PEMIKIRAN NEO-MODERNISME NURCHOLISH MADJID–K.H. ABDURRAHMAN WAHID: Memahami Perkembangan Pemikiran Intelektual Islam
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
THE INDIGENISATION of a TRANSNATIONAL ISLAMIC MOVEMENT in CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA a Study of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia
THE INDIGENISATION OF A TRANSNATIONAL ISLAMIC MOVEMENT IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA A Study of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia DIMAS OKY NUGROHO A Thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities and Languages Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences March 2016 ORIGINALITY STATEMENT ‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’ Signed …………………………………………….............. Date …………………………………………….............. COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ‘I hereby grant the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all proprietary rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. -
The Formation of Liberal and Anti-Liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh
Akh. Muzakki IS EDUCATION DETERMINANT? The Formation of Liberal and Anti-liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh. Muzakki The University of Queensland, Australia Abstract: Liberalism and anti-liberalism are two increasing- ly prominent but staunchly opposing streams of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. This article analyses the formation of each of the two through an examination of the role of formal education. It focuses on organic intellectuals during two periods, the New Order and the reformasi. Challenging the strongly-held thesis of the determinant role of education, this article argues that both liberal and anti-liberal Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia is a result of not only the intellectual formation in the sense of academic training and access to education and knowledge, but also the sociological background and exposure in building a new epistemic community in an urban context. As a theoretical understanding of sociolo- gical background and exposure, the concept of epistemic community deserves to be taken as an analytical framework in addition to education for the analysis of the formation of the two contesting bents of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. Keywords: Liberalism, anti-liberalism, Islamic legal think- ing, education, epistemic community. Introduction In his controversial speech entitled “The Necessity of Islamic Renewal Thinking and the Problem of the Integration of the Ummah” on 2 January 1970, Madjid argued for a dynamic approach to Islam which requires reinterpretation of Islamic teachings in context with place and time. In more elaborate ways, he further argued that Islamic values move in line with the spirit of humanitarianism which promotes 280 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 02, December 2007 Is Education Determinant? the dignity of Mankind. -
Under the Direction of ALAN GODLAS)
ABSTRACT A DECONSTRUCTIVE READING OF NURCHOLISH MADJID’S THOUGHT ON RELIGIOUS REFORM by MOHAMMAD HANAFI (Under the Direction of ALAN GODLAS) Nurcholish Madjid (1939-2005) is an icon for reform of Islamic thought. He is the champion of the so-called, Islamic neo-modernism thought. His claim that the universality and transcendency of his thought inclines to negate the understanding of the “other” and puts his own on a higher level. Thus, his religious discourse becomes totalitarian and hegemonic leading to a one dimension understanding. It functions as a rule to justify the legitimacy of the other. Many attempts have been made to overide his authority but they have not shaken it; on the contrary, those criticisms have been considered immature and amature as well. Based on this concern, this study seeks to use Nurcholish’s own work to dethrone his authority from its ivory tower by employing deconstructive criticism because of its assumption that a text is heterograph. This study focuses on Nurcholish’s three major themes: secularization, masyarakat madani (Islamic civil society), and pluralism. INDEX WORDS: Islam, Neomodernism, Nurcholish Madjid, Indonesia, Deconstruction, Logocentrism, Secularization, Masyarakat Madani, Islamic Civil Society, Religious Pluralism. A DECONSTRUCTIVE READING OF NURCHOLISH MADJID’S THOUGHT ON RELIGIOUS REFORM by MOHAMMAD HANAFI MAg., The State Institute for Islamic Studies Sunan Ampel Surabaya Indonesia, 1999 A Thesis Submitted the Graduate Faculty of the University of Georgia in Particular Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2006 A DECONSTRUCTIVE READING OF NURCHOLISH MADJID’S THOUGHT ON RELIGIOUS REFORM by MOHAMMAD HANAFI Major Professor: Alan Godlas Committee: Kenneth Lee Honerkamp Carolyn Jones Medine Electronic Vision Approved: Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia December 2006 @ 2006 Mohammad Hanafi All Rights Reserved iv DEDICATION To The Other v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I know that my praise to all my professors is not for their sake. -
Feminist Exegesis in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar
Jurnal Studi Ilmu-Ilmu al-Qur’an dan Hadis – ISSN: 1411-6855 (p); 2548-4737 (e) Vol. 22, No. 2 (Juli 2021), hlm. 403-426, doi: 10.14421/qh.2021.2202-07 https://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/ushuluddin/qurdis/index Article History: Submitted: 30-04-2021 Revised: 02-07-2021 Accepted: 05-07-2021 Feminist Exegesis in Hamka’s Tafsir Al-Azhar Penafsiran Feminis dalam Tafsir Al-Azhar Karya Hamka Zulfikri Zulkarnaini * (a) * Corrsponding Author, email, [email protected] (a) Uludag University Bursa-Turkey Abstract This research aims to understand the typology of contemporary interpretation in Indonesia, especially concerning the issue of women based on the interpretation narrative in Hamka's Tafsir Al-Azhar. This interpretation arose in modern thought and was born from Indonesian society that the Dutch were colonizing. Therefore, this interpretation represents an idea with a modern background and colonial issues. One of the interesting issues in Al-Azhar's notion is the interpretation of verses related to women. This study uses a qualitative approach by collecting interpretations related to women in Tafsir Al-Azhar. This research used Hans-George Gadamer's philosophical hermeneutic method. The study results prove that the context of the colonial era made Hamka choose to reinterpret the verses of the Qur'an related to women's creation. The purpose of the interpretation is to harmonize between religious values and social conditions. According to Hamka, he interpreted the female verse that said women created from Adam’s ribs. Also, he explained controversially that the interpretation of women's creation from Adam’s ribs is merely a metaphor. -
"Symbolic Politics", Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Islam “Symbolic Politics”1, Democratization and Indonesian Foreign Policy By Anak Agung Banyu Perwita “If someone is able to separate sugar from its sweetness, he will be able to separate Islam religion from politics” (Wahab Chasbullah)2 “The Islamic movement should detach itself from involvement in politics. Islam is a moral force, a way to promote morality” (Abdurrahman Wahid)3. Introduction. The two quotations, above, clearly suggest an endlessly debate about the political role of Islam in Indonesia’s politics. This article discusses the role of political Islam4 in Indonesian politics and the dynamics of the interaction between the Muslim society and the State in the Indonesian political system. It provides the domestic context of the role Islam in Indonesia’s politics, which serves as the platform of the position of political Islam in Indonesia’s foreign policy in the post- Soeharto era. It will also briefly elaborate the development of Indonesia’s external environment (globalization) as an integral element of foreign policy. However, the extent to which the Islamic—as a “religio-politics”5-- factor played a significant role in Indonesian foreign policy has been subject to debate. Therefore, this article will assess the hypothesis that “foreign policies are also influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents”.6 1 Symbolic politics can be defined as “collective process of construction, distribution and internalization of political symbols (Phrases, images, norms, rules etc) which present a significant influence on foreign policy during the democratization process”. See Corneliu Bjola (2000). -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
IN SEARH for a NEW NOMENCLATURE of POLITICAL ROLE of PESANTREN in an ERA of DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: Masdar [email protected]
Towards a “Wider Mandate” of Pesantren: IN SEARH FOR A NEW NOMENCLATURE OF POLITICAL ROLE OF PESANTREN IN AN ERA OF DEMOCRACY1 Masdar Hilmy IAIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya Email: [email protected] A bstrak Makalah ini berusaha menganalisis tren kontemporer sebagian besar pesantren Indonesia dalam konteks pasca pemilihan presiden. Bahwa keberadaan pesantren tidak bisa memisahkan diri dari konfigurasi politik Indonesia. Politik dalam pesantren dapat dilihat sebagaimodalitaspesantren untukmencapaikehidupanpublik lebih baik. Namun demikian, sebagian besar pesantren menyadari bahwa melibatkan diri dalam politik praktis dapat merusak citra dan kemandirian sebagai agen transformasi sosial. Oleh karena itu, pesantren perlu mempertimbangkan beberapa nomenklatur peran politik dalam rangka bertahan dalam konstelasi politik yang berubah. Untuk tantangan ini, makalah ini berpendapat bahwa pesantren perlu mendefinisikan dan memperluas mandat dewasa ini sebagai “broker politik” menjadi salah satu dari tiga nomenklatur berikut: (1) perumusan non-pemilihan politik; (2) redefinisi dari mandat ekonomi, dan (3) mengembangkan sistem teologi-politik. 1 Translated and revised version of this paper was delivered in the seminar entitled “Peran Pesantren Pasca-Pilpres” (The Role of Pesantren in post-Presidential Elections” at Hotel Jayakarta, Jogjakarta, 10 August 2009 held by Ministry of Communication and Information o f the Republic of Indonesia. 4& J jj..^\\ ^ j aJj 4- J^ j l II *Lw^'Lww^J^ ^5 J j j J J2_*j 3 ^1 4j>rbLl V ^ V ’ W'LC"*“^ J C^JJJlSj . ^pLoJ^r-*^ a^jiii j i iiLail aJUfcj <, l-Li .Cj J ca a- ^ L ^ a«5”" ^ J5 aULJl A^L^Jl oJ l>-Ij > * a»~^L»»J| a^wuL?- L iL aJLA-( aj*VJUAJTj ^1 ^ \ s ^ ~ Aj 'Vj «Aj «X>- ajLf-Jj (2) a~*Lw*-J1 A;jb>wj*yi a pLm ? (1) ! 4-j LlI' Aj*)li]l ^jA < L J ^ U i S ji Jhj (3) _J i ilv«aa*>U Keywords: Pesantren, Nomenclature, Non-electoral Politics, Economic Mandate, Theology of Politics A. -
Pemikiran KH. Abdurrahman Wahid Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren
95D!a! W Y 5 Y b W ! Lb #$!%!# & '() *% + &,' ,( Pemikiran KH. Abdurrahman Wahid Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Pesantren Samsul Bahri Fakultas Tarbiyah dan Ilmu Keguruan IAIN Kendari Kendari, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract This dissertation is based on the demand of changes towards boarding school institution, which becomes academic debates about tradition and modernization of boarding school education system by Islamic scholars and thus becomes challenges for boarding schools. This research discussed boarding school education system based on the point of view of KH. bdurrahman Wahid. This research design by using library research as the instrument with a descriptive analysis of historical approach and pedagogical comparative. The primary source of the data is the work by KH. bdurrahman Wahid, such as Menggerakkan Tradisi$ Esai-Esai Pesantren, (ungaRampai Pesantren: Kumpulan KaryaTulis bdurrahman Wahid, +Pesantren as a subkultur, in M. ,awam Rahard-o .ed/, Pesantren dan perubahan, Islam kosmopolitan, Islamku Islam nda Islam Kita, as primary sources. This paper concludes that the thinking of KH. bdurrahman Wahid about boarding school education system is essential in responding to the changes by keep referring to the boarding schools subcultures. It can be seen from some of KH bdurrahman Wahid0s thoughts, such as, first, the aim of boarding school education is dynamic does not only mean to tafa11u fi al-din, but also to gain knowledge on religious sciences and others. 2o that students have e3tensive knowledge, religious knowledge, and general knowledge and skills. 2econd, the educational program of boarding school education is adaptively by maintaining integrated the curriculum of Islamic sciences and others by simplifying the boarding school curriculum and ad-usting it into the development of sciences and technology. -
Retorika Dakwah Kontemporer
R E T O R I K A DAKWAH KONTEMPORER Dr. Hj. Umdatul Hasanah, M.Ag. Hak cipta Dilindungi oleh Undang-Undang Dilarang mengutip atau memperbanyak sebagian atau seluruh isi buku ini tanpa izin tertulis dari penerbit. Isi diluar tanggung jawab percetakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 28 Tahun 2014 Tentang Hak Cipta. Fungsi dan Sifat Hak Cipta Pasal 2 Hak Cipta merupakan hak eksekutif bagi pencipta dan pemegang Hak Cipta untuk mengumumkan atau memperbanyak ciptaannya, yang timbul secara otomatis setelah suatu ciptaan dilahirkan tanpa mengurangi pembatasan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. Hak Terkait Pasal 49: Pelaku memiliki hak eksekutif untuk memberikan izin atau melarang pihak lain yang tanpa persetujuannya membuat, memperbanyak, atau menyiarkan rekaman suara dan/atau gambar pertunjukannya. Sanksi Pelanggaran Pasal 72 1. Barangsiapa dengan sengaja dan tanpa hak melakukan perbuatan sebagaimana dimaksud dalam pasal 2 ayat (1) atau pasal 49 ayat (2) dipidana dengan pidana penjara masing- masing paling singkat 1 (satu) bulan dan/atau denda paling sedikit Rp.1.000.000,00,- (satu juta rupiah), atau pidana penjara paling lama 7 (tujuh) tahun dan/atau denda paling banyak Rp.5.000.000.000,00,- (lima milyar rupiah) 2. Barangsiapa dengan sengaja menyiarkan, memamerkan, mengedarkan, atau menjual kepada umum suatu ciptaan atau barang hasil pelanggaran Hak Cipta sebagaimana dimaksud dalam ayat (1), dipidana dengan pidana penjara paling lama lima (5) tahun dan/atau denda paling banyak Rp. 500.000.000,00,- (lima ratus juta rupiah) ii R E T O R I K A DAKWAH KONTEMPORER Dr. Hj. Umdatul Hasanah, M.Ag. Media Madani iii RETORIKA DAKWAH KONTEMPORER Penulis: Dr.