Almqvist & Wiksell International P.O. Box 62, S-IOI 20 Stockholm, Sweden ISBN 91-7106-214-9 Military Coups in Sub-Saharan Africa Military Coups in Sub- aharan Africa How to justify illegal assumptions of power Staffan Wiking Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala ABSTRACT Wiking, S., 1983. Military Coups in Sub-Saharan Africa: How toJustiJY Illegal AssumptioTlS of Power 144 pp, The Scandinavian Institute ofAfrican Studies, Uppsala 1983, ISBN 91­ 7106-214-9 is a comparative study of military coups in Africa south of the Sahara between 1958 and 1980. The study is divided into three parts. The first part deals with some different theories found in litterature concerning coups d'i'tat on a more general leve!. The second part is an empirical review concentrating on thejustifications given by military leaders for their interventions. The third part is an attempt to compare the explanations given by the researchers in Part one with thejustifications presented in Part two. Central for the study ofthejustifications are the initial declarations (ID), i.e. the first statements made by the new military rulers in connection with their assumption of power. The ID:s are found in transcriptions of the radiomessages broadcast as soon as the radiostations have been occupied. An important assumption is that the ID:s might have more to say about the new rulers' political expectations and interpretations than any other statements made when power already is secured. In Part one as weil as in Part three the study starts with explanations andjustifications connected with foreign iniluence and foreign interests and then continues with societal conditions, government-military relations, intramilitary conditions and individual perspectives. It is noted that the researchers and the coup-makers dilfer in many ways in their attempts to explain the military interventions. Among other things the military rulers are extremely sensitive when it comes to foreign recognition of the new regimes. They do not, as some researchers think, act in direct connection to societal disturbances and they are quite sensitive to civilian intrution into what they regard as primarily military business, although they are fair!y reluctant to justify a coup on such a ground. Even when a coup is followed by a raising ofthe military budget, the officers do not use inadequate budget allocations as a justification. Finally, the officers themselves never justifya takeover on personal grounds, not even when it is quiet clear that the instigator has had personal reasons for the change ofpower. S. Wiking, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Skytteanum, Uppsala Universitet, Box 514,8-75120 Uppsala, Sweden. © Staffan Wiking and Nordiska afrikainstitutet 1983 ISBN 91-7106-214-9 Printed in Sweden by Uppsala Offsetcenter AB, Uppsala 1983 Acknowleclgements I could not let this book be published without specially mentioning all those friends and colleagues who have made it possible for me to write it. I think ofmy friends at the Department of Political Science in Uppsala who have helped me with their advice and knowledge. Further I remember the friends in Senegal, Gambia and Tanzania with whom I have had interesting and profitable discussions. Above all I think ofmy family with their love and understanding that have lasted even when I locked my selfup with my papers and my typewriter. I will not mention any names but for Peter Hughes who has not only helped me with the translation of this book but even made the language more vivid. Faults and shortcomings are although all my own. Uppsala, April 1983 Staffan Wiking Contents Introduction Part I Diverse Attempts to Explain Military Intervention in Politics 16 1. Military Rule 18 2. Explanations Connected with Foreign Interests and Foreign Influence 23 3. Explanations Connected with Societal Conditions 30 The timing ofa coup d'etat 31, Economic difficulties can create the opportunity for intervention 36, Class conflicts in the society 40, Ethnic and/or regional group interests 43 4. Explanations Connected with Government-Military Relations 48 Attempts by the politicians to controi 48, The establishment of alternative military organizations 52, Governmcnt use of the armed forces for police action 53 5. Explanations Connected with Intramilitary Conditions 57 Military professionalism 57, The military organization 64, Class conflict and ethnic/regional strife within the military establish- ment 65 6. Explanations Connected with Individual Perspectives 67 Part II Empirical Presentation and Typology 71 7. VariousJustifications 72 Table ofjustifications 72 8. Different Types ofCoups 75 9. Military Coups in Sub-Saharan Africa 78 A comparative description of the coups 78 Sudan-58 78 Ghana -66 86 Sudan-69 79 Ghana -72 87 Togo -63 80 Ghana -78 88 Togo -67 80 Ghana -79 88 Dahomey -63 81 Burundi -66 89 Dahomey -65 82 Burundi -76 90 Dahomey -67 82 Rwanda -73 90 Dahomey -69 83 Sierra Leone -67 91 Dahomey -72 84 Sierra Leone -68 92 Congo (Zaire) -65 84 Mali -68 92 C.A.R. -66 85 Somalia -69 93 Upper Volta -66 86 Uganda -71 94 Niger -74 94 Mauretania -78 96 Chad -75 95 Liberia -80 97 Nigeria -75 96 Tables 99, Special notes 100, Commentary to the tables 78 Part III Attempts by the Military to Explain Their Involvement in Politics 103 10. Foreign Interests and Foreign Influence 104 Il. Societal Conditions 110 Military coups and political or social unrest 112, Military coups and economic mismanagement 115, Military coups and class conflicts 116, Military coups and ethnic or regional conflict 118 12. Government-Military Relations 121 Controi by the politicians 121, Alternative organizations 124, Police action 125 13. Intramilitary conditions 128 Military professionalism 128, The military establishment 132, Class conflicts and ethnic/regional strife within the military estab­ lishment 133 14. Individual Perspectives 134 Summary 136 References 143 INTRODUCTION In the Old Testament it is written that King David was blessed with many sons. One ofthese sons, Absalom by name, had himselfambitions ofbecoming King of Israel and in order to achieve his goal Absalom secretly joined with the most prominent leaders of Israel's twelve tribes. It was decided that at a given sign Absalom was to be proclaimed king. The conspiracy against David was, however, disclosed at the last minute and David barely succeeded in fleeing from Jerusalem before Absalom entered the city with his followers. Since David had time to escape from the city before the coup could be staged, he was able to retain his authority as king. Absalom and his forces were then defeated in battle, Absalom died and David was able to return to Jerusalem. l The story ofAbsalom's attempted coup was written by David's historian and we are not told in detail about the preparations for the coup. It appears, however, that Absalom secretly gathered around himselfa number ofeminent people, the idea apparently being that ifAbsalom was suddenly proclaimed king and was at once recognized by many of the important leaders, he would thus have the legitimate power to overthrow David. Central to the whole coup were the element ofsurprise and an organized information campaign. This would keep the fighting to a minimum and thus enable Absalom to take overwith a comparativelylimited force. Thanks to his intelligenee service, however, David managed to flee in time and to mobilize enough people to be able to defeat Absalom on the battlefield. The history of illegal exercise of power and of illegal assumption of power is long and many examples are recorded in the history books. 'With the increased armament of today and the development of military technology, the number of people involved in an illegal takeover has been reduced and it is only those who are directly associated,or who have very good connections with the armed forces, who are able to carry out a coup. A minimum requirement for a coup to be successful is that the coupmakers can rely on the support, or at least the neutrality, of the armed forces. Thus in a study of coups d'etat it is natural to include the military. This book deals with illegal military takeovers. Military takeovers and military intervention in politics do not constitute isolated or unique events in today's world politics. After World War II more than two thirds of the countries in Latin America, Asia and Africa have experienced varying degrees of military intervention in politics. Violent attempts to overthrow governments have been more frequent than general elections.2 The l "The Second Book of Samuel", Chapter 15, The Holy Bible. 2 E Nordlinger (1977) p 12 and TR Gurr (1970) p 3. 9 armed forces have thus evidenced a strong inc!ination to participate in politics, both through the illegal exercise of power and the illegal assumption of power. The political scientist's interest in such actions by the armed forces and in the underlying causes in quite understandable considering the political consequences. When studying military intervention in politics, one IS immediately confronted by a number of questions. These may be theoretical questions concerning, for example, conditions which either foster or preclude intervention, the capacity and historical significance of the military and the part these two factors play in the success ofa coup, the efficiency ofthe political system that the military is trying to replace, etc. But questions of morality and norms are also involved. The system that the military replaces may be considered by some people as "good" and the military intervention may then cause a sensation of sorrow or horror in the observer. But it also happens that the armed forces remove hated and feared oppressors and the change ofpower is then greeted with hope and satisfaction.
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