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MI t1:~106 13 8EDfCORD ROW. LONDm~ wei R .1[j, Ei'JGLAI'JD 8003294 WARNER, KATHERI~E WALKING ON TWO FEET: TAGBANWA ADAPTATION TO PHILIPPINE SOCIETY University ofHawaii PH.D. 1979 University Microfilms International 300 N.ZeebRoad,Ann Arbor, MI 48106 18 Bedford Row, LondonWClR4EJ. England Copyright 1979 by Warner, Katherine All Rights Reserved ~vALKING ON TWO FEET: TAGBANWA ADAPTATION TO PHILIPPINE SOCIETY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ANTHROPOLOGY AUGUST 1979 By Katherine Warner Dissertation Committee: Alice G. Dewey, Chairman Richard W. Lieban P. Bion Griffin William G. Solheim II Walter F. Vella iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The research on which this dissertation is based would not have been possible without the full support and cooperation of the Tagbanwa of Malandi. Food was weighed, rice yields measured, records kept, etc., meticulously and enthusiastically by numerous Tagbanwa families. My research assistant, Vernon Danglong, deserves special thanks since he was my constant companion for measuring fields and mapping, tasks which demanded hiking to the ends of the community, perching on steep hill sides, and patience in the face of continual inquiries. The two fami lies who lived nearest our house and assisted us in our research made Malandi a wonderful place to live. Awakening to the sounds of Limbuan and Pidad's and Rebrino and Arsenia's families gave each day a pleasant start. Our other assistants, Paking and Ming, enabled us to gain a perspective on what it was like to be a young couple in Tagbanwa society. Special acknowledgements must also be made of the role played by the Population Institute at the East-West Center. The grant support I received enabled me to do 21 months of fieldwork in the Philippines as well as to complete my coursework and dissertation. And, of course, I must thank my spouse-colleague, John Raintree, for making each day in the field an adventure, and for our daughter, Jessica, who in her way has also contributed to this dissertation. iv WALKING ON TWO FEET: TAGBANWA ADAPTATION TO PHILIPPINE SOCIETY ABSTRACT by Katherine Warner, Ph.D. University of Hawaii, 1979 The conflict between the resource needs of national economies and the subsistence requirements of local communities is common through- out the world. In the Philippines the desire for industrialization and the resultant need for foreign currency to buy industrial machinery has led to policies which favor the exploitive industries (logging, mining, etc.), even when they are in conflict with the requirements of indigen- ous subsistence communities. The focus of this dissertation is on the adaptation of a small subsistence community of tribal swiddeners, the Tagbanwa of Palawan Island in the Philippine archipelago, to the sudden influx of miners, loggers, and peasants in their ancestral area. It is not a study of victims, but one of people who are attempting to meet the challenge by "walking on two feet," one foot in the traditional way and the other in the continuously changing contemporary world. The hypothesis is that the national policies and programs which favor extractive industries and indirectly create peasant migration into tribal areas encourage tribal assimilation into the larger society as either localized ethnic groups or as a landless undifferentiated labor force. It is further hypothesized that assimilation into the national v system is not a passive process, but rather the result of a mutual in teraction in which the smaller community may be self-motivated to be come, to some degree, a part of the dominant society. The research on which this dissertation is based was carried out in the Tagbanwa community of Malandi on the west coast of Palawan during a 13 month period (February to February) in 1975-76. Preliminary research had been conducted in the same community during the 1973 agri cultural cycle (January to August). Field methods and data consisted of: (1) survey of swidden practices following a modified form of Conklin's guidelines; (2) making a swidden; (3) land tenure survey; (4) intensive agricultural study of a random sample of 20 households; (5) food records of eight households from March 1975 to February 1976; (6) activity diaries of, depending on the season, up to 30 people; (7) sel~antic differential concerning male/female associations of house hold and agricultural chores; (8) rainfall data; (9) rice trade survey; (10) records of commercial activities; (11) census and genealogies; (12) litigation records; and (13) interviews with government officials, library research, and pooled ethnographic data collected by my spouse colleague. An ecological orientation is utilized for the presentation and an~~ysis of the data. The theory of Margalef concerning the relation ship between highly organized, complex systems and less organized ones serves as the framework for the analysis of the social and economic transactions between the Tagbanwa community and the dominant society. Since the study deals no~ only with the adaptation of a society to the stresses placed upon it, but also with the origin and rationale of vi these stresses, it examines (1) the larger, more complex system and its initiation of interaction with the smaller, less complex system; (2) the smaller, less complex system and its adaptation to external natural fluctuations; (3) the ecological, economic, and social relationships that existed pre- and post-1970; (4) the new relationships that threaten to undermine the autonomy of the smaller system; and (5) present inter relations, projections of future developments and suggestions of alterna tive, less exploitive, interrelations and policies. It is shown that adaptive changes set in motion within the local ecosystem by contact with the larger system is leading to the gradual assimilation of the Tagbanwa into the national economy. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii ABSTRACT ... iv LIST OF TABLES ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS x LIST OF MEASUREMENTS USED xi CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 Background and Methods 6 CHAPTER II. PHILIPPINES: POPULATION AND ECONOMY 13 Philippine Population .. .. 13 Philippine Economy ... .. 17 Agricultural Goals, Policies, and Programs 18 Natural Resources: Goals, policy, and Programs 25 Analysis of the Programs 26 Conclusions ..... 28 CHAPTER III. TAGBANWA: POPULATION AND SOCIETY 30 Location 30 The Tagbanwa 33 Population 38 Residence .. 42 Productive Groups anc. Rights to the Means of Production 50 CHAPTER IV. ENVIRONMENT AND SUBSISTENCE 53 Environment ...... 53 Tagbanwa Swidden System 56 Forest Gathering 74 Tagbanwa Adaptation .. 76 CHAPTER V. PRE-1970 TRADE AND CONTACT 79 Traders and Raiders . 79 Resident Traders 81 Trade and Debt 82 viii CHAPTER V. PRE-1970 TRADE AND CONTACT (Continued) 79 Almaciga Collection ...... 84 Comparison with Tappers and Trappers . 87 Other Stores . 90 l\iining Company 91 Summa:cy 97 CHAPTER VI. POST-1970 TRADE AND CONTACT 99 Relocation ....... 99 New Economic Relations . 103 Relations with the Other Traders 109 Teachers ..... 112 Tagbanwa Traders . 114 An Overall View of the Rice Trade in the Malandi Area 119 1975: A "Normal" Year. 121 Niches ........ 124 New Economic Activities 126 Wage Labor and Rattan Collection 134 Other Forms of Income 137 CHAPTER VII. MIGRANTS AND COMPANIES 140 Migrants: Newcomers to the "Last Frontier'; 140 The Companies 157 Summary 162 CHAPTER VIII. CONCLUSIONS 163 EPILOGUE .. 172 BIBLIOGRAPHY 176 ix LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Frequency of food consumption (percent of all meals) from March 1975 to March 1976 ....... 69 2. Amount of almaciga carried 105 3. Average loads and amount paid for almaciga 106 4. Tagbanwa debt and payments to Alawi in 1975 110 5. Rice received by Tagbanwa and diwan traders 113 6. Pigs owned and sold 132 x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Tagbanwa population 39 2. Philippine population 40 3. Malandi proper, 1973 44 4. Woman's field 60 5. Man's field 61 6. Staples consumed by sample, 1975-1976 75 7.