Dakwah, Competition for Authority, and Development
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia
Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia Chang-Yau Hoon BA (Hons), BCom This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia School of Social and Cultural Studies Discipline of Asian Studies 2006 DECLARATION FOR THESES CONTAINING PUBLISHED WORK AND/OR WORK PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION This thesis contains sole-authored published work and/or work prepared for publication. The bibliographic details of the work and where it appears in the thesis is outlined below: Hoon, Chang-Yau. 2004, “Multiculturalism and Hybridity in Accommodating ‘Chineseness’ in Post-Soeharto Indonesia”, in Alchemies: Community exChanges, Glenn Pass and Denise Woods (eds), Black Swan Press, Perth, pp. 17-37. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Assimilation, Multiculturalism, Hybridity: The Dilemma of the Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto Indonesia”, Asian Ethnicity, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 149-166. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Defining (Multiple) Selves: Reflections on Fieldwork in Jakarta”, Life Writing, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 79-100. (A revised version of this paper appears in a few sections of Chapter Two of the thesis). ---. 2006, “‘A Hundred Flowers Bloom’: The Re-emergence of the Chinese Press in post-Suharto Indonesia”, in Media and the Chinese Diaspora: Community, Communications and Commerce, Wanning Sun (ed.), Routledge, London and New York, pp. 91-118. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter Six of the thesis). This thesis is the original work of the author except where otherwise acknowledged. -
The Formation of Liberal and Anti-Liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh
Akh. Muzakki IS EDUCATION DETERMINANT? The Formation of Liberal and Anti-liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh. Muzakki The University of Queensland, Australia Abstract: Liberalism and anti-liberalism are two increasing- ly prominent but staunchly opposing streams of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. This article analyses the formation of each of the two through an examination of the role of formal education. It focuses on organic intellectuals during two periods, the New Order and the reformasi. Challenging the strongly-held thesis of the determinant role of education, this article argues that both liberal and anti-liberal Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia is a result of not only the intellectual formation in the sense of academic training and access to education and knowledge, but also the sociological background and exposure in building a new epistemic community in an urban context. As a theoretical understanding of sociolo- gical background and exposure, the concept of epistemic community deserves to be taken as an analytical framework in addition to education for the analysis of the formation of the two contesting bents of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. Keywords: Liberalism, anti-liberalism, Islamic legal think- ing, education, epistemic community. Introduction In his controversial speech entitled “The Necessity of Islamic Renewal Thinking and the Problem of the Integration of the Ummah” on 2 January 1970, Madjid argued for a dynamic approach to Islam which requires reinterpretation of Islamic teachings in context with place and time. In more elaborate ways, he further argued that Islamic values move in line with the spirit of humanitarianism which promotes 280 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 02, December 2007 Is Education Determinant? the dignity of Mankind. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Political Orientation of Nahdatul Ulama After Muhtamar IX
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 226 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018) Political Orientation of Nahdatul Ulama After Muhtamar IX 1st Eko Satriya Hermawan 2nd Rojil Nugroho Bayu Aji 3rd Riyadi History Education Department, History Education Department History Education Department, Universitas Negeri Surabaya Universitas Negeri Surabaya Universitas Negeri Surabaya Surabaya, Indonesia Surabaya, Indonesia Surabaya, Indonesia email: [email protected] email: [email protected] email: [email protected] Abstract–Nahdatul Ulama (NU) is currently the largest Muslim- traditionalist cleric, traders and landlords are the economic based community organization in Indonesia. Looking at the basis of (school) pesantren and cleric families, which can historical view, that NU used to be a political party, even winning threaten the coffers of the traditionalist cleric economy.[2] the election in Sidorajo, East Java. This study uses a The most obvious conflict, was when deciding on methodological approach of history to see the uniqueness of NU the representation of the Dutch East Indies in the Islamic in winning the election in 1955. Authentic documents and in- World Congress held in Mecca in 1926. The traditionalists, depth interviews were conducted to gain a past representation far beyond the discourse that developed in society. worried about not having the opportunity to become representatives in the activity. On that basis, Wahab Keywords— NU, Politics, and Islam Chasbullah, through the approval of Hasyim Asj'ari, invited the leading clerics from traditionalist circles to his home in Surabaya on January 31, 1926. The meeting had two aims: I. INTRODUCTION first, to ratify the creation of the Hijaz Committee which would send a delegation to the congress in Mecca . -
Majelis Taklim Perempuan Dan Perubahan Sosial Pada Masyarakat Perkotaan
Majelis Taklim Perempuan dan Perubahan Sosial Pada masyarakat Perkotaan Umdatul Hasanah--cet 1. Magelang: PKBM Ngudi Ilmu, 2017. 14,8 X 21 cm; xii, 262 hlm. ISBN: 978-602-1552-48-3 Hak Cipta Dilindungi Undang-Undang All Right reserved Editor: Agus Ali Dzawafi Perancang Sampul: Haryana Cerah Cetakan I, Januari 2017 Diterbitkan Oleh: PKBM “Ngudi Ilmu” Jl. Kyai Sampir No. 3, Kalirejo, Salaman Magelang, 56162 Telp. +62 81219748141 Email: [email protected] KATA PENGANTAR Alhamdulillahirabbil ‘alamin, segala puji dan syukur penulis panjatkan hanya kepada Allah SWT, Tuhan semesta alam, pemilik segala daya dan kekuatan. Hanya dengan kekuatan-Nya, Taufik, Hidayah serta Inayah-Nya, penulis dapat menyelesaikan buku ini. Buku ini merupakan disertasi penulis di SPs UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. Penyelesian penelitian ini cukup melelahkan, menyita segala energi pikiran, tenaga, waktu, biaya dan perasaan. Suka dan duka selama proses perkuliahan sampai penulisan menjadi kenangan yang tidak terlupakan. Rasa lelah dan kenangan yang tidak mengenakkan tertutupi sudah dengan rasa bahagia memperoleh banyak ilmu dari para ahli di kampus ini yang mengagumkan. Rasa bahagia itu juga demikian mendalam penulis rasakan ketika dapat menyelesaikan karya ini, sulit rasanya penulis dapat menyelesaikan tugas ini tanpa bantuan dan pengertian berbagai pihak. Penghargaan yang setinggi-tingginya penulis sampaikan kepada Prof. DR. H.M. Bambang Pranowo, MA dan Prof. DR. H. Sukron Kamil, MA, terimakasih telah bersedia menjadi promotor penulis yang dengan ikhlas, teliti dan sabar membimbing penulis. Di tengah kesibukannya selalu bersedia melayani penulis dengan terbuka dan baik hati. Saran dan kritik serta pertanyaan-pertanyaan kritis telah membantu mengasah kembali kepekaan penulis untuk memahami, menyelami berbagai sisi dalam penulisan ini. -
A REAL THREAT from WITHIN: Muhammadiyah's Identity
Suaidi Asyari A REAL THREAT FROM WITHIN: Muhammadiyah’s Identity Metamorphosis and the Dilemma of Democracy Suaidi Asyari IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin - Jambi Abstract: This paper will look at Muhammadiyah as a constantly metamorphosing organism from which have grown modernist-reformist, liberalist progressive, political pragmatist and potentially violent fundamentalist-radical Muslims. It will argue that the trajectory passed by and the victory of the radical-puritan element in the National Congress 2005 can potentially become an obstacle for Muhammadiyah's involvement in the process of implementing democratic values in Indonesia in the future. To keep watching Muhammadiyah’s trajectory is crucially important due to the fact that this organization is one of the powerful forces in the world toward the democratization process. In order to be on the right track of democracy, Muhammadiyah has to be able to cope with its internal disputes over democratic values. Only by means of coping with these internal disputes can this organization ensure its role in propagating and disseminating democratic ideas as well as practices in Indonesia. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, metamorphoses, identity, democracy Introduction: An Overview of Muhammadiyah To date, Muhammadiyah has been plausibly assumed to be a moderate Islamic organization which is in a similar position to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and does not have any connections with radical individuals or organizations that could be associated with radical Islamic ideology. This paper will I argue that there are some important 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 01, June 2007 Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Democracy factors that have been overlooked or ignored in this understanding of Muhammadiyah. -
Wacana Islam Islam Liberal: Analisis Artikel Di Media Online Jaringan Islam Liberal (
Agus Riyanto Wacana Islam Liberal : Analisis artikel Di Media On-line Jaringan Islam Liberal (www.islamlib.com) WACANA ISLAM ISLAM LIBERAL: ANALISIS ARTIKEL DI MEDIA ONLINE JARINGAN ISLAM LIBERAL (www.islamlib.com) Agus Riyanto Kepala Program Studi Ilmu Politik Unwahas, Lulusan S2 Ilmu Politik UGM 2007 Abstract Islamic Liberal Discources is one of Islamic movement which has shared on Reformation era besides the other Islamic types like Radical Islam. Both of them are usually in discources conflict because the difference religion concern. The article will describe how Islamic Liberal Network, construct discource on on line media, www.Islamlib.com Key words : Islamic Liberal discources, Islamic construction. A. Pendahuluan tunya. Mereka juga mengusung Bergulirnya era reformasi tahun tema-te-ma seperti pemberlakuan 1998, telah membawa Indonesia memasu- syariat Islam (integralisme agama ki masa transisi demokrasi. Di tengah arus dan negara), peno-lakan presiden transisi tersebut, wacana politik diwarnai perempuan, penolakan de-mokrasi fenomena kebangkitan gerakan Islam dan ideologi negara (Pancasila)2. yang ditandai oleh dua tipe: yakni radikal Sementara gerakan Islam dan liberal. Tipe pertama seperti Front tipe li-beral dimarakkan dengan Pembela Islam (FPI), Forum Komunikasi kemunculan Ja-ringan Islam Liberal Ahlussunah Waljamaah (FKASW) atau po- (JIL), komunitas pe-mikiran anak puler dengan Laskar Jihad, Majelis Mu- muda Islam yang dimotori Ulil jahidin Indonesia (MMI), Ikhwanul Mus- Abshar Abdala. Kelompok ini men- limun, Hizbut Tahrir, dan HAMMAS. coba mengimbangi wacana Ormas-ormas ini diidentifikasikan Kha- pemikiran Is-lam radikal dengan mami Zada memiliki 3 (tiga) ciri khas yai- mensosialisasikan perlunya tu: formalistik, militan, dan radikal1. Mu- kembali ‘liberalisasi’ pemaha-man suh utama gerakan ini adalah kapitalisme, keagamaan. -
From Custom to Pancasila and Back to Adat Naples
1 Secularization of religion in Indonesia: From Custom to Pancasila and back to adat Stephen C. Headley (CNRS) [Version 3 Nov., 2008] Introduction: Why would anyone want to promote or accept a move to normalization of religion? Why are village rituals considered superstition while Islam is not? What is dangerous about such cultic diversity? These are the basic questions which we are asking in this paper. After independence in 1949, the standardization of religion in the Republic of Indonesia was animated by a preoccupation with “unity in diversity”. All citizens were to be monotheists, for monotheism reflected more perfectly the unity of the new republic than did the great variety of cosmologies deployed in the animistic cults. Initially the legal term secularization in European countries (i.e., England and France circa 1600-1800) meant confiscations of church property. Only later in sociology of religion did the word secularization come to designate lesser attendance to church services. It also involved a deep shift in the epistemological framework. It redefined what it meant to be a person (Milbank, 1990). Anthropology in societies where religion and the state are separate is very different than an anthropology where the rulers and the religion agree about man’s destiny. This means that in each distinct cultural secularization will take a different form depending on the anthropology conveyed by its historically dominant religion expression. For example, the French republic has no cosmology referring to heaven and earth; its genealogical amnesia concerning the Christian origins of the Merovingian and Carolingian kingdoms is deliberate for, the universality of the values of the republic were to liberate its citizens from public obedience to Catholicism. -
The Rise of Islamic Religious-Political
Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi THE RISE OF ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN INDONESIA The Background, Present Situation and Future1 Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi The Institute for Islamic Studies of Darussalam, Gontor Ponorogo, Indonesia Abstract: This paper traces the roots of the emergence of Islamic religious and political movements in Indonesia especially during and after their depoliticization during the New Order regime. There were two important impacts of the depoliticization, first, the emergence of various study groups and student organizations in university campuses. Second, the emergence of Islamic political parties after the fall of Suharto. In addition, political freedom after long oppression also helped create religious groups both radical on the one hand and liberal on the other. These radical and liberal groups were not only intellectual movements but also social and political in nature. Although the present confrontation between liberal and moderate Muslims could lead to serious conflict in the future, and would put the democratic atmosphere at risk, the role of the majority of the moderates remains decisive in determining the course of Islam and politics in Indonesia. Keywords: Islamic religious-political movement, liberal Islam, non-liberal Indonesian Muslims. Introduction The rise of Islamic political parties and Islamic religious movements after the fall of Suharto was not abrupt in manner. The process was gradual, involving numbers of national and global factors. 1 The earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference “Islam and Asia: Revisiting the Socio-Political Dimension of Islam,” jointly organized by Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA) and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM), 15-16 October, Tokyo. -
Why Are Indonesians Prone to Support the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria?
WHY ARE INDONESIANS PRONE TO SUPPORT THE ISLAMIC STATE OF IRAQ AND SYRIA? Karen Savitri Universitas Pelita Harapan, Tangerang [email protected] ABSTRACT Negara Islam Irak dan Syam, atau lebih dikenal sebagai ISIS, mendeklarasikan dirinya sebagai sebuah khilafah, atau negara Islam, dengan Abu Bakar Al-Baghdadi sebagai Khalifah atau pemimpin atas segala umat Muslim, pada tahun 2014. Dalam aksinya, mereka membunuh banyak orang, merugikan harta benda, serta membuat kerusakan infrastruktur dari wilayah kekuasaannya di Timur Tengah sampai dengan Asia Tenggara. Kabar kekerasan ISIS terdengar melalui media massa, dari internet, dalam artikel berita, dan didiskusikan di media sosial. Namun, dengan segala informasi mengenai kekejaman ISIS, mengapa masih ada orang Indonesia yang mendukung ISIS? Apa yang membuat mereka membenci orang-orang kafir? Apa yang memotivasi mereka untuk berjuang demi ISIS, bahkan sampai rela untuk kehilangan nyawa? Penelitian ini, dengan mengaplikasikan teori konstruktivisme, mendiskusikan kisah sejarah Indonesia dan faktor sosial yang mendasari alasan orang Indonesia mendukung ISIS. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif, data dikumpulkan melalui interview dan studi literatur dari buku dan artikel penelitian. Peneliti mendiskusikan total 6 (enam) faktor pendorong dan penarik, mulai dari kisah sejarah, radikalisme di Tanah Air, kecendrungan orang Muslim di Indonesia, dan generasi milenial. Keywords: Radicalization, extremism, ISIS, Indonesia 1. Introduction Since the Islamic State of Iraq and Indonesians, including women -
Sejarah Munculnya Pemikiran Islam Liberal Di Indonesia 1970-2015 the Birth of Liberal Islamic Thought in Indonesia 1970 - 2015
Sejarah Munculnya Pemikiran Islam Liberal…(Samsudin dan Nina Herlina Lubis) 483 SEJARAH MUNCULNYA PEMIKIRAN ISLAM LIBERAL DI INDONESIA 1970-2015 THE BIRTH OF LIBERAL ISLAMIC THOUGHT IN INDONESIA 1970 - 2015 Samsudin dan Nina Herlina Lubis Universitas Padjajaran, Indonesia E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Naskah Diterima: 15 April 2019 Naskah Direvisi: 20 September 2019 Naskah Disetujui : 28 September 2019 DOI: 10.30959/patanjala.v11i3.522 Abstrak Kemajuan yang dicapai oleh negara Barat dalam bidang ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi, dan ekonomi, berakar pada trilogi liberalisme, pluralisme, dan sekularisme. Atas dasar itulah, beberapa tokoh Islam Indonesia ingin memajukan umatnya dengan trilogi tersebut. Dalam perjalanannya, tokoh Islam seperti Nurcholish Madjid dan Ulil Abshar menuai kritik dari Rasjidi dan Atiyan Ali. Puncaknya adalah ketika MUI mengeluarkan fatwa mengharamkan Islam liberal. Bagaimana gambaran sejarah masuk Islam liberal di Indonesia? Mengapa terjadi polemik Islam liberal di Indonesia? Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah, meliputi heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, sejarah Islam liberal di Indonesia terbagi ke dalam empat tahap, yaitu: Tahap awal ketika masih menyatu dengan pemikiran neo-modernisme. Kedua, pembentukan enam paradigma Islam liberal. Ketiga adanya kritik dan evaluasi pemikiran Islam liberal. Kemudian sebab terjadinya polemk pemikiran Islam liberal disebabkan oleh perbedaan paradigma berfikir dan metodologi memahami ajaran Islam dalam melihat realitas yang terjadi di masyarakat pada masa kontemporer. Kata kunci: Islam liberal, sejarah, tokoh liberal, polemik. Abstract The progress achieved by Western countries in the fields of science, technology and economics is rooted in liberalism, pluralism and secularism. For this reason, some Indonesian Muslim intellectuals want to reform their people accordingly.