Feminist Exegesis in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Muslim Negarawan: Telaah Atas Pemikiran Dan Keteladanan Buya Hamka
Andi Saputra MUSLIM NEGARAWAN: TELAAH ATAS PEMIKIRAN DAN KETELADANAN BUYA HAMKA Andi Saputra Mahasiswa Pascasarjana Filsafat Islam Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Pe- mikiran Islam UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta Surel: [email protected] Abstract One of the primary values inherent in the personality of the nation (founding father) in addition to the breadth of insight is the strong pas- sion and love for the homeland nationality. Philosophy of life that stands on the foundation of nationalism and patriotism that is then color every movement, behavior as well as the epic struggle deeds they do, for the grounding the ideals of independence. Along with that, especially in the context of the independence of the nation, teaching in the form of ideas and ideals that appear to be important life values for the next generation. Besides an attempt to take the essence of the teaching given, also related to the effort to continue to foster national values and love of the homeland as the ethical foundation in terms of bringing the nation to the gates of progress. One in a series of well-known national leader is Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah (Hamka); a statesman who thinks that nation- alism and patriotism as part of the faith (religion). Through a sociolog- ical theory of knowledge Mannheim has found that important teaching presented Hamka in relation to the life of the nation that is their re- sponsibility that must be realized that every citizen. Responsibilities shall include nationality, homeland, all of which according to Hamka in line with the main principles of Islam, namely amar ma’ruf nahi munkar. -
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
"Symbolic Politics", Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Islam “Symbolic Politics”1, Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy By Anak Agung Banyu Perwita “If someone is able to separate sugar from its sweetness, he will be able to separate Islam religion from politics” (Wahab Chasbullah)2 “The Islamic movement should detach itself from involvement in politics. Islam is a moral force, a way to promote morality” (Abdurrahman Wahid)3. Introduction. The two quotations, above, clearly suggest an endlessly debate about the political role of Islam in Indonesia’s politics. This article discusses the role of political Islam4 in Indonesian politics and the dynamics of the interaction between the Muslim society and the State in the Indonesian political system. It provides the domestic context of the role Islam in Indonesia’s politics, which serves as the platform of the position of political Islam in Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post- Soeharto era. It will also briefly elaborate the development of Indonesia’s external environment (globalization) as an integral element of foreign policy. However, the extent to which the Islamic—as a “religio-politics”5-- factor played a significant role in Indonesian foreign policy has been subject to debate. Therefore, this article will assess the hypothesis that “foreign policies are also influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents”.6 1 Symbolic politics can be defined as “collective process of construction, distribution and internalization of political symbols (Phrases, images, norms, rules etc) which present a significant influence on foreign policy during the democratization process”. See Corneliu Bjola (2000). -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
IN SEARH for a NEW NOMENCLATURE of POLITICAL ROLE of PESANTREN in an ERA of DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: Masdar [email protected]
Towards a “Wider Mandate” of Pesantren: IN SEARH FOR A NEW NOMENCLATURE OF POLITICAL ROLE OF PESANTREN IN AN ERA OF DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: [email protected] A bstrak Makalah ini berusaha menganalisis tren kontemporer sebagian besar pesantren Indonesia dalam konteks pasca pemilihan presiden. Bahwa keberadaan pesantren tidak bisa memisahkan diri dari konfigurasi politik Indonesia. Politik dalam pesantren dapat dilihat sebagaimodalitaspesantren untukmencapaikehidupanpublik lebih baik. Namun demikian, sebagian besar pesantren menyadari bahwa melibatkan diri dalam politik praktis dapat merusak citra dan kemandirian sebagai agen transformasi sosial. Oleh karena itu, pesantren perlu mempertimbangkan beberapa nomenklatur peran politik dalam rangka bertahan dalam konstelasi politik yang berubah. Untuk tantangan ini, makalah ini berpendapat bahwa pesantren perlu mendefinisikan dan memperluas mandat dewasa ini sebagai “broker politik” menjadi salah satu dari tiga nomenklatur berikut: (1) perumusan non-pemilihan politik; (2) redefinisi dari mandat ekonomi, dan (3) mengembangkan sistem teologi-politik. 1 Translated and revised version of this paper was delivered in the seminar entitled “Peran Pesantren Pasca-Pilpres” (The Role of Pesantren in post-Presidential Elections” at Hotel Jayakarta, Jogjakarta, 10 August 2009 held by Ministry of Communication and Information o f the Republic of Indonesia. 4& J jj..^\\ ^ j aJj 4- J^ j l II *Lw^'Lww^J^ ^5 J j j J J2_*j 3 ^1 4j>rbLl V ^ V ’ W'LC"*“^ J C^JJJlSj . ^pLoJ^r-*^ a^jiii j i iiLail aJUfcj <, l-Li .Cj J ca a- ^ L ^ a«5”" ^ J5 aULJl A^L^Jl oJ l>-Ij > * a»~^L»»J| a^wuL?- L iL aJLA-( aj*VJUAJTj ^1 ^ \ s ^ ~ Aj 'Vj «Aj «X>- ajLf-Jj (2) a~*Lw*-J1 A;jb>wj*yi a pLm ? (1) ! 4-j LlI' Aj*)li]l ^jA < L J ^ U i S ji Jhj (3) _J i ilv«aa*>U Keywords: Pesantren, Nomenclature, Non-electoral Politics, Economic Mandate, Theology of Politics A. -
Pemikiran Wahid Hasyim Tentang Pendidikan Dan Relevansianya Dengan Dunia Modern
Pemikiran Wahid Hasyim tentang PendidikanLITERASI Nurhabibah ISSN: 2085-0344 (Print) ISSN: 2503-1864 (Online) Journal homepage: www.ejournal.almaata.ac.id/literasi Journal Email: [email protected] Pemikiran Wahid Hasyim tentang Pendidikan dan Relevansianya dengan Dunia Modern Nurhabibah Program Magister Konsentrasi Pendidikan Agama Islam Fakultas Ilmu Tarbiyah dan Keguruan Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta Jalan Laksda Adisucipto, Caturtunggal, Depok, Papringan, Caturtunggal, Kec. Depok, Kabupaten Sleman, Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta 55281 e-mail: [email protected] Abstract KH Wahid Hasyim is a fi gure of clergy and statesman who is undoubtedly his service to the state. As a cleric, he is son of KH Hasyim Asy’ari, the founder of Nahdatul Ulama, the largest Islamic organization in Indonesa. As a statesman, he served as a minister of religion. His work in the academic world and his struggle and educating the people is well known and made an impression. In outlining the policy in the world of education, certainly not apart from the Islamic backround and statesmanship he has. This make his thinking to be balanced between the inner and outer dimensions, between traditionality and modernity. This paper attemps to decipher Wahid Hasyim’s biography and the examines his thoughts in education as well as his relation to education in the modern world. The signifi cance of this paper is as a literature for the biography of Wahid Hasyim and the relevance of his thought to education from time to time. Keyword: Wahid Hasyim, education, modern Abstrak KH Wahid Hasyim adalah sosok agamawan dan negarawan yang tidak diragukan jasanya bagi negara. Sebagai agamawan, dia adalah putera KH Hasyim Asyari, pendiri Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi Islam terbesar. -
Pemikiran KH. Abdurrahman Wahid Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren
95D!a! W Y 5 Y b W ! Lb #$!%!# & '() *% + &,' ,( Pemikiran KH. Abdurrahman Wahid Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren Samsul Bahri Fakultas Tarbiyah dan Ilmu Keguruan IAIN Kendari Kendari, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract This dissertation is based on the demand of changes towards boarding school institution, which becomes academic debates about tradition and modernization of boarding school education system by Islamic scholars and thus becomes challenges for boarding schools. This research discussed boarding school education system based on the point of view of KH. bdurrahman Wahid. This research design by using library research as the instrument with a descriptive analysis of historical approach and pedagogical comparative. The primary source of the data is the work by KH. bdurrahman Wahid, such as Menggerakkan Tradisi$ Esai-Esai Pesantren, (ungaRampai Pesantren: Kumpulan KaryaTulis bdurrahman Wahid, +Pesantren as a subkultur, in M. ,awam Rahard-o .ed/, Pesantren dan perubahan, Islam kosmopolitan, Islamku Islam nda Islam Kita, as primary sources. This paper concludes that the thinking of KH. bdurrahman Wahid about boarding school education system is essential in responding to the changes by keep referring to the boarding schools subcultures. It can be seen from some of KH bdurrahman Wahid0s thoughts, such as, first, the aim of boarding school education is dynamic does not only mean to tafa11u fi al-din, but also to gain knowledge on religious sciences and others. 2o that students have e3tensive knowledge, religious knowledge, and general knowledge and skills. 2econd, the educational program of boarding school education is adaptively by maintaining integrated the curriculum of Islamic sciences and others by simplifying the boarding school curriculum and ad-usting it into the development of sciences and technology. -
Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945
Another Look at the Jakarta Charter Controversy of 1945 R. E. Elson* On the morning of August 18, 1945, three days after the Japanese surrender and just a day after Indonesia's proclamation of independence, Mohammad Hatta, soon to be elected as vice-president of the infant republic, prevailed upon delegates at the first meeting of the Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI, Committee for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence) to adjust key aspects of the republic's draft constitution, notably its preamble. The changes enjoined by Hatta on members of the Preparation Committee, charged with finalizing and promulgating the constitution, were made quickly and with little dispute. Their effect, however, particularly the removal of seven words stipulating that all Muslims should observe Islamic law, was significantly to reduce the proposed formal role of Islam in Indonesian political and social life. Episodically thereafter, the actions of the PPKI that day came to be castigated by some Muslims as catastrophic for Islam in Indonesia—indeed, as an act of treason* 1—and efforts were put in train to restore the seven words to the constitution.2 In retracing the history of the drafting of the Jakarta Charter in June 1945, * This research was supported under the Australian Research Council's Discovery Projects funding scheme. I am grateful for the helpful comments on and assistance with an earlier draft of this article that I received from John Butcher, Ananda B. Kusuma, Gerry van Klinken, Tomoko Aoyama, Akh Muzakki, and especially an anonymous reviewer. 1 Anonymous, "Naskah Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945: Pengkhianatan Pertama terhadap Piagam Jakarta?," Suara Hidayatullah 13,5 (2000): 13-14. -
The Use of Poetic Narratives in Hamka's Qur'anic Exegesis Books
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 492 Proceedings of the 1st Raden Intan International Conference on Muslim Societies and Social Sciences (RIICMuSSS 2019) The Use of Poetic Narratives in Hamka’s Qur’anic Exegesis Books, Tafsir Al Azhar 1* 2 1* 3 Rahmad Hidyayat Ihsan Nul Hakim Agita Misriani Sri Murti Syafrimen Syafril4 Faisal Faisal5 1 Faculty of Education, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Curup, Bengkulu, Indonesia 2 Faculty of Ushuluddin, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Curup, Bengkulu, Indonesia 3 Language and Literary Education, Sekolah Tinggi Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan, PGRI Lubuk Linggau, Lubuk Linggau, Indonesia 4 Faculty of Tarbiyah and Teacher Training, Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung, Bandar Lampung, Indonesia 5 Faculty of Syariah and Law, Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung, Bandar Lampung, Indonesia *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT Hamka is a multitalented religious scholar, and one of the prominent cultural figures in Indonesia. Hamka holds scholarly authorities as a mufassir (Qur’anic interpreter) and a man of letters. These capabilities are proven by a number of his writings in both fields. Likewise, Hamka has tried to combine these two competencies in his commentary books, Tafsir Al Azhar. Description of interpretation and explanation of Hamka in Tafsir Al Azhar displays handful elements of Malay literature. Yet, little has been done to study the literary dimension of Hamka's interpretation of the Qur’an, while such study is scholarly important, since it would help us understand the extent to which literary work could influence the production of religious authority. This paper tries to fulfill this gap. -
Examining Pancasila's Position in the Public Reason Scheme: a Critical Analysis
Examining Pancasila’s Position in the Public Reason Scheme: A Critical Analysis MUHAMAD ISWARDANI CHANIAGO* Postgraduate Program of Islamic Studies, Postgraduate School of Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN), Jakarta Jl. Kertamukti No. 5, East Ciputat, South Tangerang, Banten 15419 Indonesia Email: [email protected] ABSTRAK Tulisan ini mencoba untuk mengkaji ulang sejumlah gagasan dari beberapa sarjana dan intelektual Indonesia, seperti Yudi Latif, Franz Magnis-Suseno dan Syamsul Ma’arif, yang melihat dan menggambarkan relasi antara Pancasila dengan public reason, salah satu konsep politik yang cukup populer dalam studi politik. Sejumlah sarjana dan in- telektual Indonesia tersebut membingkai Pancasila dengan public reason dalam gam- baran yang bernuansa sekuler sehingga berpotensi melepaskan kontribusi dari yang seharusnya dapat dilakukan oleh agama. Turunan dari public reason yang bermasalah tersebut di antaranya (1) prinsip negasi terhadap mayoritarianisme, (2) prinsip negara netral, dan (3) prinsip substansial dalam agama (universalisme). Dengan penelaahan kualitatif yang merujuk pada sejumlah argumen baik filosofis maupun historis, maka dapat ditunjukkan bahwa argumen yang diberikan ketiga sarjana di atas beserta sejum- lah sarjana lain yang mendukung dan memiliki gagasan serupa, dinilai memiliki sejum- lah masalah. Kemudian dari penelaahan tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa pemikiran yang mendukung relasi Pancasila dengan public reason secara sekuler tidak kuat secara argumen dan tidak dipertahankan. Sehingga, relasi Pancasila dengan public reason bisa ditelaah ulang dengan konsep yang lebih ramah terhadap kontribusi agama. Kata kunci: pancasila, public reason, mayoritarianisme, universalisme, negara netral ABSTRACT This research tries to review a number of ideas of some Indonesian scholars such as Yudi Latif, Franz Magnis-Suseno, and Syamsul Ma’arif, who saw and described the re- lationship between Pancasila and public reason, one of the popular political concepts in political studies.