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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita. Indonesia and the Muslim World: Islam and Secularism in the Foreign Policy of Soeharto and Beyond
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita. Indonesia and the Muslim World: Islam and Secularism in the Foreign Policy of Soeharto and Beyond. Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2007. 238 pages. Michael Laffan We are often told that Indonesia is doubly distinct for being the largest Muslim nation on earth without being an Islamic state. Yet few Muslim countries are "Islamic states" if we take the premise that it is the implementation of Islamic law that defines the polity in such terms. I also suspect that the leaders of a bare minority of majority- Muslim nations ever base their foreign policy decisions on globalist Islamic sentiment rather than national or regional interest, unless domestic opinion is completely unbridled, which brings us to the particular book at hand. Following Rizal Sukma, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita, a senior lecturer at Bandung's Parahyangan Catholic University, claims that the major hypothesis of his book Indonesia and the Muslim World is that "foreign policies are ... influenced by the religious views and beliefs of policymakers and their constituents" (p. 2). Yet in this compact and useful set of essays, Anak Agung seems to have demonstrated the exact opposite. That is, the bebas-aktif (in his translation: "independent and active") foreign policy formulated by Indonesia's founding fathers has long trumped the religious concerns ascribed to or demonstrated by the majority of its citizens. More precisely, Anak Agung reflects on foreign policy actions taken in relation to a number of institutions and instances. These are, in order of discussion, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, founded in September 1969), "the Middle East Conflict" (actually a series of issues and events ranging from the question of Palestine to the Gulf Wars), the Moro "problem,"1 and the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. -
Persatuan Pembangunan Party in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Province 1973-1998
Persatuan Pembangunan Party in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Province 1973-1998 Alfian1, Suprayitno1, Warjio1 1Universitas Sumatera Utara (USU), Medan [email protected] Abstract : After the establishment of PPP in the provincial area which is explained in the previous section, it was immediately based on instructions from the center to establish DPC- DPC in Daerah Istimewa Aceh Province. The establishment of the Branch Board (DPC) began in 1974. This article uses a theoretical and approach approach in pilitik science. For research methods, this study uses historical methods. This article explains how PPP can exist or survive in the face of government party hegemony namely Golkar. In this research, the campaign system, election results, PPP vision and party goals are also described. Keyword : PPP (Persatuan Pembangunan Party); Aceh; Election I. Introduction During the New Order government, it was known as the era of national development which sought to improve the condition of the Indonesian people. By putting forward the development mission, the New Order government made improvements to the system of implementing the government which during the Old Order government did not work with it. As a development order, the New Order had three characteristics in implementing a development strategy policy consisting of development, agriculture and industrialization, and Indonesian political integration.1 From the policy of the development strategy, one of them is development in the political field where the government makes policies by combining various socio-political forces into three groups. Based on this, the government made a policy by simplifying the party or social political organization in Indonesia (orsospol). Simplification of political organizations is considered as a way out to achieve the political stability that the New Order government wants to achieve.2 On this policy, the government then merged the political organizations into three major groups namely the Golongan Karya (Golkar), Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI), and Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP). -
Islamising Indonesia: the Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah And
ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) Yon Machmudi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University, Southeast Asia Center Faculty of Asian Studies, July 2006 Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islam_indo_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Machmudi, Yon, 1973- Title: Islamising Indonesia : the rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) / Yon Machmudi. ISBN: 9781921536243 (pbk.) 9781921536250 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia series. Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political parties--Indonesia. Islam and politics--Indonesia. Islam and state--Indonesia. Indonesia--Politics and government. Dewey Number: 324.2598082 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changes that the author may have decided to undertake. -
Democratic Decline in Indonesia: the Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer
Democratic Decline in Indonesia: The Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer Abstract The Council of Indonesian Islamic Scholars (MUI) has exerted increased political influence in Indonesian politics since the fall of Suharto. Constituted by representatives from various Muslim civil society organizations, the council was originally intended by Suharto to serve as a political representative for Indonesia’s two largest civil society organizations, the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama. This article argues that in addition to its own non-democratic structures and its fatwas opposing democratic values, the MUI has contributed to Indonesia’s democratic stagnation and decline in two ways: by undermining the authority of elected state representatives through its anti-pluralist stance and its epistocratic claims, and by imperiling the fragile but functioning balance of religion and the state through its undermining of long-established religious civil society organizations. Keywords: Islam, democracy, religious authorities, Indonesia, authoritarianization DOI: 10.5509/2019922235 Introduction wenty years after the fall of the military dictator Suharto in 1998, Indonesia has not fallen into the hands of Islamist extremists via Telections, nor did the country’s oligarchs succeed in passing the presidency from one former military officer (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) to another (Prabowo Subianto) in the 2014 election. The former furniture entrepreneur Joko Widodo, called Jokowi, who became Indonesia’s first ____________________ Saskia Schäfer works on politics and religion in Southeast Asia at Humboldt University of Berlin. Email: [email protected]. Acknowledgements: Earlier versions of this article were presented at the workshop “Conceptualizing the Bureaucratization of Islam and its Socio-Legal Dimensions in Southeast Asia” at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle in September 2017 and at the workshop “Post-Democratizing Politics in East Asia” at the National University of Singapore in March 2019. -
Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy. -
State and Religion: Considering Indonesian Islam As Model of Democratisation for the Muslim World
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by eDoc.VifaPol OccasionalPaper 122 State and Religion: Considering Indonesian Islam as Model of Democratisation for the Muslim World Syafi q Hasyim If you wish to support our work: Commerzbank Berlin BIC 100 400 00 Donations account: 266 9661 04 Donations receipts will be issued. Imprint: Published by the Liberal Institute Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit Reinhardtstraße 12 D–10117 Berlin Phone: +49 30.28 87 78-35 Fax: +49 30.28 87 78-39 [email protected] www.freiheit.org COMDOK GmbH Office Berlin First Edition 2013 STATE AND RELIGION: CONSIDERING INDONESIAN IsLAM AS MODEL OF DEMOCRATISATION FOR THE MUSLIM WORLD Syafiq Hasyim Paper prepared for the Colloquium on Models of Secularism, hosted by the Friedrich Naumann Stiftung, Berlin, July 31, 2013. Contents Introduction 5 Compatibility between Islam and Modern State 6 History of Indonesian Islam 10 Pancasila State 13 Indonesian Islam in Public Sphere and the State 16 Islam in the Political Sphere 19 Reform Era: Revitalisation of Islamic Ideology? 21 Indonesian Salafi-Wahhabi Groups and their Question on the Pancasila State 25 Conclusion 27 Bibliography 27 About the author 32 4 5 Introduction Since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Indonesia has been noticed by the interna- tional community as the largest Muslim country in the world (Mujani & Liddle 2004, pp. 110-11; Ananta et al. 2005). This recognition is because Indonesia has hinted more progress and improvement in democracy and human rights than other Muslim countries such as Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan. Freedom of press, the implementation of fair general elections, the distribution of power among the state institutions (trias politica) and some many others are main indicators depicting the rapid democratisation of Indonesia. -
Indonesian Migrants in Taiwan
Indonesian Migrants in Taiwan Religion and Life-styles Petra Melchert Arbeitspapiere zur Ethnologie Working Papers in Social Anthropology Institute of Ethnology Number 4 - 2017 Petra Melchert Indonesian Migrants in Taiwan. Religion and Life-style Masterarbeit am Institut für Ethnologie der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster 2015 Betreuung durch Prof. Dr. Josephus Platenkamp ii Table of Contents List of Figures ................................................................................................................ iv List of Abbreviations ....................................................................................................... v 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 1 2. The Religious Communities of Java .................................................................... 4 The Abangan and the Priyayi ......................................................................................................................... 5 The Slametan ................................................................................................................................................. 6 Islam and the santri ....................................................................................................................................... 7 Differences between East and West Java .................................................................................................... 12 3. Indonesian Migrant Workers in Taiwan ........................................................... -
American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/ Indonesia: US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949 Gouda, Frances; Brocades Zaalberg, Thijs
www.ssoar.info American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/ Indonesia: US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949 Gouda, Frances; Brocades Zaalberg, Thijs Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Monographie / monograph Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: OAPEN (Open Access Publishing in European Networks) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Gouda, F., & Brocades Zaalberg, T. (2002). American Visions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia: US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949. (American Studies). Amsterdam: Amsterdam Univ. Press. https://nbn- resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-337325 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de FRANCES GOUDA with THIJS BROCADES ZAALBERG AMERICAN VISIONS of the NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES/INDONESIA US Foreign Policy and Indonesian Nationalism, 1920-1949 AMSTERDAM UNIVERSITY PRESS de 3e PROEF - BOEK 29-11-2001 23:41 Pagina 1 AMERICAN VISIONS OF THE NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES/INDONESIA de 3e PROEF - BOEK 29-11-2001 23:41 Pagina 2 de 3e PROEF - BOEK 29-11-2001 23:41 Pagina 3 AmericanVisions of the Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia -
Constrained Hegemony: the State and Islamic Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia
Constrained Hegemony: The State and Islamic Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia Muhammad Ridha1 Abstract This paper aims to elucidate the unevenness of Islamic politics influence within the state: why has the aspiration of post-authoritarian Islamic politics in Indonesia gained influence in the democratic process despite the disappointing performance of the Islamic political parties? It argues that Islamic politics is experiencing what I call “constrained hegemony.” It suggests that the current paradoxical situation of Islamic politics is the result of the failure of Islamic politics to politically dominate the state along with the resurgence of Islamic conservatism in post- authoritarian Indonesia. Both the failure and the resurgence are determined by two intertwined factors: the legacy of the New Order power structure and the adoption of a neoliberal free- market economy. The factors operate in different ways at the political and civil society levels of the state. At the level of political society, the legacy of the New Order power structure and neoliberalism tends to weaken and subordinate Islamic forces that are organized through political parties. At the civil society level, the legacy of the New Order power structure and neoliberalism leads to the reinforcement of Islamic forces that is regimented through conservative Islamic organizations. Introduction This project aims to examine the unevenness of Islamic politics influence within the state: why has the aspiration of Islamic politics been able to gain influence in the democratic process of the state despite the disappointing performance of the Islamic political parties? Hamayotsu (2011) finds that the Islamic political agenda promoted by Islamic parties has failed to gain significant votes in the national electoral arena. -
Reformasi, Religious Diversity, and Islamic Radicalism After Suharto
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 1, 2008, pp. 23–51 URL: http://jissh.journal.lipi.go.id/index.php/jissh/article/view/2 DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v1i1.2 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 1979-8431 (printed), 2656-7512 (Online) Reformasi, Religious Diversity, and Islamic Radicalism after Suharto Noorhaidi Hasan Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta Abstract This paper examines the rising tide of ethno-religious conflicts and Islamic radicalism in the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia. In the climate of Reformasi that heralded freedom of expression, ethnic and religious violence flared up in various regions of Indonesia, threatening a society apparently imbued with a culture of tolerance based on harmonious inter-ethnic and inter-faith relations. In a flurry of conflicts, a number of militant Muslim groups arose and engulfed the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by calling for jihad and other violent actions. The rise of the groups gave a remarkable boost to the explosion of militant religious discourses and activism that threaten Indonesia’s reputation for practising a tolerant and inclusive form of Islam and threaten, too, the integrity of the Indonesian nation-state as well. Against the backdrop of the state–Islam relationship in the New Order, this paper looks at how this phenomenon is embedded in the state’s failure to manage properly religious diversity and civic pluralism. In the context of mounting competition among elites, religion has become tremendously politicised and has served more as a tactical tool used by political contenders in their own interests.