INDONESIA Paying the Price for “Stability”
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Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Singapore | 17 Apr 2014
ISSN 2335-6677 #24 2014 RESEARCHERS AT SINGAPORE’S INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 17 Apr 2014 Unpacking the Results of the 2014 Indonesian Legislative Election By Alexander R. Arifianto* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The recently concluded 2014 legislative elections in Indonesia produced several unexpected results, as the heavily favored PDIP party failed to reach its electoral targets, despite the popularity of its presidential candi- date, Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo (Jokowi). • PDIP’s failure to win more popular votes during these elections can be attributed to the lack of campaign advertisements promoting Jokowi as its presidential candidate, local-level campaign dynamics, possible vote- buying, and the internal rivalry between supporters of Jokowi and support- ers of party-chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri. • The success of the Islamic parties in increasing their vote share dur- ing these elections is not the result of their increased popularity among Indonesian voters. Instead, it is the result of their strategy to recoup the votes they had lost during the 2009 elections. * Alexander R. Arifianto is ISEAS Visiting Fellow; e-mail: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The recently concluded legislative election in Indonesia produced several unexpect- ed results. The first one was the underperforming results of the opposition party the Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDIP), which failed to capitalise on the popularity of its presidential candidate Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi). The party is estimated to have won only 19 percent of the popular vote, far below the expected 25 to 30 percent that had been predicted by a number of Indonesian public opinion surveys. -
Indonesia's Transformation and the Stability of Southeast Asia
INDONESIA’S TRANSFORMATION and the Stability of Southeast Asia Angel Rabasa • Peter Chalk Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited ProjectR AIR FORCE The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rabasa, Angel. Indonesia’s transformation and the stability of Southeast Asia / Angel Rabasa, Peter Chalk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. “MR-1344.” ISBN 0-8330-3006-X 1. National security—Indonesia. 2. Indonesia—Strategic aspects. 3. Indonesia— Politics and government—1998– 4. Asia, Southeastern—Strategic aspects. 5. National security—Asia, Southeastern. I. Chalk, Peter. II. Title. UA853.I5 R33 2001 959.804—dc21 2001031904 Cover Photograph: Moslem Indonesians shout “Allahu Akbar” (God is Great) as they demonstrate in front of the National Commission of Human Rights in Jakarta, 10 January 2000. Courtesy of AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (AFP) PHOTO/Dimas. RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Maritta Tapanainen © Copyright 2001 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, -
Redalyc.Indonesia' S Historic First Presidential Elections
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España SEBASTIAN, LEONARD C. Indonesia' s historic first presidential elections UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 6, octubre, 2004, pp. 1-8 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76711307006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 INDONESIA’S HISTORIC FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AUTHOR1: LEONARD C. SEBASTIAN 2 Institute for Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), Singapore DATE: October 2004 September 20 marked the end of a momentous year for Indonesian politics concluding a third leg of a series of elections with an array of electoral formats which began in April ranging from an open list proportional system for the House of People’s Representatives and the House of Regional People’s Representatives; a single non-transferable vote system for new Regional Representatives Council and culminating with two round majoritarian system for the presidential election. Being the third largest democracy after the USA and India, Indonesia’s election mechanism is complex and required significant voter education initiatives to socialize the new election format. The general elections held on 5 April was for a fully elected House of People’s Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), the House of Regional People’s Representatives (DPRD, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah) or the regional assemblies at the provincial and district level and the new Regional Representatives Council (DPD, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). -
Political Institutions in Indonesia Democracy, Decentralisation, Diversity
BRIEFING Continental democracies Political institutions in Indonesia Democracy, decentralisation, diversity SUMMARY Until his downfall in 1998, General Suharto ruled Indonesia with an iron fist. Since then, a series of reforms have transformed his authoritarian 'New Order' into the world's third largest democracy (and largest Muslim democracy). Indonesia has a presidential system in which a directly elected president serves as both head of state and of government. A maximum two-term limit on the presidency helps to ensure a peaceful alternation of power. Also directly elected, the House of Representatives (the lower house of the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly) has asserted itself as a strong and independent institution. There are nine parliamentary parties, none of which holds a majority, obliging the government to seek support from a broad coalition. Despite the success of Indonesia's political reforms, its commitment to democratic values cannot be taken for granted. Although Indonesia has traditionally been a tolerant, multicultural society, a rising tide of Islamic populism threatens to disrupt the delicate balance between the country's Muslim majority and minorities such as Christians and Buddhists. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has had some success in tackling endemic graft in the country's courts, local governments and Parliament; however, the latter recently voted to weaken the KPK's powers. While trust in democratic institutions declines, the military – whose commitment to democratic values has often been -
Indonesia As a Poorly Performing State? Andrew Macintyre
04-1-933286-05-9 chap4 4/22/06 10:48 AM Page 117 4 Indonesia as a Poorly Performing State? Andrew MacIntyre n the years since the historic upheavals of 1998, Indonesia has struggled Iwith the twin challenges of rebuilding its economy and constructing a viable framework for democratic governance. This has been a turbulent period, with prolonged economic difficulties, weak and frequently changing political leadership, and widespread problems of sectarian violence that have called the very territorial integrity of the republic into question. These recent travails have brought greater international attention to the country than did the three decades of rapid economic growth and strict but stable authoritar- ian rule under former president General Suharto. Understandably, there has been much worried discussion in policy circles within the United States and elsewhere about whether Indonesia, rather than embarking on a new and optimistic democratic era, is in fact in danger of becoming caught in a stag- nant or even downward developmental trajectory. Is Indonesia, the fourth most populous country in the world, at risk of developing that combustible mix of economic stagnation and systematically weak governance that charac- terizes the phenomenon of poorly performing states? The aim of this chapter is to assess Indonesia’s developmental trajectory, giving particular emphasis to outlining the economic and political challenges the country is wrestling with, and to reflect upon the implications of Indone- sia’s trajectory for U.S. policy. I begin with an overview of Indonesia’s past 117 04-1-933286-05-9 chap4 4/22/06 10:48 AM Page 118 118 Andrew MacIntyre record of economic and political development and then focus on the con- temporary situation and whether Indonesia is appropriately considered a poorly performing state. -
Political Parties' Manoeuvring After the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement
ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 2 June 2021 Political Parties’ Manoeuvring after the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement Max Lane* In this picture, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) (R) shakes hands with Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto (L) during the inauguration ceremony at the State palace in Jakarta on October 23, 2019. The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. Photo: Adek Berry, AFP. * Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Lecturer in Southeast Asian Politics and History at Victoria University, and Honorary Associate in Indonesian Studies at the University of Sydney. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. There are also no fundamental differences among parties over major policy questions. • The fractured nature of the Indonesian socio-political elite is instead reflected in the proliferation of small parties. This results in the necessity of multi-party coalitions, thus giving Indonesia’s largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), a tactical advantage. • The PDIP has floated the possibility of changing the laws to allow President Joko Widodo to stand again in 2024. Perhaps to sustain its leverage in a post-Widodo government, the PDIP is also advocating the revival of the formal Broad Outlines of State Strategy, which featured during the Soeharto era as overarching policy guidelines for each term of government. -
Voters and the New Indonesian Democracy
VOTERS AND THE NEW INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY Saiful Mujani Lembaga Survei Indonesia (LSI) R. William Liddle The Ohio State University November 2009 RESEARCH QUESTIONS • WHY HAVE INDONESIAN VOTERS VOTED AS THEY HAVE IN THREE PARLIAMENTARY AND TWO DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN 1999, 2004, AND 2009? • WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF THESE PATTERNS OF VOTING BEHAVIOR FOR THE QUALITY OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY? THE EMPIRICAL RESEARCH SIX NATIONAL LSI OPINION SURVEYS: ONE IN 1999, THREE IN 2004, TWO IN 2009. FACTORS EXAMINED: SOCIOLOGICAL (RELIGION/ALIRAN, REGION/ETHNICITY, SOCIAL CLASS) LEADERS/CANDIDATES PARTY ID MEDIA CAMPAIGN (2009) INCUMBENT’S PERFORMANCE Parties in post-transition democratic Indonesian parliamentary elections: percent of votes (and seats) PARTIES 1999 2004 2009 votes (seats) votes (seats) votes (seats) PDIP 34 (33) 18.5 (20) 14 (17) GOLKAR 22 (26) 22 (23) 14 (19) PKB 13 (11) 11 (10) 5 (5) PPP 11 (13) 8 (11) 5 (7) PAN 7 (7) 6 (10) 6 (8) PK/PKS 2 7 (8) 8 (10) DEMOKRAT - 7 (10) 21 (26) GERINDRA - - 5 (5) HANURA - - 4 (3) OTHER 14 (8) 20 (9) 28 (-) TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 Vote for presidents/vice-presidents in democratic Indonesian elections 2004-2009 (%) President-Vice President Pairs 2004 2004 2009 First Round Second Round Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono- 34 61 61 Jusuf Kalla (2004); Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono- Boediono (2009) Megawati Sukarnoputri- 26 39 27 Hasyim Muzadi (2004); Megawati Sukarnoputri- Prabowo Subianto (2009) Wiranto-Solahuddin Wahid 24 12 (2004); Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto (2009) Amien Rais-Siswono 14 Yudhohusodo Hamzah Haz-Agum -
Freedom in the World - Indonesia (2011)
http://freedomhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cfm?y... Print Freedom in the World - Indonesia (2011) Capital: Jakarta Political Rights Score: 2 * Civil Liberties Score: 3 * Population: 243,306,000 Status: Free Overview President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s parliamentary support weakened in 2010, with a majority voting in March that there were significant irregularities surrounding a controversial 2008 bank bailout. The subsequent resignation of Finance Minister Sri Mulyani, a target of the parliamentary inquiry, was an apparent attempt to avoid an impeachment effort against Vice President Boediono. Security forces in February raided a jihadi training camp in Aceh, and in March killed terrorism suspect Dulmatin, who was wanted for his alleged involvement in a 2002 Bali bombing that killed 202 people. A case against two deputy chairmen of the country’s anticorruption commission, which had been dropped in 2009 after the exposure of an apparent conspiracy by police and prosecutors to undermine the commission, was revived during the year. However, the attorney general’s office announced its intention to legally drop the case for the “sake of public interest” in late October. Violence against the Ahmadiyya minority sect continued in 2010, and there were several attacks on Christian churches. Separately, a Malukan political activist died in jail, allegedly due to torture and denial of treatment. Indonesia declared independence from its Dutch colonial rulers in 1945, though the Netherlands did not recognize its sovereignty until 1949. The republic’s first president, Sukarno, assumed authoritarian powers in 1957. The army, led by General Suharto, crushed an apparent Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) coup attempt in 1965. -
Indonesian Politics in Crisis
Indonesian Politics in Crisis NORDIC INSTITUTE OF ASIAN STUDIES Recent and forthcoming studies of contemporary Asia Børge Bakken (ed.): Migration in China Sven Cederroth: Basket Case or Poverty Alleviation? Bangladesh Approaches the Twenty-First Century Dang Phong and Melanie Beresford: Authority Relations and Economic Decision-Making in Vietnam Mason C. Hoadley (ed.): Southeast Asian-Centred Economies or Economics? Ruth McVey (ed.): Money and Power in Provincial Thailand Cecilia Milwertz: Beijing Women Organizing for Change Elisabeth Özdalga: The Veiling Issue, Official Secularism and Popular Islam in Modern Turkey Erik Paul: Australia in Southeast Asia. Regionalisation and Democracy Ian Reader: A Poisonous Cocktail? Aum Shinrikyo’s Path to Violence Robert Thörlind: Development, Decentralization and Democracy. Exploring Social Capital and Politicization in the Bengal Region INDONESIAN POLITICS IN CRISIS The Long Fall of Suharto 1996–98 Stefan Eklöf NIAS Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Studies in Contemporary Asia series, no. 1 (series editor: Robert Cribb, University of Queensland) First published 1999 by NIAS Publishing Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) Leifsgade 33, 2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark Tel: (+45) 3254 8844 • Fax: (+45) 3296 2530 E-mail: [email protected] Online: http://nias.ku.dk/books/ Typesetting by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Limited, Padstow, Cornwall © Stefan Eklöf 1999 British Library Catalogue in Publication Data Eklof, Stefan Indonesian politics -
Jusuf Wanandi.Pub
ISIS FOCUS • PP 5054/06/2011 (028668) • Issue No. 3 • March 2011 Conversations with Jusuf Wanandi ♦ Preamble ….. 1 ♦ The Activist from Tanah Abang ….. 2 ♦ Eyes and Ears ..… 9 ♦ A Parting of Ways ….. 13 INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (ISIS) MALAYSIA www.isis.org.my Limited Circulation ISIS Malaysia’s core areas of research include: • Economics; • Foreign Policy and Security Studies; • Social Policy; and • Technology, Innovation, Environment and Sustainability. Its objectives are: • To undertake research in various and specific About ISIS fields and conduct long‐term analysis of public policies on national and international issues; The Institute of Strategic and International • To contribute towards efforts in promoting Studies (ISIS), Malaysia’s premier think‐tank general and professional discussions on was established on April 8, 1983. As an important national and international issues autonomous and non‐profit organisation, ISIS through the organization of seminars, is engaged in objective and independent policy conferences and other activities; research. It also fosters dialogue and debate • among the public sector, the private sector and To provide an avenue and a forum for academia. individuals, experts and intellectuals from various fields to exchange views and opinions ISIS has been at the forefront of some of the and to conduct research in a free and most significant nation‐building initiatives in conducive atmosphere; Malaysia’s history, such as contributing to the • To disseminate information on research Vision