DOCSLIB.ORG

The Use of Poetic Narratives in Hamka's Qur'anic Exegesis Books

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Use of Poetic Narratives in Hamka's Qur'anic Exegesis Books Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 492 Proceedings of the 1st Raden Intan International Conference on Muslim Societies and Social Sciences (RIICMuSSS 2019) The Use of Poetic Narratives in Hamka’s Qur’anic Exegesis Books, Tafsir Al Azhar 1* 2 1* 3 Rahmad Hidyayat Ihsan Nul Hakim Agita Misriani Sri Murti Syafrimen Syafril4 Faisal Faisal5 1 Faculty of Education, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Curup, Bengkulu, Indonesia 2 Faculty of Ushuluddin, Institut Agama Islam Negeri Curup, Bengkulu, Indonesia 3 Language and Literary Education, Sekolah Tinggi Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan, PGRI Lubuk Linggau, Lubuk Linggau, Indonesia 4 Faculty of Tarbiyah and Teacher Training, Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung, Bandar Lampung, Indonesia 5 Faculty of Syariah and Law, Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Intan Lampung, Bandar Lampung, Indonesia *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT Hamka is a multitalented religious scholar, and one of the prominent cultural figures in Indonesia. Hamka holds scholarly authorities as a mufassir (Qur’anic interpreter) and a man of letters. These capabilities are proven by a number of his writings in both fields. Likewise, Hamka has tried to combine these two competencies in his commentary books, Tafsir Al Azhar. Description of interpretation and explanation of Hamka in Tafsir Al Azhar displays handful elements of Malay literature. Yet, little has been done to study the literary dimension of Hamka's interpretation of the Qur’an, while such study is scholarly important, since it would help us understand the extent to which literary work could influence the production of religious authority. This paper tries to fulfill this gap. Thus, it is focused on discussing the use of poetry narration in Hamka's Tafsir Al Azhar, and the extent to which such use is significant to how he has acquired his authority in the field of Qur’anic interpretation. This research belongs to the type of library research using a qualitative approach. The data gathered are analyzed through theory of literary science and linguistics. This research finds out that the poetic narrative in Hamka’s Tafsir Al Azhar strictly follows the convention of Malay poetry structures. As such, this research concludes, has many to do with both his effort to strengthen and elucidate his interpretation about the Qur’anic verses, and his mission and interest in spreading Malay cultural identity and moral values. Keywords: Tafsir Al Azhar, Hamka, poetry, Qur’anic interpretation talented figure. Aside from being a Muslim scholar, 1. INTRODUCTION Hamka is also known as a writer, a historian and a politician who wrote around 120 books of various Tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis) is a human effort to understand disciplines, such as sufism, literature, philosophy, history, the Qur'an revealed to the Prophet Muhammad by sociology, politics and Qur’anic interpretation. explaining its meanings and issuing laws and wisdom.[1] As a poet or a man of letters, Hamka has proven his Qur’anic exegesis becomes one of the efforts to realize the authority by producing a number of literary works. He function of the Qur'an as a source of Islamic teachings and wrote several novels, biographies and collections of short as a guide that provides welfare and happiness for humans, stories. Most of his literary works were romances, many of both individually and in groups.[2] Tafsir as one of the them have received wide attention and enjoyed popularity, Islamic disciplines presupposes a set of interpretation not only in Indonesia but also in other Southeast Asian methods in order to achieve a correct understanding of countries, such as Malaysia and Singapore. Slamet what Allah intended in the verses of the Qur'an.[3] Muslim Mulyono, an Indonesian literature expert, referred to scholars have developed several methods of interpreting Hamka as Hamzah Fanshuri of the new age (Hamzah the Qur'an.[4] Fanshuri is a Muslim Sufi scholar of the 17th century Hamka is one of the Indonesian Muslim scholars who have Islamic Aceh). made important contribution in the field of the In the field of tafsir, Hamka shows his authority by interpretation of the Qur’an. Hamka, an abbreviation of producing books of the interpretation of the Qur’an, most Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah, is known as a multi- which have received high appreciation from many Muslim scholars in Indonesia. Abdurrahman Wahid, former leader Copyright © 2020 The Authors. Published by Atlantis Press SARL. This is an open access article distributed under the CC BY-NC 4.0 license -http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/. 37 Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 492 of the biggest traditionalist Muslim organization in poems, the writer will do a serious investigation of Tafsir Indonesia, for example, views Tafsir Al Azhar as the most Al Azhar. monumental work of Hamka's. The strength of this work This study employs a qualitative approach. Data analysis is lies in the broad knowledge that Hamka uses to support presented in the form of description and explanation of and explain his interpretation. In other word, his deep words. To analyze the selected poems, in order to see the knowledge reflected his authoritative ability to write a structures, rules and kind of poetry, the researcher will complete interpretation of the Qur’an. employ to the theories of literacy.[12]–[16] Having in mind Hamka’s expertise in literary, the Then, to examine the meaning of Malay poetic narratives researcher assumes that his literary skill is more or less used by Hamka, the researcher refers to the theory of influential to his exegetic work of the Qur’an. In fact, critical discourse analysis (CDA). In this regard, the Hamka had included literary elements in his Tafsir Al researcher uses Teun A. van Dijk's critical discourse Azhar as supplementary commentaries to the meaning of analysis model. CDA, according to van Dijk, deals with the verses of the Qur’an. The literary narration in his social power or social control from the community. A exegetic work adopts certain poetic elements characteristic community is considered to have power if they are able to of both Arab-Islamic and local-Indonesian literary works, control the actions and thoughts of members of the including poetry, proverbs and Malay maxims. The literary community. Mastery of the public mind is called social language in his commentary is extracted from his own cognition, that is, how a text (both verbal and non-verbal) recitation, Malay treasury and Arabic excerpts. is produced. This is because the process of meaning The case in point is Hamka’s commentary on chapter Ali making production of a text contains the knowledge Imran verse 158.[5] Although the number of poems behind the text, and under the conditions by which the text included throughout his exegesis books is not massive, the controls the public mind. This condition is known as three kinds of literary language are enough to color context .[17] Hamka's interpretation style. Hamka’s Tafsir Al Azhar, which consists of 30 volumes (Juz I - XXX), has become an object of many researches. 3. HAMKA TAFSIR AL AZHAR AND There are a number of research results and scientific works MALAY POETRY in the form of theses, dissertations and journal articles that examine this interpretation the Qur’an, either to examine Hamka lived in the period between 1908 and 1981. He was their interpretation methods or to investigate various born in Maninjau West Sumatra and died in Jakarta. He is interpretive thoughts.[6]–[10] Yet among them, there is no the son of a great and famous ‘ulama named Abdul Karim research that specifically discusses the production of Amarullah (Hajj Rasul). His formal education only religious authority of Hamka in the field of Qur’anic reached elementary school, but he learned by himself a lot exegesis, especially through the use of the literary (autodidact), especially in the field of Islamic studies. elements in his Tafsir Al Azhar. A research by Lukman, It seems that scholarship is a predicate that has been entitled Study of Malay Proverbial Discourse in Hamka's inherited by Hamka geologically, which was brought into Al Azhar Interpretation, indeed discusses the literary his subconscious, so that this scholarship was also chosen elements in Hamka's Tafsir Al Azhar, but only in general by Hamka as an obsession to present himself in a variety terms and only briefly alludes to Malay proverbs[11]. of activities, namely as a literary man, cultural producer, To fill this lacuna, this paper is intended to examine the Islamic scholar, preacher, educator, and politician. His use of poetic language in Tafsir Al Azhar for the expertise in Islam received international recognition, production of religious authority of Hamka in the field of evidenced by his Honorary Doctorate degree from the Al- Qur’anic exegesis in Indonesia. To avoid broad discussion Azhar University in 1958 and from the Kebangsaan or to limit this study, not all literary elements are discussed University of Malaysia in 1974.[18] here. But this research is only focused on the use of the The Malay proverb says that tigers die leaving stripes, Malay poetry. The research questions to be answered here elephants die leaving ivory, and human dies leaving are as follows: What is the quality of the poems used by names. Hamka has left a popular name through his written Hamka in explaining the interpretation of the Qur'an in works. Tafsir Al Azhar is his greatest and monumental Tafsir Al Azhar? What are the values contained behind the work. The presence of the works complements and adds to poetry narratives displayed in Hamka’s Tafsir Al-Azhar? his authority as an Indonesian Muslim scholar. These exegetical works originally came from his commentary lectures which were delivered routinely every 2.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
    Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election.
    [Show full text]
  • Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
    Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982.
    [Show full text]
  • Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
    Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President.
    [Show full text]
  • Feminist Exegesis in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar
    Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-Qur’an dan Hadis – ISSN: 1411-6855 (p); 2548-4737 (e) Vol. 22, No. 2 (Juli 2021), hlm. 403-426, doi: 10.14421/qh.2021.2202-07 https://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/ushuluddin/qurdis/index Article History: Submitted: 30-04-2021 Revised: 02-07-2021 Accepted: 05-07-2021 Feminist Exegesis in Hamka’s Tafsir Al-Azhar Penafsiran Feminis dalam Tafsir Al-Azhar Karya Hamka Zulfikri Zulkarnaini * (a) * Corrsponding Author, email, [email protected] (a) Uludag University Bursa-Turkey Abstract This research aims to understand the typology of contemporary interpretation in Indonesia, especially concerning the issue of women based on the interpretation narrative in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar. This interpretation arose in modern thought and was born from Indonesian society that the Dutch were colonizing. Therefore, this interpretation represents an idea with a modern background and colonial issues. One of the interesting issues in Al-Azhar's notion is the interpretation of verses related to women. This study uses a qualitative approach by collecting interpretations related to women in Tafsir Al-Azhar. This research used Hans-George Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutic method. The study results prove that the context of the colonial era made Hamka choose to reinterpret the verses of the Qur'an related to women's creation. The purpose of the interpretation is to harmonize between religious values and social conditions. According to Hamka, he interpreted the female verse that said women created from Adam’s ribs. Also, he explained controversially that the interpretation of women's creation from Adam’s ribs is merely a metaphor.
    [Show full text]
  • "Symbolic Politics", Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy
    Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Islam “Symbolic Politics”1, Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy By Anak Agung Banyu Perwita “If someone is able to separate sugar from its sweetness, he will be able to separate Islam religion from politics” (Wahab Chasbullah)2 “The Islamic movement should detach itself from involvement in politics. Islam is a moral force, a way to promote morality” (Abdurrahman Wahid)3. Introduction. The two quotations, above, clearly suggest an endlessly debate about the political role of Islam in Indonesia’s politics. This article discusses the role of political Islam4 in Indonesian politics and the dynamics of the interaction between the Muslim society and the State in the Indonesian political system. It provides the domestic context of the role Islam in Indonesia’s politics, which serves as the platform of the position of political Islam in Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post- Soeharto era. It will also briefly elaborate the development of Indonesia’s external environment (globalization) as an integral element of foreign policy. However, the extent to which the Islamic—as a “religio-politics”5-- factor played a significant role in Indonesian foreign policy has been subject to debate. Therefore, this article will assess the hypothesis that “foreign policies are also influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents”.6 1 Symbolic politics can be defined as “collective process of construction, distribution and internalization of political symbols (Phrases, images, norms, rules etc) which present a significant influence on foreign policy during the democratization process”. See Corneliu Bjola (2000).
    [Show full text]
  • Friend - Wahid
    Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001.
    [Show full text]
  • IN SEARH for a NEW NOMENCLATURE of POLITICAL ROLE of PESANTREN in an ERA of DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: Masdar [email protected]
    Towards a “Wider Mandate” of Pesantren: IN SEARH FOR A NEW NOMENCLATURE OF POLITICAL ROLE OF PESANTREN IN AN ERA OF DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: [email protected] A bstrak Makalah ini berusaha menganalisis tren kontemporer sebagian besar pesantren Indonesia dalam konteks pasca pemilihan presiden. Bahwa keberadaan pesantren tidak bisa memisahkan diri dari konfigurasi politik Indonesia. Politik dalam pesantren dapat dilihat sebagaimodalitaspesantren untukmencapaikehidupanpublik lebih baik. Namun demikian, sebagian besar pesantren menyadari bahwa melibatkan diri dalam politik praktis dapat merusak citra dan kemandirian sebagai agen transformasi sosial. Oleh karena itu, pesantren perlu mempertimbangkan beberapa nomenklatur peran politik dalam rangka bertahan dalam konstelasi politik yang berubah. Untuk tantangan ini, makalah ini berpendapat bahwa pesantren perlu mendefinisikan dan memperluas mandat dewasa ini sebagai “broker politik” menjadi salah satu dari tiga nomenklatur berikut: (1) perumusan non-pemilihan politik; (2) redefinisi dari mandat ekonomi, dan (3) mengembangkan sistem teologi-politik. 1 Translated and revised version of this paper was delivered in the seminar entitled “Peran Pesantren Pasca-Pilpres” (The Role of Pesantren in post-Presidential Elections” at Hotel Jayakarta, Jogjakarta, 10 August 2009 held by Ministry of Communication and Information o f the Republic of Indonesia. 4& J jj..^\\ ^ j aJj 4- J^ j l II *Lw^'Lww^J^ ^5 J j j J J2_*j 3 ^1 4j>rbLl V ^ V ’ W'LC"*“^ J C^JJJlSj . ^pLoJ^r-*^ a^jiii j i iiLail aJUfcj <, l-Li .Cj J ca a- ^ L ^ a«5”" ^ J5 aULJl A^L^Jl oJ l>-Ij > * a»~^L»»J| a^wuL?- L iL aJLA-( aj*VJUAJTj ^1 ^ \ s ^ ~ Aj 'Vj «Aj «X>- ajLf-Jj (2) a~*Lw*-J1 A;jb>wj*yi a pLm ? (1) ! 4-j LlI' Aj*)li]l ^jA < L J ^ U i S ji Jhj (3) _J i ilv«aa*>U Keywords: Pesantren, Nomenclature, Non-electoral Politics, Economic Mandate, Theology of Politics A.
    [Show full text]
  • Pemikiran KH. Abdurrahman Wahid Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren
    95D!a! W Y 5 Y b W ! Lb #$!%!# & '() *% + &,' ,( Pemikiran KH. Abdurrahman Wahid Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren Samsul Bahri Fakultas Tarbiyah dan Ilmu Keguruan IAIN Kendari Kendari, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract This dissertation is based on the demand of changes towards boarding school institution, which becomes academic debates about tradition and modernization of boarding school education system by Islamic scholars and thus becomes challenges for boarding schools. This research discussed boarding school education system based on the point of view of KH. bdurrahman Wahid. This research design by using library research as the instrument with a descriptive analysis of historical approach and pedagogical comparative. The primary source of the data is the work by KH. bdurrahman Wahid, such as Menggerakkan Tradisi$ Esai-Esai Pesantren, (ungaRampai Pesantren: Kumpulan KaryaTulis bdurrahman Wahid, +Pesantren as a subkultur, in M. ,awam Rahard-o .ed/, Pesantren dan perubahan, Islam kosmopolitan, Islamku Islam nda Islam Kita, as primary sources. This paper concludes that the thinking of KH. bdurrahman Wahid about boarding school education system is essential in responding to the changes by keep referring to the boarding schools subcultures. It can be seen from some of KH bdurrahman Wahid0s thoughts, such as, first, the aim of boarding school education is dynamic does not only mean to tafa11u fi al-din, but also to gain knowledge on religious sciences and others. 2o that students have e3tensive knowledge, religious knowledge, and general knowledge and skills. 2econd, the educational program of boarding school education is adaptively by maintaining integrated the curriculum of Islamic sciences and others by simplifying the boarding school curriculum and ad-usting it into the development of sciences and technology.
    [Show full text]
  • Chap. 12 to Reader
    Andree Feillard and Remy Madinier. The End of Innocence? Indonesian Islam and the Temptations of Radicalism. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2011. 336 pp. Robert W. Hefner Two years into the uncertain transitions of the "Arab Spring," it is remarkable just how few Middle Eastern analysts have thought to look to post-Soeharto Indonesia for clues as to how Islam and Muslims may be accommodated in passages from authoritarian rule. In part the oversight reflects Indonesia's continuing perceived marginality in the global Muslim scene, and the mistaken conviction that Indonesia is somehow less authentically Islamic than the Arab, Turkish, and Persian heartlands. However, as anyone who has traveled in academic or political circles in the Middle East can testify, the neglect has also to do with uncertainty as to the quality of Indonesian democracy, not least in the face of reports of continuing militia assaults on Christians, Ahmadiyah Muslims, and other religious minorities. To my ear, the opinion recently expressed by Andreas Harsono (an Indonesian human rights observer) in an op-ed column in The New York Times1 is now widely shared among Middle Eastern Muslim intellectuals and analysts: Indonesia offers few clear lessons on Muslim democracy, not because it is insufficiently Muslim, but because the quality of its democracy as regards religious freedom remains so precariously uncertain. Andree Feillard and Remy Madinier's new book on Muslim politics and the "temptations of radicalism" in modern Indonesia provides an eminently welcome point of entry into just this issue. The book is a translation and updating of the authors' 2006 work of a similar title in French.2 Skillfully rendered, the translation by Wong Wee preserves the easy readability and understated intelligence of the French original.
    [Show full text]
  • 16 Biblio 537 27/7/04, 11:48 AM 538 Durga’S Mosque
    Bibliography 537 BIBLIOGRAPHY ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS BIBLIOGRAPHY LUB, MS Lor. Leiden Universiteit Bibliothek, Leiden Oriental MS BL/IO British Library/India Office library LUB/LOr Leiden Universiteit Bibliothek: Leiden Oriental manuscript KITLV Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde PNRI: KBG Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia (Indonesian National Library): Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap NBS Netherlands Bible Society, loan collection, Leiden RAS Royal Asiatic Society (London) SMP/KS Surakarta MS Project: Karaton Surakarta SMP/MN Surakarta MS Project: Mangkunagaran (Palace library) SMP/RPM Surakarta MS Project: Radyapustaka Museum, Surakarta MANUSCRIPTS Babad Mangkunagaran, LUB, MS LOr. 6781. “Bundel Slametan dan Labuhan serta Kebo Maésa Lawung”, Mangkunagaran Palace Archives. Ms. 102 Ra. Fatwa-fatwané para Pinituwa (“Councils to the Elders”). Radèn Tanoyo. 1971. Gambar2 kanthi keterangan plabuhan dalem dhumateng redi2 saha dhateng seganten kidul nuju tingalan dalem jumengan mawi 11 lembar (verjaardag van troonsbestigang) from Ir. Moens Platen Album, no. 9 Museum Pusat, Yogyakarta, ms. 934 Dj. Kraemer, H. Autograph note on prayers (donga) important slametan and the Maésa Lawung with donga’s (LUB, MS LOr. 10.846 §4). Mangkunagaran Archives M.N.VI: (box 31) In 1915 the population of Krendawahana: 127 bau of cultivated fields and only 26 bau of rice fields. Mangkunagaran Archives: (box 5.256) As a sort of terminas ad quem for deforestration by 1947 the village of Krendawahana had 139 ha. under cultivation (all classes combined) and was paying an annual tax to the Mangkunagaran of 300 guilders. Pangruwatan. Leiden Oriental Ms. 6525 (1). Pradata (Ngabèhi Arya), Klathèn 1890. Information on 67 palabuhan offerings, with Dutch notes by Rouffaer.
    [Show full text]
  • Geography and History Aceh and the New Order Oil And
    briefing Aceh Geography and history became an umbrella group for anti- brought under the control of the state establishment forces in Aceh in the peri- and lost their traditional role as political Aceh is located on the northern tip of od before the Second World War. When and religious leaders. Sumatra, bordered on the north by the the Japanese invaded in 1942 they were The economic development under Malacca Strait and on the south by the welcomed for ridding the Acehnese of the New Order favoured particular Indian Ocean. About 4 million people the Dutch, even though the Japanese elites, which resulted in the decline of live in the province, which covers an carried on with the same colonial prac- other social groups. All regional develop- area of nearly 250,000 square km. The tices. After the war the Dutch did not ment – as we have seen in previous sec- capital is Banda Aceh and the main lan- attempt to reoccupy Aceh, but this did tions – was centrally planned and paid guage spoken (next to Bahasa Indonesia) not stop the Acehnese from joining the for with central government funds, and is Acehnese. independence struggle to free themselves staffed by people from the centre. The Since 1988, the conflict in Aceh is of the traditional local gentry who had local government was often not even said to have claimed 30,000 lives.1 Many been collaborating with the Dutch and aware of these development plans and thousands more have been traumatized the Japanese. In the process, the PUSA had no control over them.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
    RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy.
    [Show full text]