Shifting Community Behavior
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
At Pesantren[S] in Political Dynamics of Nationality (An Analysis of Kyai's Role and Function in Modern Education System)
PROCEEDING | ICEISR 2018 3rd International Conference on Education, Islamic Studies and Social Sciences Research DOI: https://doi.org/10.32698/24229 Padang, July 21th - 23th 2018 Repositioning Kiyai at Pesantren[s] in Political Dynamics of Nationality (An Analysis of Kyai's Role and Function in Modern Education System) Qolbi Khoiri IAIN Bengkulu, Bengkulu, Indonesia, (e-mail) [email protected] Abstract This paper aims to reveal and explain the dynamics of kiyai pesantren[s] in relation to national politics and to review the repositioning role of kiyai in the dynamics of national politics. Despite much analysis of the role of this kiyai, the fact that the tidal position of kiyai in pesantren[s] is increasingly seen its inconsistency. This can be evidenced by the involvement of kiyai practically in politics, thus affecting the existence of pesantren[s]. The results of the author's analysis illustrate that kiyai at this time must be returning to its central role as the main figure, it is important to be done, so that the existence of pesantren[s] in the era can be maintained and focus on reformulation of moral fortress and morality. The reformulation that authors offer is through internalization and adaptation of modern civilization and focus on improvements in educational institutions, both in the economic, socio-cultural, and technological. Keywords: Kyai in Pesantren, Political Dynamics This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons 4.0 Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. ©2018 by author and Faculty of education, Universitas Negeri Padang. -
Final Evaluation Report for the Project
Final Evaluation Report For the Project: Countering & Preventing Radicalization in Indonesian Pesantren Submitted to Provided by Lanny Octavia & Esti Wahyuni 7th July 2014 Table of Contents 1. ACRONYM & GLOSSARY 3 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 3. CONTEXT ANALYSIS 7 4. INTRODUCTION 7 5. EVALUATION METHODOLOGY & TOOLS 8 6. EVALUATION FINDING & ANALYSIS 10 6.1 Project’s Relevance 10 6.2 Project’s Effectiveness 20 6.3 Project’s Sustainability 34 7. CONCLUSIONS 37 8. RECOMMENDATIONS 37 9. APPENDICES 39 9.1. Brief Biography of Evaluators 39 9.2. Questionnaire 39 9.3 Focus Group Discussion 49 9.3.1 Students 49 9.3.2 Community Leaders and Members 53 9.4 Key Informant Interview 56 9.4.1 Kiyai/Principal/Teacher 56 9.4.2 Community/Religious Leaders 57 9.5 List of Interviewees 59 9.6 Quantitative Data Results 60 9.6.1 Baseline & Endline Comparison 60 9.6.2 Knowledge on Pesantren’s Community Radio 73 9.6.3 Pesantren’s Radio Listenership 74 9.6.4 Student’s Skill Improvement 75 9.6.5 Number of Pesantren Radio Officers 75 2 | P a g e Acronyms & Glossary Ahmadiya : A minority Muslim sect many conservatives consider heretical, as it refers to Mirza Ghulam Ahmad who claimed that he was the reformer and the promised messiah awaited by Muslims. API : Asrama Perguruan Islam (Islamic Boarding School) Aswaja : Ahlussunnah Waljamaah (people of the tradition of Muhammad and the consensus of the ummah), Sunni Muslims Barongsai : Chinese lion dance Bhinneka Tunggal Ika : United in Diversity CSO : Civil Society Organization EET : External Evaluator Team FGD : Focused Group -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
Navigating Great Power Competition in Southeast Asia JONATHAN STROMSETH
THE NEW GEOPOLITICS APRIL 2020 ASIA BEYOND BINARY CHOICES? Navigating great power competition in Southeast Asia JONATHAN STROMSETH TRILATERAL DIALOGUE ON SOUTHEAST ASIA: ASEAN, AUSTRALIA, AND THE UNITED STATES BEYOND BINARY CHOICES? Navigating great power competition in Southeast Asia JONATHAN STROMSETH EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Brookings Institution has launched a new trilateral initiative with experts from Southeast Asia, Australia, and the United States to examine regional trends in Southeast Asia in the context of escalating U.S.-China rivalry and China’s dramatic rise. The initiative not only focuses on security trends in the region, but covers economic and governance developments as well. This report summarizes the main findings and policy recommendations discussed at an inaugural trilateral dialogue, convened in Singapore in late 2019 in partnership with the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) and the Lowy Institute. A key theme running throughout the dialogue was how the region can move beyond a binary choice between the United States and China. In this connection, Southeast Asian countries could work with middle powers like Australia and Japan (admittedly a major power in economic terms) to expand middle-power agency and reduce the need for an all-or-nothing choice. Yet, there was little agreement on the feasibility of such collective action as well as doubts about whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has the capacity to create independent strategic space as U.S.- China competition continues to grow. Southeast Asian participants noted that Beijing has successfully leveraged its signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to expand its soft-power in the region, to the detriment of U.S. -
Indo 91 0 1302899078 215 216
Bernard Platzdasch. Islamism in Indonesia: Politics in the Emerging D em ocracy. Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009. 452 pp. Julie Chernov Hwang To date, most of the published scholarship on Islamist parties in Indonesia has fallen into two main categories, either single case studies, often focusing on the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera), or articles that assess the grand sweep of Indonesian political parties, highlighting the most significant characteristics of individual parties and addressing the broad trends in party behavior. While many of those studies are highly insightful and theoretically grounded, comparatively few have succeeded in balancing depth with breadth. Islamism in Indonesia is a robust comparative study assessing the three most significant Islamist parties in the Indonesian political system: Partai Keadilan (PK, Justice Party; also, since 2003, PKS), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP, United Development Party), and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB, Crescent and Star Party). While Bernard Platzdasch's book spans the period from 1955 to 2009, the bulk of his analysis centers on the transition period, between 1998 and 2002. Platzdasch contends that Islamists endeavor to apply Islamic philosophy, law, and morality to politics for very specific doctrinal, theological, and historical reasons. Namely, Islamists believe that syariah law is more indigenous and better suited to Indonesia than is colonially derived civil law. Moreover, to varying degrees, Islamists view Muslims -
Islamising Indonesia: the Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah And
ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) Yon Machmudi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University, Southeast Asia Center Faculty of Asian Studies, July 2006 Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islam_indo_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Machmudi, Yon, 1973- Title: Islamising Indonesia : the rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) / Yon Machmudi. ISBN: 9781921536243 (pbk.) 9781921536250 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia series. Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political parties--Indonesia. Islam and politics--Indonesia. Islam and state--Indonesia. Indonesia--Politics and government. Dewey Number: 324.2598082 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changes that the author may have decided to undertake. -
Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy. -
Women's Participation in Politics and Government in Indonesia
UNDP Indonesia Menara Thamrin, 8th Floor Jl. MH Thamrin Kav. 3 Jakarta 10250 Phone: +62-21-3141308 Fax: +62-21-39838941 www.undp.or.id Published by UNDP Indonesia Copyright © May 2010 (Second Edition) This edition has been updated and revised from the original paper, published February, 2010. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording and otherwise, without prior permission. ISBN: 978-602-96539-1-5 Disclaimer: The !ndings, interpretations and analyses expressed in this report are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations or UNDP. Women’s Participation in Politics and Government in Indonesia United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Indonesia May 2010 Women’s Participation in Politics and Government in Indonesia iii FOREWORD It is a great pleasure to introduce this publication on women’s participation in politics and government in Indonesia. While Indonesia has made great strides in increasing the representation of women in political parties and as elected o"cials, as well as in civil service, ministries, commissions and the judiciary, there is still progress to be made. Experience demonstrates that the low participation of women in politics and government a#ects the quantity and quality of gender responsive public policies that concern both men and women. And while an increase in the numbers of women involved in creating gender responsive policies is crucial, it is also important that the capacity of all policy makers to create these types of regulations is developed. -
Constrained Hegemony: the State and Islamic Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia
Constrained Hegemony: The State and Islamic Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia Muhammad Ridha1 Abstract This paper aims to elucidate the unevenness of Islamic politics influence within the state: why has the aspiration of post-authoritarian Islamic politics in Indonesia gained influence in the democratic process despite the disappointing performance of the Islamic political parties? It argues that Islamic politics is experiencing what I call “constrained hegemony.” It suggests that the current paradoxical situation of Islamic politics is the result of the failure of Islamic politics to politically dominate the state along with the resurgence of Islamic conservatism in post- authoritarian Indonesia. Both the failure and the resurgence are determined by two intertwined factors: the legacy of the New Order power structure and the adoption of a neoliberal free- market economy. The factors operate in different ways at the political and civil society levels of the state. At the level of political society, the legacy of the New Order power structure and neoliberalism tends to weaken and subordinate Islamic forces that are organized through political parties. At the civil society level, the legacy of the New Order power structure and neoliberalism leads to the reinforcement of Islamic forces that is regimented through conservative Islamic organizations. Introduction This project aims to examine the unevenness of Islamic politics influence within the state: why has the aspiration of Islamic politics been able to gain influence in the democratic process of the state despite the disappointing performance of the Islamic political parties? Hamayotsu (2011) finds that the Islamic political agenda promoted by Islamic parties has failed to gain significant votes in the national electoral arena. -
Reformasi, Religious Diversity, and Islamic Radicalism After Suharto
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol. 1, 2008, pp. 23–51 URL: http://jissh.journal.lipi.go.id/index.php/jissh/article/view/2 DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v1i1.2 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 1979-8431 (printed), 2656-7512 (Online) Reformasi, Religious Diversity, and Islamic Radicalism after Suharto Noorhaidi Hasan Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta Abstract This paper examines the rising tide of ethno-religious conflicts and Islamic radicalism in the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia. In the climate of Reformasi that heralded freedom of expression, ethnic and religious violence flared up in various regions of Indonesia, threatening a society apparently imbued with a culture of tolerance based on harmonious inter-ethnic and inter-faith relations. In a flurry of conflicts, a number of militant Muslim groups arose and engulfed the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by calling for jihad and other violent actions. The rise of the groups gave a remarkable boost to the explosion of militant religious discourses and activism that threaten Indonesia’s reputation for practising a tolerant and inclusive form of Islam and threaten, too, the integrity of the Indonesian nation-state as well. Against the backdrop of the state–Islam relationship in the New Order, this paper looks at how this phenomenon is embedded in the state’s failure to manage properly religious diversity and civic pluralism. In the context of mounting competition among elites, religion has become tremendously politicised and has served more as a tactical tool used by political contenders in their own interests. -
Nber Working Paper Series the Institutional
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES THE INSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATIONS OF RELIGIOUS POLITICS: EVIDENCE FROM INDONESIA Samuel Bazzi Gabriel Koehler-Derrick Benjamin Marx Working Paper 25151 http://www.nber.org/papers/w25151 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 October 2018 This paper benefited from helpful feedback and suggestions from Abhijit Banerjee, Lisa Blaydes, Ray Fisman, Roberto Galbiati, Dilip Mookherjee, Tom Pepinsky, Tavneet Suri, as well as several seminar audiences. Masyhur Hilmy, Gedeon Lim, and Hanna Schwank provided excellent research assistance. All errors are our own. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2018 by Samuel Bazzi, Gabriel Koehler-Derrick, and Benjamin Marx. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. The Institutional Foundations of Religious Politics: Evidence from Indonesia Samuel Bazzi, Gabriel Koehler-Derrick, and Benjamin Marx NBER Working Paper No. 25151 October 2018 JEL No. D72,D74,P16,P26,Z12 ABSTRACT Why do religious politics thrive in some societies but not others? This paper explores the institutional foundations of this process in Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim democracy. We show that a major Islamic institution, the waqf, fostered the entrenchment of political Islam at a critical historical juncture.