(FPI; Islamic Defenders Front) – Ahmadiyya – Mixed Marriages
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SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite. -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia's 2019 Presidential
The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Election Yuka Kayane University of Tsukuba Populism without leadership? he literature on populism in Asian countries over the past two decades has generally featured charismatic and often autocratic leaders, as notably demonstrated elsewhere by the rise (and fall) of Thaksin Shinawatra due to his vehement rhetoric that antago- Tnized political elites in Bangkok, Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal and lawless war on drugs, and the continuous electoral success of Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government, which prop- agates a divisive rhetoric that alienates Muslim minorities.1 Those analyses and media com- mentaries have highlighted personalistic leaders’ political strategies for seeking or exercising governmental power based on direct, unmediated, un-institutionalized support from large numbers of mostly unorganized followers.2 While the aforementioned top-down populism with powerful leadership has often attracted significant attention, recent studies have shown that there are varieties of other forms of populist mobilization; some take bottom-up forms of social movement, while others have both personalist leadership and social movement.3 In addition, its characteristics substantially depend on local context, such as the ideological bases that are most appealing to the specific society, the figures best positioned to succeed in gaining acceptance as a representative of the people, and how antagonistic oppositions are constructed. The term ‘populism’ was widely used during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, in which both candidates––Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto––leveraged the 1 Joshua Kurlantzick,“Southeast Asia’s Populism is Different but Also Dangerous,” Council on Foreign Relations, November 1, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/southeast-asias-populism-different-also-dange rous, accessed December 12, 2019. -
Hans Harmakaputra, Interfaith Relations in Contemporary Indonesia
Key Issues in Religion and World Affairs Interfaith Relations in Contemporary Indonesia: Challenges and Progress Hans Abdiel Harmakaputra PhD Student in Comparative Theology, Boston College I. Introduction In February 2014 Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) published a report concerning the rise of religious intolerance across Indonesia. Entitled Indonesia: Pluralism in Peril,1 this study portrays the problems plaguing interfaith relations in Indonesia, where many religious minorities suffer from persecution and injustice. The report lists five main factors contributing to the rise of religious intolerance: (1) the spread of extremist ideology through media channels, such as the internet, religious pamphlets, DVDs, and other means, funded from inside and outside the country; (2) the attitude of local, provincial, and national authorities; (3) the implementation of discriminatory laws and regulations; (4) weakness of law enforcement on the part of police and the judiciary in cases where religious minorities are victimized; and (5) the unwillingness of a “silent majority” to speak out against intolerance.2 This list of factors shows that the government bears considerable responsibility. Nevertheless, the hope for a better way to manage Indonesia’s diversity was one reason why Joko Widodo was elected president of the Republic of Indonesia in October 2014. Joko Widodo (popularly known as “Jokowi”) is a popular leader with a relatively positive governing record. He was the mayor of Surakarta (Solo) from 2005 to 2012, and then the governor of Jakarta from 2012 to 2014. People had great expectations for Jokowi’s administration, and there have been positive improvements during his term. However, Human Rights Watch (HRW) World Report 2016 presents negative data regarding his record on human rights in the year 2015, including those pertaining to interfaith relations.3 The document 1 The pdf version of the report can be downloaded freely from Christian Solidarity Worldwide, “Indonesia: Pluralism in Peril,” February 14, 2014. -
Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Radicalism, Intolerance
VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: RADICALISM, INTOLERANCE WINTER 2017 AND ELECTIONS A PROJECT FROM THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Radicalism, Intolerance and Elections Copyright © 2018 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of the International Republican Institute. Requests for permission should include the following information: • The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired. • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, e-mail address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: Attn: Department of External Affairs International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 [email protected] VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: RADICALISM, INTOLERANCE AND ELECTIONS WINTER 2017 International Republican Institute IRI.org @IRI_Polls © 2018 All Rights Reserved 2 IRI | WINTER 2017 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Approach hardship and its defense of free expression. • In late 2017, the International Republican However, members of the nationalist parties, Institute (IRI) conducted a series of focus group which control government, were less critical of discussions (FGDs) to gain insight into the the government and its overall representation of local political dynamics in West Java that are constituents and ability to address the country’s contributing to radicalism and intolerance, with primary challenges. -
The Ahmadiyya and the Study of Comparative Religion in Indonesia
This article was downloaded by: [Ahmad Najib Burhani] On: 20 December 2013, At: 14:15 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cicm20 The Ahmadiyya and the Study of Comparative Religion in Indonesia: Controversies and Influences Ahmad Najib Burhania a Research Center for Society and Culture (PMB), Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), Jakarta, Indonesia Published online: 18 Dec 2013. To cite this article: Ahmad Najib Burhani , Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations (2013): The Ahmadiyya and the Study of Comparative Religion in Indonesia: Controversies and Influences, Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations, DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2013.864191 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2013.864191 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Feminist Exegesis in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar
Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-Qur’an dan Hadis – ISSN: 1411-6855 (p); 2548-4737 (e) Vol. 22, No. 2 (Juli 2021), hlm. 403-426, doi: 10.14421/qh.2021.2202-07 https://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/ushuluddin/qurdis/index Article History: Submitted: 30-04-2021 Revised: 02-07-2021 Accepted: 05-07-2021 Feminist Exegesis in Hamka’s Tafsir Al-Azhar Penafsiran Feminis dalam Tafsir Al-Azhar Karya Hamka Zulfikri Zulkarnaini * (a) * Corrsponding Author, email, [email protected] (a) Uludag University Bursa-Turkey Abstract This research aims to understand the typology of contemporary interpretation in Indonesia, especially concerning the issue of women based on the interpretation narrative in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar. This interpretation arose in modern thought and was born from Indonesian society that the Dutch were colonizing. Therefore, this interpretation represents an idea with a modern background and colonial issues. One of the interesting issues in Al-Azhar's notion is the interpretation of verses related to women. This study uses a qualitative approach by collecting interpretations related to women in Tafsir Al-Azhar. This research used Hans-George Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutic method. The study results prove that the context of the colonial era made Hamka choose to reinterpret the verses of the Qur'an related to women's creation. The purpose of the interpretation is to harmonize between religious values and social conditions. According to Hamka, he interpreted the female verse that said women created from Adam’s ribs. Also, he explained controversially that the interpretation of women's creation from Adam’s ribs is merely a metaphor. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI. -
Rizal Ramli Interviewer
An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto.