DOCSLIB.ORG

Outlook for the Coming Elections in Indonesia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Outlook for the Coming Elections in Indonesia VIEWS FROM ASIA Outlook for the Coming Elections in Indonesia By Shiraishi Takashi N Indonesia, elections are scheduled political system changed dramatically current democratic system and only 40% Ifor the national and local parliaments with the collapse of the Suharto regime of those polled said it was not desirable on April 5, the first-stage presidential in May 1998, changing from centralized for active military officers to hold election will be held July 5 and – in the authoritarian system to decentralized positions in the national government. event that the first-stage election is democracy. The legislature became a Taking all of this into consideration, inconclusive – the second-stage presi- new power center alongside the presi- we can make the following interpreta- dential election will be held on Sept. 20. dent and the military, and local govern- tions. The people support the current Over the past year, in the lead-up to ments were more able to exert their decentralization and democratization, these elections, various polling organiza- power than ever before. How do the however, approval rates are clearly slip- tions have been carrying out public- people view this new decentralized ping. In response to this, there is an opinion surveys. However, to date the democratic system? According to the increase in expressions of hope for a cen- majority of these polls have surveyed August 2003 poll, 65% of those polled tralized authoritarian system, like that of either the residents of the major cities or responded in the affirmative to the state- the Suharto regime. This is because the the residents of several provinces, and ment “Democracy is the most desirable current system would not seem to be there have been no nationwide surveys political system,” that is, approximately completely fulfilling the expectations of in the true sense of the word. From this two-thirds of respondents supported the the people. perspective, the survey carried out by current system. However, the rate of What exactly do the Indonesian peo- Lembaga Survei Indonesia (LSI), which support for the existing political system ple expect of their government? Sixty was started with the support of the declined from 71% in the poll of 2001. percent of respondents pointed to the Japan International Cooperation Agency In this regard, there is one other highly need to successfully address the econom- (JICA), is deserving of special attention. significant result – the re-evaluation of ic crisis. They are probably referring to It is a full-scale survey carried out in 30 the Suharto regime. According to the the desire to see actual improvements in provinces – with the exception of Aceh – survey, 26% of pollees responded the economy, in such concrete terms as with the initial poll early last August sur- affirmatively to the statement “The an increase in employment and income. veying 2,240 people in 224 locations, Suharto regime was not a good one.” Under the Megawati administration, and with follow-up surveys every three This is a major decline from the 2001 Indonesia’s macroeconomic measures months. Let’s take a look at the results poll in which 60% were in agreement. over the past two and a half years have of these polls and examine the trends in Further, 53% reported that they were moved toward stability. However, eco- Indonesia’s political affairs. dissatisfied with the current democratic nomic growth, at 3.44% in 2001 and First we turn to the evaluation of the system, 56.4% said they thought the 3.66% in 2002, has remained low, and current political system. Indonesia’s Suharto system was better than the enough jobs have not been created to Table 1 Table 2 Note: The numbers in parentheses show the percentage of actual votes cast for that party in the 1999 elec- tions 40 JAPAN SPOTLIGHT • March / April 2004 VIEWS FROM ASIA Photo: REUTERS • SUN absorb the 2.5 million new job-seekers Megawati’s PDIP, who enter the market every year. In this choosing Megawati as situation, it should be quite apparent the presidential candi- what the dominant issue will be in the date and having one of upcoming legislative and presidential its own members as a elections. The issue will be whether it vice-presidential candi- will be possible to form a strong, stable date. If that is the case, government that can deal with the issues then it is possible that of economic growth. the PDIP could form an What is the outlook for this year’s leg- alliance with Islamic islative and presidential elections? forces and once again Pollees were asked which party they select Hamzah Haz, the would vote for if the national assembly current Vice President, elections were to be held immediately. as a running mate. The results are shown in Table 1. Is there a viable can- There are several conclusions to be didate for president drawn from these results. First, the cur- within the Golkar rent multi-party system is likely to con- party? To the degree tinue. Further, it is likely that there will that the polls reveal, be a continued three-way split between there seems to be no the Indonesian Democratic Party of single candidate who Struggle (PDIP), Golkar and the various could successfully stand Islamic political parties. Secondly, against Megawati. Golkar is likely to succeed the PDIP as Akbar Tanjung (Chair- the number-one party, and there is a man of the national high probability that most of the politi- assembly and head of cal parties such as the PDIP which advo- the Golkar party) is cated “reform” in the 1999 elections will accused of corruption lose support and seats in the assembly. charges, and 80% of Next, the pollees were asked who they the respondents in the would vote for in the presidential elec- survey indicated that tions if they were held immediately, and he could not be trust- Megawati Sukarnoputri, the President of Indonesia the results are shown in Table 2. ed. Other Golkar As can be seen, the rate of support for members who have announced their Megawati were reelected, the greatest the current president, Megawati candidacy include Yusuf Kalla (currently likelihood would be that the situation Sukarnoputri, is virtually the same as the coordinating minister), Wiranto (former would continue to drift along fairly support for the PDIP – it cannot be said military commander), Prabowo (former- much as it is now. One would not to be high. As a consequence, it seems ly commander of army strategic reserve) expect a strong, stable government to quite unlikely that Megawati will be able and Surya Paloh (owner of Media deliver economic growth. Also one can- to obtain a majority of the votes in the Indonesia). Except for Kalla, all of these not expect major progress from “reform” first-stage election. That is, the presi- names were not even raised in the polls. measures. Nor would it seem prudent dent will not be elected until the sec- With this in mind, one can get a fairly to anticipate a major turning point in ond-stage election in September. When good picture of what the administration Indonesian government for some time that time comes, it will be crucial who will look like after the 2004 presidential to come. Megawati selects as her running mate for and legislative elections. In the event the vice-presidency, and whether she that current trends continue, Golkar will form an alliance with Golkar or the would become the largest party in the Shiraishi Takashi is a professor at the Islamic parties. However, if Golkar parliament, but the tripartite struggle Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto becomes the number-one party, it is among the PDIP, Golkar and Islamic University. He specializes in Asian studies unlikely to be satisfied with allying with forces would not change, and if and international relations. JAPAN SPOTLIGHT • March / April 2004 41.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • INDONESIA Paying the Price for “Stability”
    INDONESIA Paying the price for “stability” Introduction Indonesia is experiencing its most serious political and economic crisis since the current government came to power in 1966. The approach of presidential elections in early March, in which President Suharto is seeking his seventh consecutive term and in which his vice-presidential candidate appears set to be the current Minister for Research and Technology - a close ally of the President - is fuelling concerns about the future political leadership of the country. Political tensions have been intensified by a severe economic crisis which has resulted in a dramatic fall in the value of the Indonesian currency - the rupiah - and a crippling drought in many areas of the country. As Indonesia comes under pressure to implement austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund, the public outcry over rising prices is being accompanied by increasingly vocal demands for political change. Riots and demonstrations have become an almost daily occurrence and are likely to intensify in the run-up to the March parliamentary session at which the nation’s president and vice-president will be chosen. During times of national crisis such as that being faced by Indonesia now, extra care is needed to ensure that human rights are protected. Contrary to exercising additional care, the Indonesian authorities are adopting a hardline policy in an attempt to silence critics. At a time when the airing of opinions might help to ease the level of tension, the authorities are imposing gross restrictions on its citizens’ rights to freedom of association and expression. In the past two weeks alone around 250 peaceful political activists have been arrested.
    [Show full text]
  • Friend - Wahid
    Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
    Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Singapore | 17 Apr 2014
    ISSN 2335-6677 #24 2014 RESEARCHERS AT SINGAPORE’S INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 17 Apr 2014 Unpacking the Results of the 2014 Indonesian Legislative Election By Alexander R. Arifianto* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The recently concluded 2014 legislative elections in Indonesia produced several unexpected results, as the heavily favored PDIP party failed to reach its electoral targets, despite the popularity of its presidential candi- date, Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo (Jokowi). • PDIP’s failure to win more popular votes during these elections can be attributed to the lack of campaign advertisements promoting Jokowi as its presidential candidate, local-level campaign dynamics, possible vote- buying, and the internal rivalry between supporters of Jokowi and support- ers of party-chairwoman Megawati Sukarnoputri. • The success of the Islamic parties in increasing their vote share dur- ing these elections is not the result of their increased popularity among Indonesian voters. Instead, it is the result of their strategy to recoup the votes they had lost during the 2009 elections. * Alexander R. Arifianto is ISEAS Visiting Fellow; e-mail: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The recently concluded legislative election in Indonesia produced several unexpect- ed results. The first one was the underperforming results of the opposition party the Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDIP), which failed to capitalise on the popularity of its presidential candidate Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi). The party is estimated to have won only 19 percent of the popular vote, far below the expected 25 to 30 percent that had been predicted by a number of Indonesian public opinion surveys.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Indonesia' S Historic First Presidential Elections
    UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España SEBASTIAN, LEONARD C. Indonesia' s historic first presidential elections UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 6, octubre, 2004, pp. 1-8 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76711307006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Octubre de 2004 INDONESIA’S HISTORIC FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AUTHOR1: LEONARD C. SEBASTIAN 2 Institute for Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS), Singapore DATE: October 2004 September 20 marked the end of a momentous year for Indonesian politics concluding a third leg of a series of elections with an array of electoral formats which began in April ranging from an open list proportional system for the House of People’s Representatives and the House of Regional People’s Representatives; a single non-transferable vote system for new Regional Representatives Council and culminating with two round majoritarian system for the presidential election. Being the third largest democracy after the USA and India, Indonesia’s election mechanism is complex and required significant voter education initiatives to socialize the new election format. The general elections held on 5 April was for a fully elected House of People’s Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), the House of Regional People’s Representatives (DPRD, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah) or the regional assemblies at the provincial and district level and the new Regional Representatives Council (DPD, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Institutions in Indonesia Democracy, Decentralisation, Diversity
    BRIEFING Continental democracies Political institutions in Indonesia Democracy, decentralisation, diversity SUMMARY Until his downfall in 1998, General Suharto ruled Indonesia with an iron fist. Since then, a series of reforms have transformed his authoritarian 'New Order' into the world's third largest democracy (and largest Muslim democracy). Indonesia has a presidential system in which a directly elected president serves as both head of state and of government. A maximum two-term limit on the presidency helps to ensure a peaceful alternation of power. Also directly elected, the House of Representatives (the lower house of the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly) has asserted itself as a strong and independent institution. There are nine parliamentary parties, none of which holds a majority, obliging the government to seek support from a broad coalition. Despite the success of Indonesia's political reforms, its commitment to democratic values cannot be taken for granted. Although Indonesia has traditionally been a tolerant, multicultural society, a rising tide of Islamic populism threatens to disrupt the delicate balance between the country's Muslim majority and minorities such as Christians and Buddhists. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has had some success in tackling endemic graft in the country's courts, local governments and Parliament; however, the latter recently voted to weaken the KPK's powers. While trust in democratic institutions declines, the military – whose commitment to democratic values has often been
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia As a Poorly Performing State? Andrew Macintyre
    04-1-933286-05-9 chap4 4/22/06 10:48 AM Page 117 4 Indonesia as a Poorly Performing State? Andrew MacIntyre n the years since the historic upheavals of 1998, Indonesia has struggled Iwith the twin challenges of rebuilding its economy and constructing a viable framework for democratic governance. This has been a turbulent period, with prolonged economic difficulties, weak and frequently changing political leadership, and widespread problems of sectarian violence that have called the very territorial integrity of the republic into question. These recent travails have brought greater international attention to the country than did the three decades of rapid economic growth and strict but stable authoritar- ian rule under former president General Suharto. Understandably, there has been much worried discussion in policy circles within the United States and elsewhere about whether Indonesia, rather than embarking on a new and optimistic democratic era, is in fact in danger of becoming caught in a stag- nant or even downward developmental trajectory. Is Indonesia, the fourth most populous country in the world, at risk of developing that combustible mix of economic stagnation and systematically weak governance that charac- terizes the phenomenon of poorly performing states? The aim of this chapter is to assess Indonesia’s developmental trajectory, giving particular emphasis to outlining the economic and political challenges the country is wrestling with, and to reflect upon the implications of Indone- sia’s trajectory for U.S. policy. I begin with an overview of Indonesia’s past 117 04-1-933286-05-9 chap4 4/22/06 10:48 AM Page 118 118 Andrew MacIntyre record of economic and political development and then focus on the con- temporary situation and whether Indonesia is appropriately considered a poorly performing state.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties' Manoeuvring After the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement
    ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 2 June 2021 Political Parties’ Manoeuvring after the Jokowi-Prabowo Rapprochement Max Lane* In this picture, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) (R) shakes hands with Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto (L) during the inauguration ceremony at the State palace in Jakarta on October 23, 2019. The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. Photo: Adek Berry, AFP. * Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Lecturer in Southeast Asian Politics and History at Victoria University, and Honorary Associate in Indonesian Studies at the University of Sydney. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 73 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The rapprochement of Jokowi and Prabowo has resulted in the unusual absence of a polarising rivalry among the main political parties. There are also no fundamental differences among parties over major policy questions. • The fractured nature of the Indonesian socio-political elite is instead reflected in the proliferation of small parties. This results in the necessity of multi-party coalitions, thus giving Indonesia’s largest party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), a tactical advantage. • The PDIP has floated the possibility of changing the laws to allow President Joko Widodo to stand again in 2024. Perhaps to sustain its leverage in a post-Widodo government, the PDIP is also advocating the revival of the formal Broad Outlines of State Strategy, which featured during the Soeharto era as overarching policy guidelines for each term of government.
    [Show full text]
  • Voters and the New Indonesian Democracy
    VOTERS AND THE NEW INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY Saiful Mujani Lembaga Survei Indonesia (LSI) R. William Liddle The Ohio State University November 2009 RESEARCH QUESTIONS • WHY HAVE INDONESIAN VOTERS VOTED AS THEY HAVE IN THREE PARLIAMENTARY AND TWO DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN 1999, 2004, AND 2009? • WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF THESE PATTERNS OF VOTING BEHAVIOR FOR THE QUALITY OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY? THE EMPIRICAL RESEARCH SIX NATIONAL LSI OPINION SURVEYS: ONE IN 1999, THREE IN 2004, TWO IN 2009. FACTORS EXAMINED: SOCIOLOGICAL (RELIGION/ALIRAN, REGION/ETHNICITY, SOCIAL CLASS) LEADERS/CANDIDATES PARTY ID MEDIA CAMPAIGN (2009) INCUMBENT’S PERFORMANCE Parties in post-transition democratic Indonesian parliamentary elections: percent of votes (and seats) PARTIES 1999 2004 2009 votes (seats) votes (seats) votes (seats) PDIP 34 (33) 18.5 (20) 14 (17) GOLKAR 22 (26) 22 (23) 14 (19) PKB 13 (11) 11 (10) 5 (5) PPP 11 (13) 8 (11) 5 (7) PAN 7 (7) 6 (10) 6 (8) PK/PKS 2 7 (8) 8 (10) DEMOKRAT - 7 (10) 21 (26) GERINDRA - - 5 (5) HANURA - - 4 (3) OTHER 14 (8) 20 (9) 28 (-) TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 Vote for presidents/vice-presidents in democratic Indonesian elections 2004-2009 (%) President-Vice President Pairs 2004 2004 2009 First Round Second Round Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono- 34 61 61 Jusuf Kalla (2004); Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono- Boediono (2009) Megawati Sukarnoputri- 26 39 27 Hasyim Muzadi (2004); Megawati Sukarnoputri- Prabowo Subianto (2009) Wiranto-Solahuddin Wahid 24 12 (2004); Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto (2009) Amien Rais-Siswono 14 Yudhohusodo Hamzah Haz-Agum
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World - Indonesia (2011)
    http://freedomhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cfm?y... Print Freedom in the World - Indonesia (2011) Capital: Jakarta Political Rights Score: 2 * Civil Liberties Score: 3 * Population: 243,306,000 Status: Free Overview President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s parliamentary support weakened in 2010, with a majority voting in March that there were significant irregularities surrounding a controversial 2008 bank bailout. The subsequent resignation of Finance Minister Sri Mulyani, a target of the parliamentary inquiry, was an apparent attempt to avoid an impeachment effort against Vice President Boediono. Security forces in February raided a jihadi training camp in Aceh, and in March killed terrorism suspect Dulmatin, who was wanted for his alleged involvement in a 2002 Bali bombing that killed 202 people. A case against two deputy chairmen of the country’s anticorruption commission, which had been dropped in 2009 after the exposure of an apparent conspiracy by police and prosecutors to undermine the commission, was revived during the year. However, the attorney general’s office announced its intention to legally drop the case for the “sake of public interest” in late October. Violence against the Ahmadiyya minority sect continued in 2010, and there were several attacks on Christian churches. Separately, a Malukan political activist died in jail, allegedly due to torture and denial of treatment. Indonesia declared independence from its Dutch colonial rulers in 1945, though the Netherlands did not recognize its sovereignty until 1949. The republic’s first president, Sukarno, assumed authoritarian powers in 1957. The army, led by General Suharto, crushed an apparent Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) coup attempt in 1965.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    http://www-3.cc.uic.edu/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php?journal=fm&page=rt&op=printerFriendly&path[]=480&path[]=401 First Monday, Volume 1, Number 3 - 2 September 1996 By ANDREAS HARSONO Open and accessible to a global audience, the Internet represents a vehicle by which information can be disseminated quickly in comparison to newspapers and magazines. The open and democratic nature of the Internet can sometimes be at odds with policies and practices of certain governments and officials. In this article, the impact of the Internet in Indonesia is discussed, relative to a history of governmental control of the traditional media. Media Closure Go Internet Communism on the Net Appendix 1 Jakarta, July 15 - When the Indonesian Armed Forces invited around 40 newspaper editors and television executives to have a luncheon in a military building in Jakarta last June, military spokesman Brig. Gen. Amir Syarifudin asked the editors "not to exaggerate" their coverage on opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri. Gen. Syarifudin jokingly asked the editors not to use the words "to unseat" and "to topple" in their reporting, suggesting the editors to use the name Megawati Kiemas when referring to the chairwoman of the opposition Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) - after the surname of her husband - rather than the name she is commonly known by - Megawati Sukarnoputri - after her father, the charismatic and revolutionary President Sukarno, whom President Suharto, the current leader, replaced after an abortive coup d'état in 1965. The general also asked the editors "to defend the dignity of the government," denying earlier media reports that the military is behind the congress held in the city of Medan, in northern Sumatra, to replace Megawati with a government-appointed leader.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia Brief - Geopolitical Monitor
    Indonesia Brief - Geopolitical Monitor http://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/indonesia-brief-4683/ Backgrounders Indonesia Brief Zachary Fillingham - Jun 04, 12 http://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/indonesia-brief-4683 Geopoliticalmonitor.com A brief overview of the historical, political, military, and economic issues that Indonesia faces on the road to becoming a regional power by Zachary Filingham of Geopoliticalmonitor.com. Timeline 1670-1900- Indonesia ruled by the Netherlands as the Dutch East Indies. 1942- Japan invades Dutch East Indies. 1945- Sukarno, born Kusno Sosrodihardjo, declares independence triggering armed conflict with Dutch forces. 1949- The Netherlands gives up the fight and recognizes Indonesian independence. 1950s- Maluku wages an unsuccessful war to secede from Indonesia. 1962- The Dutch agree to transfer West Papua to Indonesian control. 1965- A failed coup is attributed to Communist factions within Indonesia, resulting in purges where thousands are killed. 1967- General Suharto becomes president after being granted emergency powers in 1966. 1975- Portugal grants independence to East Timor. 1976- Indonesia invades East Timor and incorporates it as a province. 1997- Asian currency crisis creates economic havoc in Indonesia, the rupiah is devalued. 1998- Protests and rioting topple Suharto. 1999- Free elections are held throughout Indonesia; East Timor referendum produces a pro-independence vote, resulting in widespread government-organized violence on the island. 1 of 4 04.06.2012 15:30 Indonesia Brief - Geopolitical Monitor http://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/indonesia-brief-4683/ 2001- Parliament dismisses President Wahid over corruption charges, Megawati Sukarnoputri is sworn in as a replacement. 2002- Constitution is reformed to allow for direct election of president and vice president; Bali attacks kill 202 people.
    [Show full text]