Coup D'etat Events, 1946-2012
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Coup D'etat Events, 1946-2012
COUP D’ÉTAT EVENTS, 1946-2015 CODEBOOK Monty G. Marshall and Donna Ramsey Marshall Center for Systemic Peace May 11, 2016 Overview: This data list compiles basic descriptive information on all coups d’état occurring in countries reaching a population greater than 500,000 during the period 1946-2015. For purposes of this compilation, a coup d’état is defined as a forceful seizure of executive authority and office by a dissident/opposition faction within the country’s ruling or political elites that results in a substantial change in the executive leadership and the policies of the prior regime (although not necessarily in the nature of regime authority or mode of governance). Social revolutions, victories by oppositional forces in civil wars, and popular uprisings, while they may lead to substantial changes in central authority, are not considered coups d’état. Voluntary transfers of executive authority or transfers of office due to the death or incapacitance of a ruling executive are, likewise, not considered coups d’état. The forcible ouster of a regime accomplished by, or with the crucial support of, invading foreign forces is not here considered a coup d’état. The dataset includes four types of coup events: successful coups, attempted (failed) coups, coup plots, and alleged coup plots. In order for a coup to be considered “successful” effective authority must be exercised by new executive for at least one month. We are confident that the list of successful coups is comprehensive. Our confidence in the comprehensiveness of the coup lists diminishes across the remaining three categories: good coverage (reporting) of attempted coups and more questionable quality of coverage/reporting of coup plots (“discovered” and alleged). -
He Embarked on a Strong Move to Develop Uganda Very Quickly After Independence. His Achievements Were So Good That the President
SPEECH BY MAMA MIRIA OBOTE IN HONOUR OF THE FOUNDING FATHERS OF THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY, AT ARUSHA TANZANIA 31ST MAY2015. Introduction We are delighted, humbled and honoured, to stand before this august EAL Assembly representing our Founding Fathers of the East African Community, comrades Dr.Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Mzee J omo Kenyatta and Apollo Milton Obote. As far as the Obotes are concerned we are true East Africans because of the long experience of living, studying and working in East Africa. Dr. Obote lived and worked in Kenya in the 19 50s when the Mau Mau struggle was taking place and had the golden opportunity of meeting the legendary freedom fighter, Dedan Kimathi, When political activities were banned in Kenya, the focus shifted to social clubs and Dr. Obote went on to head the Kaloleni Social Club. Later the ban on political activities was lifted and Dr. Obote together with other Kenyan nationalists went ahead to found K.A.U, the Kenyan African Union. Dr. Obote was even elected Chairperson of the new party and he led the successful campaigns for the late Tom Mboya's entry into to the L.E.G.C.0. I, myself am equally a product of the East African spirit and Kenya. My late father Blasio Kalule was an employee of the Kenya-Uganda Railway and we lived in Nairobi, Kenya, for a while. With the advent of exile in 1971 to 1980 we lived in Tanzania and during our second exile, 1985 - 2005, we lived in both Kenya and Zambia. Our children have studied in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, thus our association with both the old and new East African Community. -
1 the Congo Crisis, 1960-1961
The Congo Crisis, 1960-1961: A Critical Oral History Conference Organized by: The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars’ Cold War International History Project and Africa Program Sponsored by: The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars September 23-24, 2004 Opening of Conference – September 23, 2004 CHRISTIAN OSTERMANN: Ladies and gentlemen I think we’ll get started even though we’re still expecting a few colleagues who haven’t arrived yet, but I think we should get started because we have quite an agenda for this meeting. Welcome all of you to the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars; my name is Christian Ostermann. I direct one of the programs here at the Woodrow Wilson Center, the Cold War International History Project. The Center is the United States’ official memorial to President Woodrow Wilson and it celebrates, commemorates Woodrow Wilson through a living memorial, that is, we bring scholars from around the world, about 150 each year to the Wilson center to do research and to write. In addition to hosting fellowship programs, the Center hosts 450 meetings each year on a broad array of topics related to international affairs. One of these meetings is taking place today, and it is a very special meeting, as I will explain in a few moments. This meeting is co-sponsored by the Center’s Cold War International History project and 1 the Center’s Africa Program, directed by former Congressman Howard Wolpe. He’s in Burundi as we speak here, but some of his staff will be joining us during the course of the day. -
THE ENEMY WITHIN Personal Rule, Coups, and Civil War in Africa
THE ENEMY WITHIN Personal Rule, Coups, and Civil War in Africa By PHILIP ROESSLER* INTRODUCTION HAT explains the outbreak of large-scale political violence be- Wtween governments and domestic armed opposition? Over the past decade a coherent research program has emerged to address this question. One of its principal findings is that since World War II civil wars have tended to be concentrated in the “rural periphery of poor, post-colonial state[s].”1 A first wave of quantitative research attributed this empirical regularity to underlying structural factors, such as low income, large populations, mountainous terrain, and cross-border sanc- tuaries,2 rather than to “indicators of ethnic and religious diversity or measures of grievances such as economic inequality, lack of democracy or civil liberties, or state discrimination against minority religions or languages.”3 A second wave of cross-national research, spearheaded by Wimmer, Cederman and Min,4 however, challenges the notion that ethnicity is irrelevant in civil wars. Building on the insights of earlier work by Horowitz5 and Gurr6 and consistent with a large body of quali- *I thank Andreas Wimmer, Lars-Erik Cederman, and Brian Min for sharing the Ethnic Power Relations data set and Patrick McGowan for sharing his African Military Intervention Events code- book and data file. I am also grateful for helpful comments from Leo Arriola, Nic Cheeseman, Donald Horowitz, Adrienne LeBas, Nic van de Walle, Harry Verhoeven, Andreas Wimmer, and four anony- mous reviewers at World Politics. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2009 meeting of the American Political Science Association in Toronto. -
Beyond Ethnicity: African Protests in an Age of Inequality
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Beyond Ethnicity: African Protests in an Age of Inequality A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Lisa Michele Mueller 2014 c Copyright by Lisa Mueller 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Beyond Ethnicity: African Protests in an Age of Inequality by Lisa Michele Mueller Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Miriam Golden, Chair What explains African protests in an age of rising prosperity? I show that the main cause of the increasingly frequent urban protests that we observe in twenty-first century Africa is economic inequality despite substantial economic growth. Using cross-national statistical analyses of most African countries and original ethnographic and individual-level survey data from fieldwork in Niger, I find that African protests are driven largely by economic or material con- cerns, and less by ethnic antipathies or preferences for democracy. Examining different forms of inequality and grievance, I show that Africans are more likely to protest, all else equal, if they perceive their future economic opportunities as constricting instead of expanding. Economic or material concerns, however, are not sufficient to cause protest participation. Corroborating other scholars' research, I also find that social networks are important for mobilizing aggrieved people by providing solutions for coordination and cooperation problems. ii This dissertation of Lisa Michele Mueller is approved. Pierre Englebert Edmond Keller Daniel Posner Miriam Golden, Committee Chair University of California, Los Angeles 2014 iii Contents I Introduction 1 1 Prosperity and Protest in Africa 2 1.1 Does Ethnicity Cause Conflict in Africa? . -
BRITAIN and ALGERIA, 1945-1965 by Geoffrey Barei Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for Degree of Doctor
BRITAIN AND ALGERIA, 1945-1965 By Geoffrey Barei Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for degree of Doctor of Philosophy. (History) University of London School of Oriental and African Studies 2003 ProQuest Number: 10672941 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672941 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Acknowledgements Throughout various stages of this thesis, many people have made valuable criticisms and suggestions, and I am extremely grateful for their assistance. First, I would particularly like to express my extreme gratitude to Dr Michael Brett who supervised and guided this research throughout all its stages, and read the draft manuscript with great patience and made invaluable constructive comments and criticisms. Special thanks also go to lecturers and students of the History Department of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) for the friendly help and advice they have given me throughout my years there. Of special mention, is the introductory course on research methods by Professor Richard Rathbone. Indeed, it was worth attending the sessions. -
Security Sector Governance in Francophone West Africa: Realities and Opportunities
Alan Bryden and Boubacar N’Diaye (Eds) Security Sector Governance in Francophone West Africa: Realities and Opportunities Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) LIT Security Sector Governance in Francophone West Africa: Realities and Opportunities edited by Alan Bryden and Boubacar N’Diaye LIT (Bibliographic information here) Contents Preface vii Foreword ix Abbreviations xi 1 Mapping Security Sector Governance in Francophone West Africa 1 Alan Bryden and Boubacar N’Diaye 2 Benin 17 Théodore C. Loko 3 Burkina Faso 45 Jean-Pierre Bayala 4 Côte d’Ivoire 73 Raphaël Ouattara 5 Guinea 95 Dominique Bangoura 6 Mali 125 Mahamadou Nimaga 7 Mauritania 151 Boubacar N’Diaye 8 Niger 177 Anonymous 9 Senegal 205 Niagale Bagayoko-Penone 10 Togo 229 Comi M. Toulabor 11 Entry Points for Security Sector Reform in Francophone 255 West Africa Alan Bryden and Boubacar N’Diaye List of Contributors 275 About DCAF 279 Preface These are defining moments for Africa. The ‘Arab spring’ in North Africa has in some cases overturned regimes that have held power for decades. In other cases, authorities have been impelled to embrace more participative modes of governance. Yet conflicts have also been unleashed that are causing widespread bloodshed and suffering. If these dynamics are evident across the continent, West Africa’s politico-security environment certainly seems to defy prediction. Since this research project was launched, Guinea and Niger’s political landscapes have shifted radically from entrenched authoritarian rule to military regimes of exception and now (following successful elections) to fledgling democratic dispensations. By contrast, elections that were meant to heal divisions in Cote d’Ivoire had the opposite effect as Laurent Gbagbo, until forcibly removed, sought illegitimately to hold onto power. -
Locals Rule: Historical Lessons for Creating Local Defense Forces For
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. LOCALS RULE Historical Lessons for Creating Local Defense Forces for Afghanistan and Beyond Austin Long, Stephanie Pezard, Bryce Loidolt, Todd C. -
The Technical Appendix
African Leadership Transitions Tracker Technical Appendix Contents Definitions ..................................................................................................................................................... 2 Notes ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Data Sources for Individual Countries ........................................................................................................... 4 7/18/2019 Definitions Multiparty election - two or more political parties have affiliated candidates participating in an election. Single-party election - only one political party has an affiliated candidate participating in an election. Other transitions - assumption of power via: • Appointment by parliament, presidential council, military junta, clan leaders, or similar • Appointment as an interim or “acting” head of state • A plebiscite, national referendum, change to the constitution, or similar • Conflicting claims for leadership or no recognized government Coups or assassination - a segment of the state apparatus takes over the rest of the government and/or the current leader is assassinated. Deaths in office - a leader dies of causes unrelated to a coup or assassination. Resignation from office - A ruler leaves power of his or her own accord. Total elections - either a single- or multiparty election. Note: Coups/assassinations, deaths and resignations are considered to be both discrete events -
Amin: His Seizure and Rule in Uganda. James Francis Hanlon University of Massachusetts Amherst
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1974 Amin: his seizure and rule in Uganda. James Francis Hanlon University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Hanlon, James Francis, "Amin: his seizure and rule in Uganda." (1974). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2464. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2464 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AMIN: HIS SEIZURE AND RULE IN UGANDA A Thesis Presented By James Francis Hanlon Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS July 1974 Major Subject — Political Science AMIN: HIS SEIZURE AND RULE IN UGANDA A Thesis Presented By James Francis Hanlon Approved as to style and content by: Pro i . Edward E. Feit. Chairman of Committee Prof. Michael Ford, member ^ Prof. Ferenc Vali, Member /£ S J \ Dr. Glen Gordon, Chairman, Department of Political Science July 1974 CONTENTS Introduction I. Uganda: Physical History II. Ethnic Groups III. Society: Its Constituent Parts IV. Bureaucrats With Weapons A. Police B . Army V. Search For Unity A. Buganda vs, Ohote B. Ideology and Force vi. ArmPiglti^edhyithe-.Jiiternet Archive VII. Politics Without lil3 r 2Qj 5 (1970-72) VIII. Politics and Foreign Affairs IX. Politics of Amin: 1973-74 C one ius i on https://archive.org/details/aminhisseizureruOOhanl , INTRODUCTION The following is an exposition of Edward. -
Roger Janssen
ROGER JANSSEN In search of a path In search ROGER JANSSEN ROGER JANSSEN 1975 to 1991 policy of Suriname from An analysis of the foreign In search of a path An analysis of the foreign policy of Suriname from 1975 to 1991 In search The foreign policy of small states is an often neglected topic, which is particularly the case when it comes to Suriname. How did the young Republic deal with its dependency on the Netherlands for development aid after 1975? Was Paramaribo following a certain foreign policy strategy of a path or did it merely react towards internal and external events? What were the decision making processes in defi ning the foreign policy course and who was involved in these processes? And why was a proposal An analysis of the foreign policy discussed to hand back the right of an independent foreign and defence policy to a Dutch Commonwealth government in the early 1990s? of Suriname from 1975 to 1991 These questions are examined here in depth, in the fi rst comprehensive analysis wof Suriname’s foreign policy from 1975 to 1991. The book provides readers interested in Caribbean and Latin American affairs with a detailed account of Suriname’s external relations. Moreover, the young Republic may stand as a case study, as it confronted the diffi culties and challenges that small developing states often face. Roger Janssen (1967), born in the Dutch-German border region of Cleve, migrated to Australia in 1989. He received his education as a historian at the University of Western Australia where he obtained a Ph.D. -
Urban-Bias and the Roots of Political Instability
Urban-bias and the Roots of Political Instablity: The case for the strategic importance of the rural periphery in sub-Saharan Africa By Beth Sharon Rabinowitz A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Steven K. Vogel, Chair Professor Michael Watts Professor Robert Price Professor Catherine Boone Fall 2013 COPYRIGHT Abstract Urban-bias and the Roots of Political Instablity: The case for the strategic importance of the rural periphery in sub-Saharan Africa By Beth Sharon Rabinowitz Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Steven K. Vogel, Chair Urban-bias and the Roots of Political Instability: the case for the strategic importance of the rural periphery in sub-Saharan Africa seeks to unravel a conundrum in African politics. Since the 1980s, we have witnessed two contradictory trends: on the one hand, coups, which have become rare events world-wide, have continued to proliferate in the region; concurrently, several African countries – such as Ghana, Uganda, Burkina Faso and Benin – have managed to escape from seemingly insurmountable coup-traps. What explains this divergence? To address these contradictory trends, I focus initially on Ghana and Cote d‟Ivoire, neighboring states, with comparable populations, topographies, and economies that have experienced contrasting trajectories. While Ghana suffered five consecutive coups from the 1966 to 1981, Cote d‟Ivoire was an oasis of stability and prosperity. However, by the end of the 20th century, Ghana had emerged as one of the few stable two-party democracies on the continent, as Cote d‟Ivoire slid into civil war.