Nahdlatul Ulama and Democratisation in Indonesia
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History
Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Emile Schwidder & Eef Vermeij (eds) Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Emile Schwidder Eef Vermeij (eds) Guide to the Asian Collections at the International Institute of Social History Stichting beheer IISG Amsterdam 2012 2012 Stichting beheer IISG, Amsterdam. Creative Commons License: The texts in this guide are licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 license. This means, everyone is free to use, share, or remix the pages so licensed, under certain conditions. The conditions are: you must attribute the International Institute of Social History for the used material and mention the source url. You may not use it for commercial purposes. Exceptions: All audiovisual material. Use is subjected to copyright law. Typesetting: Eef Vermeij All photos & illustrations from the Collections of IISH. Photos on front/backcover, page 6, 20, 94, 120, 92, 139, 185 by Eef Vermeij. Coverphoto: Informal labour in the streets of Bangkok (2011). Contents Introduction 7 Survey of the Asian archives and collections at the IISH 1. Persons 19 2. Organizations 93 3. Documentation Collections 171 4. Image and Sound Section 177 Index 203 Office of the Socialist Party (Lahore, Pakistan) GUIDE TO THE ASIAN COLLECTIONS AT THE IISH / 7 Introduction Which Asian collections are at the International Institute of Social History (IISH) in Amsterdam? This guide offers a preliminary answer to that question. It presents a rough survey of all collections with a substantial Asian interest and aims to direct researchers toward historical material on Asia, both in ostensibly Asian collections and in many others. -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi's Running Mate Cleric Ma'ruf Amin
Staggering Political Career of Jokowi’s Running Mate Cleric Ma’ruf Amin [Antonius Herujiyanto AH0908_090818] Wondering about Jokowi’s decision to choose cleric Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate in the coming Presidential race, many people start to be curious, questioning who the cleric is. Not only is the 75-year-old cleric [he was born on 11 March 1943 in Tangerang, Banten province, Java] the general chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council [MUI], but he is also the spiritual adviser or Rais Amm to NU [the largest Islamic community organization in the country]. Jokowi seems to expect the cleric to protect him against the criticism that he lacks sufficient Islamic credentials. Having chosen cleric Ma’ruf as his running mate, Jokowi must have thought that he would attract and provide Indonesian voters with his nationalism and cleric Ma’ruf Amin’s Islamism. [It is beside the many “radical” actions conducted by the cleric such as, among others, playing his influential adversary, backing the 2016 massive street protests by conservative Muslims and fuelling a campaign that led to Jokowi’s ally and successor as Jakarta’s governor, Ahok, to be jailed for blaspheming Islam; having pushed behind the scenes for restrictions on homosexuals and minority religious sects while seeking a greater role for Islam in politics.] The cleric was graduated from Tebuireng pesantren [Islamic boarding school] in Jombang, East Java. He earned his bachelor's degree in Islamic philosophy from Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, West Java. He was elected as a member of the House of Representatives [DPR], representing the (conservative Islamic) United Development Party or PPP and served as leader of the PPP caucus from 1977 to 1982. -
Rituals of Islamic Spirituality: a Study of Majlis Dhikr Groups
Rituals of Islamic Spirituality A STUDY OF MAJLIS DHIKR GROUPS IN EAST JAVA Rituals of Islamic Spirituality A STUDY OF MAJLIS DHIKR GROUPS IN EAST JAVA Arif Zamhari THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY E P R E S S E P R E S S Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islamic_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Zamhari, Arif. Title: Rituals of Islamic spirituality: a study of Majlis Dhikr groups in East Java / Arif Zamhari. ISBN: 9781921666247 (pbk) 9781921666254 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia. Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Islam--Rituals. Islam Doctrines. Islamic sects--Indonesia--Jawa Timur. Sufism--Indonesia--Jawa Timur. Dewey Number: 297.359598 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2010 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changesthat the author may have decided to undertake. -
RADICALIZING INDONESIAN MODERATE ISLAM from WITHIN the NU-FPI Relationship in Bangkalan, Madura
RADICALIZING INDONESIAN MODERATE ISLAM FROM WITHIN The NU-FPI Relationship in Bangkalan, Madura Ahmad Zainul Hamdi IAIN Sunan Ampel, Surabaya - Indonesia Abstract: This article tries to present the most current phenomenon of how moderate Islam can live side by side with radical Islam. By focusing its analysis on the dynamics of political life in Bangkalan, Madura, the paper argues that the encounter between these two different ideological streams is possible under particular circumstances. First, there is a specific political situation where the moderate Islam is able to control the political posts. Second, there is a forum where they can articulate Islamic ideas in terms of classical and modern political movements. This study has also found out that the binary perspective applied in the analysis of Islamic movement is not always relevant. The fact, as in the case of Bangkalan, is far more complex, in which NU and Islamic Defender Front (FPI) can merge. This is so Eecause at the Eeginning, F3,’s management in the city is led by kyais or/and prominent local NU leaders. Keywords: Radicalization, de-radicalization, moderate Islam, radical Islam. Introduction A discussion on the topic of contemporary Islamic movements is filled with various reviews about radical Islam. As news, academic work also has its own actual considerations. The September 11th incident seems to be a “productive” momentum to tap a new academic debate which was previously conducted only by a few people who were really making Islam and its socio-political life as an academic project. Islamism, in its violence and atrocity, then became a popular theme that filled almost all the scientific discussion that took ideology and contemporary Islamic movements as a main topic. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
Ahlu Al-Sunnah Wa Al-Jamaah Dalam Perspektif Said Aqil Siradj
33 Nidhomul Haq Vol 3 No: 1 Maret 2018 ISSN 2503-1481 AHLU AL-SUNNAH WA AL-JAMAAH DALAM PERSPEKTIF SAID AQIL SIRADJ Muhammad Endy Fadlullah Dosen Institut Agama Islam Ibrahimy Banyuwangi [email protected] Abstract The discourse about Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah is still very interesting among academics. This term becomes an idol for every stream and is raised within the scope affirming its status as a surviving stream of the world and the hereafter (firqah al-Najiah). Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah became fertile because it is supported by the hadith of the Prophet who indeed came from 73 groups of Islam only one who survived the Ahlu al- Sunnah wa al-Jamaah group. Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah by Said Aqil as People who have a method of religious thinking that covers all aspects of life based on the foundations of moderation, maintaining balance and tolerance. Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah is a school that will become a Manhaj al-Fikr, as it is only an attempt to find a middle ground between the various streams. Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah there is no limitations and provisions that should be the same as Imam Abu Hasan al-Asy'ari or al-Maturidi but the pillars of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah understand this must-have differences and opinions in interpreting the source of religion not become the gulf as long as still holding pillars (rukn) Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jamaah namely the divinity (uluhiyah), apostles (Nubuwah) and the end (al-Ma'd). -
Labour and Democracy? Reflections on the Indonesian Impasse1 Olle
Journal of Contemporary Asia Vol.34, No.3 (August'04) or No.4 (Nov.'04). Labour and Democracy? Reflections on the Indonesian Impasse1 Olle Törnquist Department of Political Science University of Oslo PO Box 1097 Blindern; NO 0317 Oslo Norway [email protected] Conventional theories about the emergence of democracy have not proven particularly helpful in the case of Indonesia. For example, it was a capitalist crisis – and not a process of socio-economic modernisation – that gave birth to the world’s third- largest democracy in May 1998. Nor was it the growing bourgeoisie and middle classes that offered resistance against state and private authoritarianism and fought for human rights and democracy, but rather marginal intellectual groups among students, scholars, lawyers, social and cultural workers, and journalists. Moreover, it was not until the fall of Suharto that the West really began to support some aspects of democratisation. Only a few years later, however, many of the attempts to craft democracy (originating from southern Europe and Latin America) had largely failed. The idea had been to compensate for the structural constraints on democracy: first, through foreign support to skilful institution-building; second, by promoting elite acceptance of constitutional democracy (in return for protection of its private economic and social powers); and third, through agreements between reformist incumbents and moderate dissidents that would marginalise radicals and prevent popular revolts. But such support to supposedly “ideal” institutions remained subject to the operations of existing power relations. For instance, it is impossible to trade privileged private property rights to capitalists in exchange for political democracy and the rule of law as long as business is in critical need of partisan intervention by politicians, bureaucrats, judges and officers who, moreover, are also engaged in the primitive accumulation of capital. -
The Muslim 500 2011
The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500 � 2011 The Muslim The 500 The Muslim 500The The Muslim � 2011 500———————�——————— THE 500 MOST INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS ———————�——————— � 2 011 � � THE 500 MOST � INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · All rights reserved. No part of this book may be repro- The Muslim 500: The 500 Most Influential Muslims duced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic 2011 (First Edition) or mechanic, inclding photocopying or recording or by any ISBN: 978-9975-428-37-2 information storage and retrieval system, without the prior · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · written permission of the publisher. Views expressed in The Muslim 500 do not necessarily re- Chief Editor: Prof. S. Abdallah Schleifer flect those of RISSC or its advisory board. Researchers: Aftab Ahmed, Samir Ahmed, Zeinab Asfour, Photo of Abdul Hakim Murad provided courtesy of Aiysha Besim Bruncaj, Sulmaan Hanif, Lamya Al-Khraisha, and Malik. Mai Al-Khraisha Image Copyrights: #29 Bazuki Muhammad / Reuters (Page Designed & typeset by: Besim Bruncaj 75); #47 Wang zhou bj / AP (Page 84) Technical consultant: Simon Hart Calligraphy and ornaments throughout the book used courtesy of Irada (http://www.IradaArts.com). Special thanks to: Dr Joseph Lumbard, Amer Hamid, Sun- dus Kelani, Mohammad Husni Naghawai, and Basim Salim. English set in Garamond Premiere -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Political Orientation of Nahdatul Ulama After Muhtamar IX
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 226 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018) Political Orientation of Nahdatul Ulama After Muhtamar IX 1st Eko Satriya Hermawan 2nd Rojil Nugroho Bayu Aji 3rd Riyadi History Education Department, History Education Department History Education Department, Universitas Negeri Surabaya Universitas Negeri Surabaya Universitas Negeri Surabaya Surabaya, Indonesia Surabaya, Indonesia Surabaya, Indonesia email: [email protected] email: [email protected] email: [email protected] Abstract–Nahdatul Ulama (NU) is currently the largest Muslim- traditionalist cleric, traders and landlords are the economic based community organization in Indonesia. Looking at the basis of (school) pesantren and cleric families, which can historical view, that NU used to be a political party, even winning threaten the coffers of the traditionalist cleric economy.[2] the election in Sidorajo, East Java. This study uses a The most obvious conflict, was when deciding on methodological approach of history to see the uniqueness of NU the representation of the Dutch East Indies in the Islamic in winning the election in 1955. Authentic documents and in- World Congress held in Mecca in 1926. The traditionalists, depth interviews were conducted to gain a past representation far beyond the discourse that developed in society. worried about not having the opportunity to become representatives in the activity. On that basis, Wahab Keywords— NU, Politics, and Islam Chasbullah, through the approval of Hasyim Asj'ari, invited the leading clerics from traditionalist circles to his home in Surabaya on January 31, 1926. The meeting had two aims: I. INTRODUCTION first, to ratify the creation of the Hijaz Committee which would send a delegation to the congress in Mecca . -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? ..................