Indonesia Brief - Geopolitical Monitor
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
INDONESIA Paying the Price for “Stability”
INDONESIA Paying the price for “stability” Introduction Indonesia is experiencing its most serious political and economic crisis since the current government came to power in 1966. The approach of presidential elections in early March, in which President Suharto is seeking his seventh consecutive term and in which his vice-presidential candidate appears set to be the current Minister for Research and Technology - a close ally of the President - is fuelling concerns about the future political leadership of the country. Political tensions have been intensified by a severe economic crisis which has resulted in a dramatic fall in the value of the Indonesian currency - the rupiah - and a crippling drought in many areas of the country. As Indonesia comes under pressure to implement austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund, the public outcry over rising prices is being accompanied by increasingly vocal demands for political change. Riots and demonstrations have become an almost daily occurrence and are likely to intensify in the run-up to the March parliamentary session at which the nation’s president and vice-president will be chosen. During times of national crisis such as that being faced by Indonesia now, extra care is needed to ensure that human rights are protected. Contrary to exercising additional care, the Indonesian authorities are adopting a hardline policy in an attempt to silence critics. At a time when the airing of opinions might help to ease the level of tension, the authorities are imposing gross restrictions on its citizens’ rights to freedom of association and expression. In the past two weeks alone around 250 peaceful political activists have been arrested. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? .................. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Singapore | 17 Apr 2014
ISSN 2335-6677 #24 2014 RESEARCHERS AT SINGAPORE’S INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 17 Apr 2014 Unpacking the Results of the 2014 Indonesian Legislative Election By Alexander R. Arifianto* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The recently concluded 2014 legislative elections in Indonesia produced several unexpected results, as the heavily favored PDIP party failed to reach its electoral targets, despite the popularity of its presidential candi- date, Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo (Jokowi). • PDIP’s failure to win more popular votes during these elections can be attributed to the lack of campaign advertisements promoting Jokowi as its presidential candidate, local-level campaign dynamics, possible vote- buying, and the internal rivalry between supporters of Jokowi and support- ers of party-chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri. • The success of the Islamic parties in increasing their vote share dur- ing these elections is not the result of their increased popularity among Indonesian voters. Instead, it is the result of their strategy to recoup the votes they had lost during the 2009 elections. * Alexander R. Arifianto is ISEAS Visiting Fellow; e-mail: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The recently concluded legislative election in Indonesia produced several unexpect- ed results. The first one was the underperforming results of the opposition party the Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDIP), which failed to capitalise on the popularity of its presidential candidate Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi). The party is estimated to have won only 19 percent of the popular vote, far below the expected 25 to 30 percent that had been predicted by a number of Indonesian public opinion surveys. -
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Bernard Platzdasch. Islamism in Indonesia: Politics in the Emerging D em ocracy. Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009. 452 pp. Julie Chernov Hwang To date, most of the published scholarship on Islamist parties in Indonesia has fallen into two main categories, either single case studies, often focusing on the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera), or articles that assess the grand sweep of Indonesian political parties, highlighting the most significant characteristics of individual parties and addressing the broad trends in party behavior. While many of those studies are highly insightful and theoretically grounded, comparatively few have succeeded in balancing depth with breadth. Islamism in Indonesia is a robust comparative study assessing the three most significant Islamist parties in the Indonesian political system: Partai Keadilan (PK, Justice Party; also, since 2003, PKS), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP, United Development Party), and Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB, Crescent and Star Party). While Bernard Platzdasch's book spans the period from 1955 to 2009, the bulk of his analysis centers on the transition period, between 1998 and 2002. Platzdasch contends that Islamists endeavor to apply Islamic philosophy, law, and morality to politics for very specific doctrinal, theological, and historical reasons. Namely, Islamists believe that syariah law is more indigenous and better suited to Indonesia than is colonially derived civil law. Moreover, to varying degrees, Islamists view Muslims -
Redalyc.Indonesia' S Historic First Presidential Elections
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España SEBASTIAN, LEONARD C. Indonesia' s historic first presidential elections UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 6, octubre, 2004, pp. 1-8 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76711307006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 INDONESIA’S HISTORIC FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AUTHOR1: LEONARD C. SEBASTIAN 2 Institute for Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), Singapore DATE: October 2004 September 20 marked the end of a momentous year for Indonesian politics concluding a third leg of a series of elections with an array of electoral formats which began in April ranging from an open list proportional system for the House of People’s Representatives and the House of Regional People’s Representatives; a single non-transferable vote system for new Regional Representatives Council and culminating with two round majoritarian system for the presidential election. Being the third largest democracy after the USA and India, Indonesia’s election mechanism is complex and required significant voter education initiatives to socialize the new election format. The general elections held on 5 April was for a fully elected House of People’s Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), the House of Regional People’s Representatives (DPRD, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah) or the regional assemblies at the provincial and district level and the new Regional Representatives Council (DPD, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). -
Political Institutions in Indonesia Democracy, Decentralisation, Diversity
BRIEFING Continental democracies Political institutions in Indonesia Democracy, decentralisation, diversity SUMMARY Until his downfall in 1998, General Suharto ruled Indonesia with an iron fist. Since then, a series of reforms have transformed his authoritarian 'New Order' into the world's third largest democracy (and largest Muslim democracy). Indonesia has a presidential system in which a directly elected president serves as both head of state and of government. A maximum two-term limit on the presidency helps to ensure a peaceful alternation of power. Also directly elected, the House of Representatives (the lower house of the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly) has asserted itself as a strong and independent institution. There are nine parliamentary parties, none of which holds a majority, obliging the government to seek support from a broad coalition. Despite the success of Indonesia's political reforms, its commitment to democratic values cannot be taken for granted. Although Indonesia has traditionally been a tolerant, multicultural society, a rising tide of Islamic populism threatens to disrupt the delicate balance between the country's Muslim majority and minorities such as Christians and Buddhists. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has had some success in tackling endemic graft in the country's courts, local governments and Parliament; however, the latter recently voted to weaken the KPK's powers. While trust in democratic institutions declines, the military – whose commitment to democratic values has often been -
Islamising Indonesia: the Rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah And
ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) ISLAMISING INDONESIA THE RISE OF JEMAAH TARBIYAH AND THE PROSPEROUS JUSTICE PARTY (PKS) Yon Machmudi A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University, Southeast Asia Center Faculty of Asian Studies, July 2006 Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/islam_indo_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Machmudi, Yon, 1973- Title: Islamising Indonesia : the rise of Jemaah Tarbiyah and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) / Yon Machmudi. ISBN: 9781921536243 (pbk.) 9781921536250 (pdf) Series: Islam in Southeast Asia series. Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political parties--Indonesia. Islam and politics--Indonesia. Islam and state--Indonesia. Indonesia--Politics and government. Dewey Number: 324.2598082 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Islam in Southeast Asia Series Theses at The Australian National University are assessed by external examiners and students are expected to take into account the advice of their examiners before they submit to the University Library the final versions of their theses. For this series, this final version of the thesis has been used as the basis for publication, taking into account other changes that the author may have decided to undertake. -
Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia
RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATS: DEMOCRATIC CULTURE AND MUSLIM POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at The Ohio State University by Saiful Mujani, MA ***** The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Bradley M. Richardson Professor Goldie Shabad ___________________________ Adviser Department of Political Science ABSTRACT Most theories about the negative relationship between Islam and democracy rely on an interpretation of the Islamic political tradition. More positive accounts are also anchored in the same tradition, interpreted in a different way. While some scholarship relies on more empirical observation and analysis, there is no single work which systematically demonstrates the relationship between Islam and democracy. This study is an attempt to fill this gap by defining Islam empirically in terms of several components and democracy in terms of the components of democratic culture— social capital, political tolerance, political engagement, political trust, and support for the democratic system—and political participation. The theories which assert that Islam is inimical to democracy are tested by examining the extent to which the Islamic and democratic components are negatively associated. Indonesia was selected for this research as it is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with considerable variation among Muslims in belief and practice. Two national mass surveys were conducted in 2001 and 2002. This study found that Islam defined by two sets of rituals, the networks of Islamic civic engagement, Islamic social identity, and Islamist political orientations (Islamism) does not have a negative association with the components of democracy. -
Indonesia As a Poorly Performing State? Andrew Macintyre
04-1-933286-05-9 chap4 4/22/06 10:48 AM Page 117 4 Indonesia as a Poorly Performing State? Andrew MacIntyre n the years since the historic upheavals of 1998, Indonesia has struggled Iwith the twin challenges of rebuilding its economy and constructing a viable framework for democratic governance. This has been a turbulent period, with prolonged economic difficulties, weak and frequently changing political leadership, and widespread problems of sectarian violence that have called the very territorial integrity of the republic into question. These recent travails have brought greater international attention to the country than did the three decades of rapid economic growth and strict but stable authoritar- ian rule under former president General Suharto. Understandably, there has been much worried discussion in policy circles within the United States and elsewhere about whether Indonesia, rather than embarking on a new and optimistic democratic era, is in fact in danger of becoming caught in a stag- nant or even downward developmental trajectory. Is Indonesia, the fourth most populous country in the world, at risk of developing that combustible mix of economic stagnation and systematically weak governance that charac- terizes the phenomenon of poorly performing states? The aim of this chapter is to assess Indonesia’s developmental trajectory, giving particular emphasis to outlining the economic and political challenges the country is wrestling with, and to reflect upon the implications of Indone- sia’s trajectory for U.S. policy. I begin with an overview of Indonesia’s past 117 04-1-933286-05-9 chap4 4/22/06 10:48 AM Page 118 118 Andrew MacIntyre record of economic and political development and then focus on the con- temporary situation and whether Indonesia is appropriately considered a poorly performing state.