The Issues of the Present Day Make It Particularly Appropriate to Reflect on the Long and Controversial Career of Henry Richard

Home , Gwlad, Henry Richard, Protestant Coalition

The Relevance of Henry Richard

The issues of the present day make it particularly appropriate to reflect on the long and controversial career of Henry Richard. Born in rural Tregaron, in southern Ceredigion in 1812, the issues which he championed have a remarkable contemporary relevance. Since one of Richard’s famous slogans was ‘Trech gwlad nag Arglwydd’ (A land is mightier than its lord) it may appear paradoxical that his career should be re-evaluated by a member of the present (still unelected) House of Lords. For all that, this provides an opportunity to recall one of the most remarkable and courageous Welshmen of the modern world. By (Lord) Kenneth O. Morgan.

36 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 The Relevance of Henry Richard

e was associated with of the Welsh MPs. He did not sym- Richard has not been well served, great causes – notably pathise with agrarian agitation in perhaps in part because his strain Has the proclaimed apos- Wales, nor in pursuing disestablish- of anti-separatist Welsh radicalism tol heddwch (apostle of peace) in the ment of the Church for Wales on does not relate easily to the histori- crusade for world peace which took its own, separately from England. cal antecedents of Plaid Cymru. him from the Peace Treaty of Paris He was bracketed with other ‘old However, Richard represents in 1856 to that of Berlin in 1878, and hands’, senior Welsh Liberals like something of much importance in in the challenge to militarism and Lewis Llewellyn Dillwyn, Sir Hus- the spectrum of nineteenth-cen- imperialism which led to confron- sey Vivian and Fuller-Maitland. tury Welsh Liberalism, so often tations with both Gladstone and In language reminiscent of Tony seen purely introspectively – its Disraeli. In Wales itself, he is most Blair a hundred years later, Rendel internationalist dimension. In this, celebrated as the radical victor in saw Richard as ‘old Wales’, aiming he emulated William Rees, ‘Gwi- the important electoral contest in at ‘respectability above all things’ lym Hiraethog’, the inspirational Merthyr Tydfil in 1868, ‘the crack- and ‘very “middle class”’. (This bard/publicist who met and cor- ing of the ice’ in the old neo-feudal from Rendel, who made millions responded with Mazzini, who political and social order, and an from armaments manufacture and worked closely with the American immense landmark in the achieve- kept a comfortable residence on the anti-slavery movement and who ment of democracy in our nation. French Riviera). The alternative championed Abraham Lincoln Richard is now largely a forgot- to Richard’s ‘old Wales’, contrary and made him a Welsh popular ten figure, other than in the annual to Tony Blair’s formulation, was hero – and who also lacks a decent Richard memorial lecture faith- felt to be ‘young Wales’ rather than modern biography.3 Richard, like fully maintained by the United ‘new Wales’.1 Hiraethog, operated on a world Nations Association in Wales. After This characterisation of Henry stage. In the peace movement, he his triumph in 1868, he turned Richard endured, with his being collaborated with great French- into a kind of revered licensed seen as a kind of beleaguered back- men like Lamartine, Tocqueville rebel, the doyen of Welsh mem- water from a previous age. Despite and particularly Victor Hugo, who bers, a national treasure honoured, the massive upsurge of interest in addressed the 1848 Peace Congress acclaimed and usually ignored. the social and political history of in Paris. Henry Richard, more than Although he stayed on as mem- modern Wales, he has remained a most Welsh radicals, was a citizen ber for Merthyr until his death surprisingly neglected figure. The of the world. This was acknowl- in 1888, he seemed marginalised work of a historian like Matthew edged by another great internation- by the new currents of radicalism Cragoe treats him unsympatheti- alist MP, Keir Hardie, when he was after 1880, and was swept aside by cally, almost dismissively. Despite elected MP for Merthyr himself far younger, more glamorous and the existence of a goodly collection in 1900 during the mass jingoism charismatic nationalist figures like of Richard’s political papers in the of the South African War. Hardie Tom Ellis and David Lloyd George. archive of the National Library of was elected primarily as a socialist, Stuart Rendel (himself a middle- Wales, there has been no biography on class grounds, though he gained aged Englishman with an Eton since C.S. Miall’s extraordinarily wider radical support in Liberal and Oxford background) wrote old-fashioned work of 1889, a ‘life circles. But he paid his full tribute in his memoirs of Richard as ‘the and letters’ of traditional Victo- to Merthyr Tydfil’s unique politi- leader … of a section of the House rian piety.2 In his entries in both the cal tradition, and to the followers of which was exceedingly English’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biog- Henry Richard Henry Richard in 1868 ‘who were for all his accepted chairmanship raphy and the Welsh Encyclopaedia, (1812–88) then uncorrupted’.4 A seamless

Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 37 the relevance of henry richard tradition of radical, pacific interna- tended to ignore the ports tionalism and fraternalism had been and larger towns of the restored. industrialising south where It is therefore of much impor- ‘the population had long tance to Welsh historians to re- ceased to be distinctively investigate both the central themes Welsh’.6 He vindicated of Richard’s long career in his Wales most eloquently and own day and their later relevance. effectively in a famous series Because the crusades in which of articles on the social and Richard so willingly enlisted, far political condition of Wales from dying with him, have been in the Morning and Even- ongoing and remain of deep sig- ing Star in 1866, in which nificance in Wales and the world at emphasis was laid heav- present. ily on Wales as a ‘nation of There were four Henry Rich- Nonconformists’, shown in ards whom we should define and Horace Mann’s 1851 census celebrate. First, of course, there of religious worship to be was Henry Richard the Welshman. 78 per cent Nonconform- The son of a Calvinist Method- ist and only 22 per cent ist minister in Tregaron, the Rev. Anglican. It was on this Ebenezer Richard, he became a basis, as the voice of Welsh Congregationalist after entering Nonconformity, that he Highbury Congregational College, became Liberal candidate and became a minister of Marlbor- for Merthyr Tydfil in 1868, ough Chapel in the Old Kent Road its electorate having been in 1835. From then on, he lived massively expanded by the primarily in England. He seemed Reform Act of the previ- destined for an active career spent ous year. His very adop- primarily in the world of English tion made it plain that it dissent. But it was Welsh issues that was as a Nonconformist began to call him. He wrote in the that he offered himself to English press offering social and the electors. The body that religious explanations of the fac- put itself forward described tors lying behind the Rebecca riots itself as ‘The Henry Rich- of the early 1840s with their assault ard or Nonconformist on toll-gates. More powerfully, he Committee’.7 When, in this became one of the leading oppo- two-member constituency, nents of the notorious Blue Books he came top of the poll, out-polling Caricature of session in parliament of Gladstone’s of 1847, that Brad y Llyfrau Gleision his fellow Liberal, the ironmas- Henry Richard measure to disestablish the Church which traduced Wales in its culture, ter Richard Fothergill, and oust- (with the caption in Ireland. This established, he language, religions and moral pro- ing the Liberal industrialist, Henry ‘Peace’), Vanity wrote, several important princi- bity. Richard was appalled and his Austen Bruce, shortly to become Fair, 4 September ples.8 It acknowledged that where highly effective retaliatory articles Gladstone’s Home Secretary, it was 1880 the established church was not the in the Daily News and elsewhere widely perceived that, in a nation church of the nation its position gave him a new status in his native hitherto conspicuous for its politi- was anomalous. It recognised that Wales.5 cal unimportance, a new more ecclesiastical property was national Richard’s view of Welsh nation- democratic era had dawned. property as it had endured since hood linked it indissolubly with Richard’s view of his native the middle ages. Above all, it dis- Nonconformity. All the many Wales was thus defined by his reli- posed of the fallacy of a collective positive features of the Welsh he gious background. His Letters in state conscience which imposed its identified with the values of the the English press had depicted own beliefs as an established creed chapel – its populist democracy, its Wales as a deeply divided country, on resistant dissenters. Along with vibrant Welsh-language culture, with a small, privileged landlord other favourable measures such its love of music and poetry, the class, English in speech and sym- as the repeal of the Test Acts for absence of crime. Wales was gwlad pathy, and, crucially, Anglican in Oxford and Cambridge, Richard y mennyg gwinion, the land of the religion, fundamentally separated and his allies in the Liberation Soci- white gloves, a place unpolluted from the Nonconformist mass of ety could see an irresistible onward by violence with few of its peo- the population. There was a pro- momentum for the various Non- ple in prison, where judges were found inequality entrenched within conformist causes. presented with white gloves at the its society, and therefore his politi- Welsh disestablishment was assizes to celebrate a crime-free, cal priority henceforth, throughout not, however, at all a straightfor- respectable community, and where his two decades in parliament, was ward matter. In the first place, policemen hung around looking the disestablishment and disendow- there was an urgent need for lead- for something to do. Here, Richard ment of the Church of England ership and direction in pressing was far from wholly wrong though in Wales. He had the enormous the matter home. Only since the he did focus on ‘Proper Wales’, and encouragement in his very first 1868 election had the issue gained

38 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 the relevance of henry richard a clear overwhelming priority in for disestablishment for Wales disestablishment. The primacy Wales.9 Even then support for dis- alone. His roots were in the Lon- of the Church in Wales should be establishment amongst Welsh MPs don-based Liberation Society of removed because the people of was limited. Thirty of the thirty- which he was a leading officer and Wales wanted it, and demonstrated three members were Anglican, and which had been a powerful force the fact with large Liberal plurali- twenty-four were landowners, all on his behalf at the polls in 1868. ties in successive general elections the ten Conservatives and fourteen Richard was no kind of nationalist from 1868 to 1886. Richard and his of the Whig-liberals who formed or home ruler. In a parliamentary Liberationist colleagues also rec- the bulk of the Gladstonian ranks. debate on international arbitration ognised the historic importance of Only three Welsh MPs were Non- in 1873, he asked rhetorically, ‘Is the Welsh Sunday Closing Act of conformists, Richard himself, Evan not England our country?’13 He saw 1881 as setting a precedent for solely Matthew Richards (Cardiganshire) a fundamental difference between Welsh legislation, even though his and Richard Davies (Anglesey). Wales, an intrinsic part of the support for this measure stemmed There was significant bickering United Kingdom, albeit one with mainly from his temperance rather when Watkin Williams, Liberal grievances and priorities of its own, than his nationalism. He was turn- member for Denbigh District and and Ireland, where many saw dises- ing his attention also to the Welsh- an Anglican, put forward a motion tablishment as a precursor to home ness of the Church of England in for Welsh disestablishment and dis- rule. To Richard, by contrast, dis- the appointment of its bishops, endowment in August 1869 with- establishment was an alternative and also to retaining the Mey- out consulting his colleagues. This to it. He felt it was dangerous to ricke endowments at Jesus College, led to much protest. Many doubted press the case on quasi-nationalist Oxford, for the Welsh scholars for whether the maverick Watkin Wil- grounds, and it also risked the pos- whom they were intended. Prin- liams was really a Liberal at all, sibility of Wales losing valuable cipal Harper of Jesus seemed on and it was darkly murmured that Church endowments in the process. the verge of frittering them away. he had voted against John Stuart This was also the view of his col- Richard worked to this end with Mill in the Westminster constitu- league, Sir George Osborne Mor- sympathetic Welsh Anglicans such ency at the recent general election. gan (Denbighshire): ‘I entertain as Dean Henry T. Edwards, the Henry Richard himself thought strong doubts whether it is possible Liberal brother of the ferocious the motion ill-advised and badly to separate the question of disestab- defender of the Anglican establish- timed. The issue of the secret ballot lishment in Wales from that of Eng- ment, Bishop A. G. Edwards of St. should have been dealt with first, land – Wales being, politically at Asaph.17 with a commission of inquiry to least, as much a part of England as Over a wide range of issues he collect data on the strengths of the Yorkshire or Cornwall.’14 Richard was recognised over a generation various religious bodies in Wales. agreed with Sidney Buxton that the as the most authoritative voice on The influential journalist John general case for disestablishment behalf of the religious, civic and Griffith (‘Gohebydd’) thought Wil- in England, Wales and Scotland educational demands of Welsh liams’s demarche was a ‘very great mis- together ‘would be of greater inter- Liberals. In the 1880 general elec- fortune’.10 When Williams’s motion est and command a much larger tion, Gladstone’s aide Lord Richard was finally debated on 24 May 1870, Over a wide circulation’ than if it were confined Grosvenor was to urge Richard to Richard inevitably spoke and voted to Wales on its own.15 speak on behalf of William Rath- for it, but it gained only forty-seven range of In spite of this, Richard’s role as bone in Caernarfonshire. ‘You votes. Only seven Welsh MPs voted an advocate for Welsh causes was have a peculiar faculty of raising for it, eight Welsh Liberals voted issues he was a powerful one, and his speeches the enthusiasm of Welshmen and against, and ten others were absent in the Commons, often of great Mr. Rathbone labours under the or abstained, including the Non- recognised length, commanded much respect. disadvantage of not being able to conformist E. M. Richards, and E. By the 1880s, his outlook on the speak one word of Welsh’.18 Rich- J. Sartoris (Carmarthenshire) who over a gener- basic rationale for the Welsh ard was also urged to lend his vocal had been advised not to vote for it Church question was clearly shift- support to the Liberal the Hon. for fear of jeopardising his seat.11 ation as the ing. In a debate on a further motion G. C. Brodrick in his unsuccess- Perhaps most seriously, Gladstone to disestablish the Welsh Church, ful contest in highly anglicised himself felt impelled to deliver most author- he and his fellow veteran Liberal Monmouthshire.19 He was thus an ex cathedra statement opposing itative voice Lewis Llewellyn Dillwyn (Swansea able to draw attention to the needs Welsh disestablishment (one which District) took a clear national stand. and historic identity of Wales as was to embarrass him greatly in on behalf of The Welsh Church was now briskly no politician had previously been later years). The Welsh Church, he dismissed as an ‘alien Church’; able to do. In particular, he had a declared, had ‘a complete constitu- the religious, it was Eglwys Loegr, ‘the Church clear impact on the ideas of Glad- tional, legal and historical identity of England in Wales’. Richard’s stone, who made plain in a speech with the Church of England’ and civic and own exceedingly lengthy speech, at the Mold eisteddfod in 1873, near it was impossible to legislate for it which took up eleven columns in his Hawarden home, that Rich- separately.12 This was not the way educational Hansard, focused on the historical ard’s Letters had made a profound in which intelligent would-be dis- alienation of the Church from the impression upon him. ‘A country- establishers ought to proceed, in demands Welsh nation over the centuries.16 man of yours – a most excellent Richard’s view. He was now far more emphatic on Welshman – Mr Richard MP did But his dissenting view went of Welsh the distinctive cultural and politi- a great deal to open my eyes to the beyond matters of parliamentary cal features of Wales as provid- facts.’20 It was Richard, as much tactics. He did not favour pressing Liberals. ing the basic arguments for Welsh as Rendel, who helped Gladstone

Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 39 the relevance of henry richard to become in time a great Welsh Richard He told the electors in Aberdare 70,000 acres of the Cawdor estate, hero, ‘the people’s William’ in that they tell the landlords that: and the Hon. George Douglas-Pen- a special sense in the principal- was a great ‘We are the Welsh people, not you. nant, the son of Lord Penrhyn in his ity – not to mention becoming the This country is ours, not yours.’24 castle, now represented the Welsh- people’s disestablisher. It might democrat. He went on to battle for the reform speaking farmers and labourers in be added that it was very much to of the franchise in the county con- those rural communities. As yet, Gladstone’s advantage that in 1886 His Letters stituencies, which duly happened the novelty of the secret ballot Richard, somewhat reluctantly in the Reform and Redistribution had had little impact. After 1880, in view of his powerful commit- passionately Acts of 1884–85, and this served however, democratic Liberalism ment to Protestantism, declared to make the Liberals’ strength in prevailed. his support for Irish Home Rule, attacked Wales all the more impregnable. In the longer term, the memory in contrast to such Nonconformist political Richard’s first major speech in of political pressure and intimida- comrades as the Rev. R. W. Dale the House in 1869 was on a major tion became a major lieu de memoire and (for a time) Thomas Gee.21 The landlord- democratic theme. He and other for Welsh Liberals, as Taff Vale and secessions to the Liberal Unionists Liberals declared that there had Tonypandy were to become for the in Wales were kept to a minimum. ism in Wales. been much evidence of intimida- Welsh Labour movement. Welsh With regard to Welsh affairs, Rich- tion by landlords at the polls, with Liberals had acquired the popu- ard’s outlook was different from the He declared the eviction of many tenant farm- lar martyrology without which younger nationalists of Cymru Fydd, ers for voting Liberal.25 He raised no popular movement can thrive. like Tom Ellis, in the 1880s. He that Welsh the issue in a debate on 6 July 1869, It was Wales’ Amritsar or Sharp- endorsed nationality, not national- when in a highly personal way eville. Lloyd George gave it imper- ism. Thus to them he was cautious, politics were he referred to forty-three cases of ishable prominence in his speech at behind the times. After his death it political eviction in Cardiganshire the Queen’s Hall in London on 23 was noticeable that the Welsh MPs servile and and many others in Carmarthen- March 1910 on behalf of his Peo- immediately formed a ‘Welsh Par- shire and Caernarfonshire. Colonel ple’s Budget. Referring to the evic- liamentary Party’ (chaired by Stu- dependent. Powell, the former Conservative tions in 1868, he declared that ‘they art Rendel), an idea which Richard MP for Cardiganshire, was identi- woke the spirit of the mountains, had always resisted as unofficial Wales was fied as one egregious case of a bul- the genius of freedom that fought chairman. But in his own time he lying landlord. A recent account of the might of the Normans for two was an essential bridge between the ‘feudal’, not a this episode is somewhat grudging centuries. There was such a feeling British-wide radicalism of the six- and perhaps influenced by an ina- aroused amongst the people, that, ties and the more pluralistic, more democracy at bility to read the Welsh-language ere it was done, the political power socially aware Liberalism of the late all but a land press. There is no doubt in fact that of landlordism in Wales was shat- Victorian period. On issue after Richard’s motion brought a serious tered as effectually as the power of issue he proclaimed the needs and where ‘clans- political scandal to public atten- the Druids.’29 Lloyd George’s lan- identity of Wales. He used debates tion. A Liberal colleague noted guage was florid and overdrawn, on the appointment of Welsh- men bat- the particular delight with which perhaps, but it was in broad terms speaking judges in 1872 and 1874 to Gladstone listened to his speech. A an accurate testimony of the demo- spell out the validity of the culture tled for their nationwide fund organised by the cratic upsurge which Henry Rich- and its language, no mere patois as radical journalist, John Griffith,Y ard had generated then. he eloquently demonstrated.22 This chieftains’. Gohebydd, raised around £4,000 to As a democrat, Richard was no Nonconformist non-nationalist, compensate some of the victim- socialist. However, he was able to therefore, was clearly a godfather of ised farmers.27 More important, a identify with the working-class the growing sense of Welsh nation- Select Committee was appointed movement of the day. He was thus a hood that evolved in the decades under the chairmanship of Lord bridge between the worlds of Cob- down to the First World War. In Hartington which received power- den and Bright and of Keir Har- that sense he is also a godfather of ful evidence from the Rev. Michael die. He recognised, of course, that devolution. Daniel Jones and other leading Merthyr and Aberdare were work- Secondly, Richard was a great Liberals about the nature of rural ing-class communities, composed democrat. His Letters passionately intimidation. Jones had written largely of miners and ironworkers, attacked political landlordism in to Richard on the extent of rural and Richard’s campaign acknowl- Wales. He declared that Welsh poli- persecution – ’in the next election edged the fact. The Reform League tics were servile and dependent. we shall lose ground if the farmers in 1868 deliberately placed work- Wales was ‘feudal’, not a democ- have no protection’.28 Its findings ing-class representatives, including racy at all but a land where ‘clans- were a major factor in the passing several survivors of the last Char- men battled for their chieftains’.23 of the secret ballot in 1872. It was a tist upsurge in 1848, on Richard’s Thus he campaigned vigorously in great democratic triumph for Rich- platforms. He proclaimed him as the Reform League for manhood ard. Perhaps in grim retaliation, the poor man’s candidate, without suffrage and the secret ballot. He Welsh Conservatives recaptured, the resources to buy his way into regarded the 1867 Reform Act as a in the 1874 general election, seats a constituency, and contrasted his first instalment of a wider enfran- in Carmarthenshire, Cardigan- own relative poverty with the afflu- chisement. In time, he became an shire and Caernarfonshire, those ence of the bourgeois industrialist eloquent advocate of women’s suf- counties where rumours of land- Henry Austen Bruce. He was also frage as well. His own election lord coercion in 1868 had been most skilful in taking up such issues as in Merthyr and Aberdare had an vivid. Landowners such as Viscount pit safety and the imposition of the inspirational, revivalist quality. Emlyn of Golden Grove, heir to the ‘northern’ or double-shift system

40 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 the relevance of henry richard of working in the mines. John Bey- the world of Protestant dissent, line of demarcation, both of race non, secretary of the local Double since, unlike most of his brethren, and language, upon the same foot- Shift Committee, campaigned for he was a passionate advocate of a ing as an English town or district’.34 him. Recent wage reductions in the purely secular education.32 This was The following year, Gladstone took pits also helped Richard’s cause. He wholly consistent, of course, with the different line that it would raise claimed that his election victory his support for disestablishment a religious issue and would commit was a triumph for the property- and the general broad principle of the state to a new principle in aid- less, disinherited working-class the separation of church and state. ing colleges from the Exchequer on man.30 In the 1874 election, Richard However, his educational views are the basis of teaching only ‘an unde- shrewdly declared his sympathy often misrepresented.33 He did not nominational education’. After for much of the programme of the object to the state being involved failing to help Owen’s College, Amalgamated Association of Min- in education as such, but simply to Manchester, the government could ers which had grown rapidly in the its being used to promote denomi- hardly help Aberystwyth.35 The Welsh coalfield, and whose secre- national instruction and clerical ‘college by the sea’ on the seafront tary, Thomas Halliday, ran against special interests. His views were opened in October 1872 with most him in the election. Halliday polled far more progressive than simply of the £10,000 purchase money still remarkably well, obtaining 4,912 a rehearsal of the anti-clericalism owing, and only twenty-five initial votes (25.3 per cent), and Richard’s that coloured debates on education students. But Richard’s campaign vote fell on a much smaller turn- in Britain, France and many other went on and in 1882 Aberystwyth out of voters than in 1868. Even countries at the time. He wanted a did receive an annual grant of so, his established credentials as new, national system of education, £4,000 a year. a working-class candidate and a primary and secondary, sustained He served in 1881 on a com- proven champion of labour legis- by central government. It would mittee of immense importance lation still made him impregnable be uniform and universal; also it for Welsh education, the Select and he easily headed the poll. Fol- would be compulsory and free of Committee on Higher Education lowing another comfortable vic- charge. He saw it as a particular key chaired by his old election adver- tory in 1880, in 1885 and 1886 he to progressive change within Wales sary, Henry Bruce, now Lord and his Liberal running-mate, C. where educational provision was Aberdare.36 Richard himself, now H. James James, were returned recognised as being weak. A secular Statue of an elderly man, proved to be a unopposed. Richard, then, was not system of primary education, via Henry Richard most effective member of it, full an inappropriate hero for the social the Board schools without religious at Tregaron, of energy and attested facts. The democracy, as well as the political involvement, and a new network of Ceredigion Committee advocated the setting democracy, of a later era. As noted, non-denominational secondary or he was an inspiration for the social- ‘intermediate’ schools were essen- ist Keir Hardie in the ‘khaki elec- tial to his objectives, and they form tion’ of 1900. Over a century later, a major part of his legacy. Even in March 2010, his name was men- though his amendment to the For- tioned (by Monsignor Bruce Kent) ster Act failed badly in 1870, he had in the roll-call of left-wing heroes the satisfaction of seeing Clause 25 at the funeral service of another of the Act, which allowed School great Welsh democratic repre- Boards to finance the school fees of sentative, Michael Foot, which I voluntary denominational schools attended. In the long line of dem- from the rates, repealed by Lord ocratic dissenters, Alan Taylor’s Sandon’s Education Act of 1876, ‘trouble-makers’, Richard takes his passed by Disraeli’s Conservative honoured place. government. Thirdly, Richard was a consid- He thus became a major pio- erable educationalist. At first, his neer of Welsh education. On higher concern seemed largely an out- education, he played a major part, growth of his religious views. He with the energetic if controversial was a leading figure amongst the Sir Hugh Owen, in building up the Nonconformists within the Lib- new ‘college by the sea’, the college eral Party who attacked the Forster at Aberystwyth first established in Education Act of 1870 for its subsi- 1872. He battled hard with Glad- dies to church schools from public stone for a public subsidy in 1870 funds. Thus he led a public outcry and 1871, but at first without suc- against the Cowper-Temple clause cess. In 1870 the Prime Minister in the 1870 Act, since it would have took the line that he had already led to increased rate aid to denomi- refused grants to various English national schools. There was, he colleges and would hardly be able wryly observed, ‘no conscience to make an exception in the case clause for ratepayers’. However, his of Aberystwyth. Significantly, amendment in committee obtained though, he did concede that ‘it was only sixty-two votes, with Non- impossible to place Wales, with its conformist MPs divided.31 His own clearly marked nationality and its stance was a minority one within inhabitants divided from by strong

Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 41 the relevance of henry richard up of two new colleges in Wales, was undoubtedly a major figure the arbitration of disputes between one in the north and one in the in the social revolution that trans- nations. He visualised beyond that a south. Gladstone, now strongly formed Welsh education, and indi- kind of league of nations to admin- committed to Welsh causes, lent rectly social mobility, in the last ister such a system and to provide his authoritative support, and the decades of the century. A year after an effective and workable regime of Aberdare Committee’s proposals Richard’s death, the 1889 Welsh international law. went ahead. In time, after much Intermediate Eduction Act, passed Even in the warlike atmosphere public campaigning, these institu- by the Salisbury government, of the mid and later Victorian tions turned out to be located in saw another of his dreams come period, Richard and his associates Bangor and Cardiff respectively. It into effect, the new intermediate in the Peace Society were not with- was also proposed that a new state- schools. For decades to come, the out success. They managed to have supported structure of ‘intermedi- ‘county schools’, free and unsec- a protocol inserted in the Treaty ate schools’ be created throughout tarian, were a decisive instrument of Paris of 1856 that wound up the Wales to provide students for them of social change. The Welsh could Crimean War in favour of interna- as well as to promote professional even pride themselves in having tional arbitration, and, more sur- opportunities more generally. It a state-run educational system in prisingly, another included in the was an issue on which Richard had advance of England, and without Treaty of Berlin in 1878 when it spoken in the Commons. This was its paralysing social divide created was rumoured, however improb- a progressive, forward-looking by the private schools. In 1893 there ably, that Bismarck himself showed agenda for Welsh education. But followed another landmark for some interest in the notion.41 These it also left Aberystwyth high and which Richard had campaigned, were no more than paper suc- dry, with the prospect that it would a federal national University of cesses. But Richard found great lose its annual grant and see it trans- Wales, created to crown the edi- encouragement in Gladstone’s ferred to Bangor. Richard now fice of Welsh higher education, and decision to go to arbitration with redoubled his efforts on behalf of destined to last for the next hun- the United States to adjudicate on Aberystwyth, applying particular dred years. the American claims against Brit- pressure on the minister in charge Fourthly and finally, there is ain following the activities of the of education, A. J. Mundella. Here Richard the great international- British-built Alabama, operated by his efforts finally bore fruit. Mun- ist and crusader, perhaps the area the Confederate navy, during the della wrote, in somewhat panicky in which his reputation was most American Civil War. In the event, fashion, to Richard in 1884” ‘I wish generally ceated. He always oper- despite some domestic disgrun- you would come and see me about ated within other reformist move- tlement, the British accepted the Aberystwyth. We had better set- ment across the world, notably tribunal’s claims and paid dam- tle this question before you turn us with the anti-slavery movement ages of three and a quarter million out, as the Tories will not help you. in the United States. A committed pounds, a significant sum but much If we subsidise a third College, we pacifist, in 1848 he was appointed less than the Americans had asked must do it on the same conditions as Secretary of the Peace Society and for. This episode could, perhaps, the other two.’37 In the event, Mun- he retained this position when he only have taken place in the con- della managed to prise only £2,500 retired, on grounds of age, in 1885. text of the particular relationships out of the Exchequer for Aber- He played a prominent part at the between Britain and the United ystwyth, but in August 1885 the peace congresses at Brussels and States at the time, but it did offer incoming Salisbury government, Paris in the year of revolutions, Richard’s proposals some practical for somewhat unexplained rea- 1848; the latter thrilled to an inspi- encouragement. sons,38 generously raised the Aber- rational address from Victor Hugo: Richard took several opportu- ystwyth grant to £4,000 as well. ‘France, England, Germany, Italy, Fourthly and nities to bring the cause of peace All three of the new Welsh uni- Europe, America, let us proclaim before the House of Commons. versity colleges, therefore, could to all nations: “You are brothers!”’ finally, there The first, on 8 July 1873, was a regard Richard as a highly impor- Richard campaigned inexhaustibly motion on behalf of a general and tant ally. against war. He vehemently con- is Richard the permament system of international In his old age, in 1886–88 Rich- demned the Crimean War, along arbitration.42 He deplored the hor- ard served on the Cross Commis- with his close friends Richard Cob- great inter- rors of war and ‘the bottomless pit sion on elementary education, on den and John Bright, and crusaded of military expenditure’ and called which he was again an effective against the wars variously waged nationalist for an effective system of interna- member.39 Some of his time was by Britain against the Boer Repub- tional law. Gladstone replied in taken in fending off bombardments lics, the Zulus and the Afghans in and crusader, amiable and respectful terms, and from the Welsh language move- the late 1870s, that era of aggres- spoke warmly of the arbitration ment about whose activities Rich- sive imperialist militancy. He also perhaps the between Britain and the United ard was less than enthusiastic, like condemned Gladstone’s invasion area in which States at Geneva, but called for ‘a many senior Liberals of the day. of Egypt in 1882, declared by the step by step’ approach. Richard’s He found pressure from Beriah Prime Minister to be a temporary his reputa- motion was lost ninety-eight to Gwynfe Evans, the energetic secre- policy but in fact inaugurating a eighty-eight. tary of the ‘Society for the Utilisa- lengthy British occupation that tion was On 15 June 1880, Richard tried tion of the Welsh Language’, to be endured until 1954. Richard’s major again, calling for international ‘rather embarrassing’.40 In general, demands were forward-looking in most gener- disarmament, but now adding a however, his educational activi- the extreme. He called for an inter- new theme, namely that foreign ties were valuable and creative. He national tribunal to be set up, for ally ceated. wars and the concluding of foreign

42 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 the relevance of henry richard treaties should always require the His most the 1860s. Richard himself got into was an atmosphere of relative indif- consent of parliament.43 This again trouble during the American Civil ference, even of impatience that made no headway. His most impor- important War when, unlike most Welsh- such an ancient cause could still tant effort came in an amendment men, he rebelled against the cult of take up parliamentary and politi- to the Address on 19 March 1886. effort came Lincoln and defended the South, cal energy. He urged that no wars should be since he claimed it was a victim of After the First World War, poli- embarked upon, no treaties con- in an amend- Northern aggression. When asked tics in Wales drifted away from the cluded, and no territories annexed about slavery, this pillar of the anti- priorities of Henry Richard. It was to the Empire without ‘the knowl- ment to the slavery movement responded that an era of unionism in which all par- edge and consent of Parliament’. it would die out in time through ties, fortified by the Second World He pointed out that the royal pre- Address on 19 peaceful means. What is interest- War, participated. The Labour rogative in these matters was a ing, however, is that this is much Party, especially in the case of such total fiction. A war was already in March 1886. the same line of argument adopted figures as Aneurin Bevan and Ness being before parliament was asked He urged at the time by another pacifist and Edwards, mirrored Henry Richard to vote supplies. He contrasted the radical, Samuel Roberts, ‘S.R.’ of in seeing the problems of Wales as totally different system of control that no wars Llanbrynmair, who actually set up part of a wider theme, in Labour’s exercised in the French Republic a Welsh settlement in the slave state case that of class, as for Richard it and by the Congressional House should be of Tennessee, intended to escape had been of Nonconformist unity. of Representatives. ‘We never get landlord persecution in Wales. That Only with the creation of a Secre- the information before war breaks embarked decision virtually ruined Roberts’ tary of State for Wales in 1964 did out’, Richard declared, with total reputation and career and he was a there seem to be a change of direc- accuracy. ‘Is it not a monstrous upon, no much diminished figure when he tion, though the new Welsh Office thing that the blood and treasure returned to Wales after the war.45 was significantly limited in its and moral responsibility of a great treaties con- Richard, by contrast, endured no powers. The real advance from the nation like ours should be pledged such fate. It was testimony to how Henry Richard legacy came with for all time behind our backs?’ cluded, and uniquely robust his reputation had the pressure for devolution in Scot- ‘The British governments had, become. land, and to a lesser degree Wales, all of them, a mania for annexa- no territories What remained of Henry Rich- in the 1970s. That followed, vari- tion’, Henry Richard concluded ard’s campaigns after his death? It ously, the unexpected upsurge of in moving fashion: ‘My hope is in annexed to is striking in the early twenty-first Plaid Cymru, the campaign for the the Democracy. I have lost faith in century that all his causes have Welsh language (only a relatively Governments. They seem to have the Empire a powerful contemporary reso- minor theme in Henry Richard’s delivered themselves up, bound nance. With regard to his commit- day), and especially the introduc- hand and foot, to the power of without ment to the advancement of Wales, tion of Scottish and Welsh devolu- rampant militarism which is the ‘the knowl- there has been an ongoing process tion bills in the Commons by the curse of Europe.’44 Gladstone’s reply of evolution. Despite the apparent Callaghan government follow- reads weakly and evasively now. edge and tone of more emphatic national- ing the Kilbrandon Commission. He argued the difficulty in distin- ism in the Cymru Fydd movements Devolution eventually followed in guishing between war and ‘war- consent of of the 1890s, associated with Ellis 1999, winning support by the tini- like operations’. James Bryce, who and Lloyd George, Welsh political est of majorities, but it gradually wound up for the government, was Parliament’. ambitions down to 1914 remained gained in popular support. In 2009 even worse. Absurdly for so great within the parameters of the age the Jones Parry report called for the a scholar of American issues, he of Henry Richard. While progress law-making powers and financial replied to Richard’s point about was made on disestablishment, authority of the Welsh assembly the US House of Representatives education, land reform and tem- to be put to a popular referendum. by claiming that the American sys- perance, there was only limited Henry Richard was not a forgot- tem was very different since ‘it had concern with anything resembling ten figure here – the present writer no foreign policy this side of the separation, or even devolution. E. had an interesting exchange about Atlantic anyway’. Richard’s motion T. John’s efforts prior to the First Richard when giving evidence to was lost 115 – 109 but it is difficult World War to promote a movement the Richard Commission and being not to believe that he won the argu- for Welsh home rule led nowhere.46 interrogated by Ted (now Lord) ment, even against the combined There was only limited adminis- Rowlands, the former member for learning of Gladstone and Bryce. trative devolution – in education Merthyr Tydfil, as it happened. The At times, Richard’s uninhibited in 1907 and in agriculture after the priorities today clearly see the role pacifism could lead him into dif- war in 1919. The emphasis was still of the Assembly to be the key to the ficulty. Nineteenth-century Brit- on extending equality for Wales future of Wales in British and Euro- ain had a warm sympathy for the within the United Kingdom – and pean politics, and we have moved efforts of ‘nations rightly struggling also the Empire, which the Welsh on far from Henry Richard. Even to be free’, such as the Greeks and warmly endorsed during the First so, he played a significant role ear- Italians, who appealed to those of World War, under the leadership lier on, in pressing for Welsh leg- classical bent. Garibaldi, leader of of a Welsh Prime Minister. The old islation, for Welsh parliamentary the famous red-shirted ‘thousand’ national movement of post-1868 priorities distinct from those of during the battles for Italian uni- had clearly run its course; when England, and a firm Welsh pres- fication, had been a great popular Welsh disestablishment and disen- ence in the political agenda. Rich- hero on reformist platforms during dowment, Richard’s old dream, ard, and abiding memories of the the campaign for a Reform Bill in was finally achieved in 1919, there triumphs and suffering of 1868, still

Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 43 the relevance of henry richard

Richard felt that power should flow from below and independent free citizens should be empowered as he saw them being in Wales after 1868. A committee (including the present writer) is now at work on the pros- pects for a written constitution. The agenda for democracy that Henry Richard proposed is still to be pursued. Richard’s work as an educationalist has taken a very different form. The denominational conflicts of his day have largely been super- seded, although the debate about faith schools and their encouragement may revive his priorities as regards the value of secular education. His vision of a secular, com- prehensive free system of primary and secondary education is still hampered by the existence of a dual system of education, public and private, based on private funding and on class. His ideas still resonate. Perhaps it is in successful campaigns for access and for the pursuit of life- long learning that Richard’s objectives have made most progress. Finally, and crucially, there is Richard the apostle of peace. As noted, his campaigns for the Peace Society were not wholly fruitless. The idea of international arbitration gained more support after the Anglo-US settlement of the Alabama claims. By 1914 there were arbitral agreements between twenty governments, and over a hundred arbitral agreements in force. The United States was especially active through such figures as Secretary of State Elihu Root, President Woodrow Wilson and remain important in the making of The author, were proposed by the Conservative through the steel capitalist, Andrew modern Wales. Lord Morgan, – Liberal Democrat coalition after Carnegie, who set up his Endow- Richard’s concern with democ- speaking at its creation in May 2010. But Henry ment for International Peace, and in racy is, even more, a work in pro- Abney Park Richard would note the sluggish 1910 called for a League of Nations. gress. The constitutional and cemetery, North progress made towards some of his The Hague peace congress of 1899 political system in which he oper- London, at the objectives. In 2010 there was still set up a Permanent Court of Arbi- ated, based on parliament and grave of Henry an unelected House of Lords; it tration at the Hague, and another, strong centralist governance, are Richard; 1 April still contained bishops as a symbol larger, peace congress followed now transformed. All the textbooks 2012 of the Church establishment. The there in 1907. But these yielded which described the democratic authority of the Commons was still very little. It was indeed ironic that fabric of Richard’s day, works by inadequate in relation to the execu- they honoured a strongly mili- Bagehot, Dicey, Anson and later tive, and its prestige as a reputable taristic US President, Theodore Jennings, are now scarcely relevant. assembly had recently declined. Roosevelt, champion of ‘the big There were significant reforms Above all, Richard, who liked stick’ in foreign affairs, the voice of introduced by the Blair govern- to cite the written constitutional gunboat diplomacy in Latin Amer- ment after 1997, including reform arrangements of the Americans and ica and the advocate of a strong of the Lords, human rights legisla- the French, would not accept that navy. Roosevelt himself celebrated tion, freedom of information legis- British citizenship was still con- a ‘peace of righteousness’, achieved lation, and of course devolution for strained. With a largely unwritten by fighting the good fight in a just Wales, Scotland and Northern Ire- constitution, the British remained war.47 It was symbolic of the hypoc- land. Further reforms, some though subjects, not full citizens. They risy of the times that Roosevelt not all in a democratic direction, remained subjects of the Queen. in 1910 became a recipient of the

44 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 the relevance of henry richard

Nobel Peace Prize – though he bypassing of the United Nations, One of Richard’s practical has been followed by even more and war being planned in order to themes still is very attainable. He improbable people since. impose ‘regime change’ far away called for parliamentary sanction The ending of the First World without the sanction of the inter- to be required both for conducing War encouraged brave new world national community. He would treaties and for going to war. The hopes of the creation of a new have campaigned against war in Brown government did respond world order, something approach- Afghanistan in 2010 as he did in and seemed prepared to advocate ing the peaceable ideals of Henry 1880, even when the British army what would have been a clear dimi- Richard. In fact, the Treaty of Ver- was commanded by the Welshman nution of the royal (i.e. the prime sailles was met with much disillu- Lord Robert. Gladstone’s response ministerial) prerogative. Its Con- sionment. The League of Nations to Richard in the Commons over stitutional Renewal Act passed just set up to promote the peaceful Egypt is paralleled by the ‘liberal before the general election, in April resolution of disputes and world internationalism’ governing Tony 2010, would have pleased Henry disarmament soon proved to be a Blair’s responses over Iraq and Richard in one respect, since it did disappointment. Welsh interna- Afghanistan. The same questions require parliamentary sanction for tionalists and advocates of peace arise over the status of an interna- treaties to be approved. This met an moved on smartly beyond Rich- tional organisation and the nature old demand, not only from Rich- ard’s pacifism now, as when David of its authority. ard’s generation but also from those Davies, an idealistic champion of Richard’s approach was essen- in the Union of Democratic Con- the League, called for an interna- tially one of pure and simple paci- trol in 1914 who opposed ‘secret tional peace force to impose order. fism. That has had no impact since treaties’. The old Ponsonby rules The Woodrow Wilson Chair of his death any more than Gan- dating from MacDonald’s first gov- International Politics Davies had dhi’s doctrine of non-resistance ernment in 1924 were recognised as set up at Aberystwyth to promote was decisive in winning India its inadequate. However, the previous the idea of the League was in 1936 independence. George Lansbury’s draft bill of 2008 had also included occupied by E. H. Carr, whose Christian appeals in the thirties to a proposal that the war-making Twenty Years Crisis (1939) poured both Hitler and Mussolini to desist power be determined by affirma- massive scorn on ‘utopians’ who from force now appear tragic and tive resolution of parliament. The wanted international arbitration.48 pathetic. But Henry Richard’s call Joint Select Committee, on which Carr cheered Hitler on in his demo- for international arbitration is still the present writer sat, decided lition unilaterally of the peace set- far from redundant. The Perma- by one vote in private session not tlement of Versailles. In both world nent Court of International Jus- to support a statutory sanction.51 wars, the Welsh were as belliger- tice set up under the League of Many problems remain in resolv- ent as any and recruited heavily Nations in 1922 gave way to the ing the war-making power – the both times. They endorsed a Welsh more authoritative International precise meaning of the term ‘war’, Prime Minister (a youthful associ- Court of Justice, also at The Hague, Henry Rich- the problem of ‘mission creep’ ate of Henry Richard) who called in 1946. There was also the Inter- ard’s cru- (as demonstrated in Afghanistan for ‘a knock-out blow’ and ‘uncon- national Criminal Court set up in since 2001), the problem of reveal- ditional surrender’. There was a the 1990s. The World Court has sades, then, ing the legal justification and the brief flourish of Richard’s legacy in not been very active, since it sees role of the Attorney-General, the the 1923 general election when the only two or three cases a year. In limited or government’s source of suppos- Christian pacifist, George Maitland key cases it has had much difficulty edly independent legal authority Lloyd Davies, who had spent time in making its decisions effective, perhaps who is himself or herself a member in Wormwood Scrubs and Win- notably when it vainly ordered the of that government. All this means ston Green prisons as a conscien- Israeli government to destroy the confused that Richard’s agenda is still very tious objector during the war, was wall it had created in Palestine in relevant. He would have been as elected MP for the University of 2004. The Criminal Court has been as some of surprised as others were that the Wales.49 But this was a strictly tem- undermined by some of the great Royal Air Force should be flatten- porary phenomenon. Davies upset powers including the United States them may ing Baghdad or Basra in the name some of his supporters by unex- and China. Even so, the writings of of a wholly innocent resident of pectedly taking the Labour whip, authorities such as Philippe Sands have been, Windsor. and lost his seat in 1924 to Ernest and Lord Bingham have served Henry Richard’s crusades, then, Evans, one of Lloyd George’s for- to show that, especially since the were cer- limited or perhaps confused as mer (male) private secretaries. Pinochet case in the 1990s, interna- some of them may have been, were Yet despite all this, and the war- tional law is now a more coherent tainly not a certainly not a failure. They retain like episodes that have chequered entity, and that the United Nations their validity in a still undemo- the history of the postwar world in is a more credible instrument in failure. They cratic, violent age. Reformers may Korea, Vietnam, the Middle East enforcing it. Bingham has even retain their still regard him as a prophetic fig- and many other places, the issues seen the Iraq invasion as leading to ure. They may still honour the red ventilated by Henry Richard retain aggressor nations being more read- validity in a flame of radicalism that inspired their validity. Richard would have ily ‘arraigned at the bar of world him as it has inspired internation- surely approved of those in Brit- opinion, and judged unfavour- still undemo- alists and idealists in later genera- ain in 2003 who protested against ably, with resulting damage to their tions. The apostle of peace may lie the invasion of Iraq as he protested standing and influence’.50 Com- cratic, vio- a-mouldering in the Abney Park against that of Egypt. He would pared with Henry Richard’s day, it cemetery, but his truths perhaps go have joined them in deploring the is perhaps less of a lawless world. lent age. marching on.

Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 45 the relevance of henry richard

Kenneth O. Morgan is Visit- 9 Henry Richard to Thomas ; Parl. Deb., 3rd ser., CXCVII, 1886 (NLW. Gee Papers, 8308C, ing Professor at King’s College, Gee, 17 August 1869 (National 1294ff. (6 July 1869) where the 304). London, and Honorary Profes- Library of Wales [NLW] Aber- term ‘feudalism’ appears. 41 Goronwy J. Jones, Wales and the sor, University of Swansea. He ystwyth, Thomas Gee papers, 24 Aberdare Times, 14 November Quest for Peace (Cardiff: Univer- was Fellow and Praelector, The 8308D, 297); ‘Gohebydd’ (John 1868. sity of Wales Press, 1969), pp. Queen’s College, Oxford, 1966–89 Griffith) to Gee, 9 August, 11 25 Parl.Deb., 3rd ser., CXCVII, 81–82. and Vice-Chancellor in the Uni- August 1869 (ibid., 8310D, 506, 1294ff. 42 Parl. Deb., 3rd ser., CCVII, 52ff. versity of Wales 1989–95, elected 507). 26 Matthew Cragoe, Culture, Poli- (8 July 1873). Fellow of the British Academy in 10 ‘Gohebydd’ to Gee, 11 August tics and National Identity in Wales, 43 Parl. Deb., 3rd ser. (15 June 1880). 1983, became a Labour peer in 2000, 1869 (ibid., 8310D, 507). In 1832 – 1886 (Oxford: Clarendon 44 Parl. Deb., 3rd ser., CCCIII, 1395 made a bard at the Welsh Eistedd- fact, Sartoris did lose his Press, 2004), pp. 166–67. (19 March 1886). fod in 2008 and received a gold medal Carmarthenshire seat in the 1874 27 Michael Daniel Jones to Rich- 45 See Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘Lin- for lifetime achievement in 2009. general election. ard, 13 April 1869 (NLW, Rich- coln and Wales’ in Richard Car- This article, originally published in 11 Parl. Deb., 3rd ser., CCI, 1295. ard papers, 5504C). wardine and Jay Sexton (eds.), Welsh History Review (June 12 Parl. Deb., 3rd ser., CCXVII, 73 28 Kenneth O. Morgan, Wales in The Global Lincoln (New York: 2011) is based on the Henry Rich- (8 July 1873). British Politics, (Cardiff: Univer- Oxford University Press, 2010). ard memorial lecture of the United 13 J. Carvell Williams to Thomas sity of Wales Press, 1963), p. 38. 46 Kenneth O. Morgan, Wales in Nations Association, Wales, hosted Gee, 25 September 1869 (NLW, 29 David Lloyd George, Better British Politics, (Cardiff: Univer- jointly by the Menai branch of Gee papers, 8311D. 583), citing Times (London: Hodder and sity of Wales Press, 1963), pp. UNA and by Bangor University, Henry Richard’s view. Williams Stoughton, 1910), p. 296. 255–59, and entry on E.T. John in delivered in Bangor, 13 May 2010. was secretary of the Liberation 30 Ieuan Gwynedd Jones, ‘The the Oxford Dictionary of National Society. Also George Osborne Election of 1868 in Merthyr Biography. 1 The Personal Papers of Lord Ren- Morgan to Richard, 20 August Tydfil’, inExplorations and 47 Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobi- del (London: Benn, 1931), pp. 1869 (NLW, Richard Papers, Explanations (Llandysul: Gwasg ography (New York: Macmillan, 304–05. 5505C). Gomer, 1981), pp. 206–12. 1913), pp. 575ff. Good accounts 2 Matthew Cragoe, Culture, Poli- 14 Sidney Buxton to Henry Rich- 31 Speech on second reading, Parl. of Roosevelt’s attitude appear in tics and National Identity in Wales, ard, 17 January ? (NLW, Richard Deb., 3rd ser., CC, 269, and John Milton Cooper, The War- 1832–1886 (Oxford: Clarendon Papers, 5503C); George Osborne amendment in Committee, 20 rior and the Priest: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004). For a helpful ref- Morgan to Richard, 20 August June 1870. He urged that the and Theodore Roosevelt (Har- erence to the Richard Papers, 1869 (ibid., 5505C). state confine itself to provid- vard: Bellknap, 1983) and James see J. Graham Jones in National 15 Parl. Deb., 3rd ser., CCCIII, 305 ing only literary and scientific Chace, 1912 (New York: Simon Library of Wales Political ff. (9 March 1886). education, with even the Bible and Schuster, 2005). Roosevelt Archive Newsletter 5 (Spring 16 Minutes of the Liberation Soci- excluded from state schools. See acquired his reputation as a man 1988). ety, 12 September 1881 (Swansea also Rev. R.W. Dale to Rev. of peace through his mediation 3 See Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘Lin- University Library). J.B. Paton, June 1870, in A.W.W. efforts at the Treaty of Ports- coln and Wales’ in Richard Car- 17 Henry Richard to Gladstone, Dale, The Life of R.W. Dale (Lon- mouth to wind up the Russo- wardine and Jay Sexton (eds.), 8 March 1870 (British Library, don: Hodder and Stoughton, Japanese war in 1905 and taking The Global Lincoln (New York: Gladstone papers, Add.MSS 1905), pp. 278–80. part in the Algeciras conference Oxford University Press, 2010). 44424, ff. 226 – 30). Richard 32 Rev. John Thomas to Richard, during the Moroccan crisis of 4 Labour Leader, 13 October, 1900; pressed the case of John Grif- 9 August 1886 (NLW, Richard 1906. Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘The Mer- fiths, rector of Neath, a Liberal. Papers, 5505C). 48 See Kenneth O. Morgan, thyr of Keir Hardie’ in Glanmor Dean H.T. Edwards to Richard, 33 e.g. in his entry by Matthew ‘Alfred Zimmern’s Brave New Williams (ed.), Merthyr Politics: 6 March 1879 (NLW, Richard Cragoe in the Oxford Dictionary of World: Aberystwyth in 1919 the making of a Working-class Tra- papers, 5503B). National Biography. and after’, International Relations dition (Cardiff: University of 18 Lord Richard Grosvenor to 34 Minutes of Richard’s interview (forthcoming). Wales Press, 1966), p. 80, and Richard, 17 November 1880 with Gladstone, 28 May 1870 49 Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘Peace idem, Keir Hardie, Radical and (NLW, Richard papers, 5504C). (NLW Richard Papers, 5509C). Movements in Wales, 1899 – Socialist (London: Weidenfeld 19 Lord Aberdare to Richard, 22 35 Gladstone to Richard, 14 April 1945’, in Modern Wales, Politics, and Nicolson, 1975), pp. 116–17. March 1880 (NLW, Richard 1871 (NLW Richard Papers, Places and People (Cardiff: Uni- 5 C.S. Miall, Henry Richard MP papers, 5503C). 5504B). versity of Wales Press, 1995), pp. (London: Cassell, 1889), pp. 20 Speech at Mold National 36 Report of the Committee appointed to 98, 103. 17–18. Eisteddfod, The Times, 20 inquire into the condition of Interme- 50 Tom Bingham, The Rule of Law 6 D.J.V. Jones, Crime in Nineteenth- August 1873. diate and Higher Education in Wales (London: Allen Lane, 2010), Century Wales (Cardiff: Univer- 21 Rev. R.W. Dale to Richard, (C.3047, 1881). p. 129; Philippe Sands, Law- sity of Wales Press, 1992), p. 45. 20 July 1886 (NLW, Richard 37 A.J. Mundella to Richard, 17 less World (London: Allen Lane, 7 Ieuan Gwynedd Jones, ‘The Papers, 5503C). March 1884 (NLW, Richard 2005), passim. Election of 1868 in Merthyr 22 Parl.Deb., 3rd ser., CCIX, 1664 Papers, 5505C). 51 The present writer voted in Tydfil’, inExplorations and – 6 (8 March 1872) and CCXX, 38 E.L. Ellis, The University College the minority on this motion by Explanations (Llandysul: Gwasg 535 (26 June 1874). Also see of Wales, Aberystwyth, 1872 – 1972 Martin Linton MP. Gomer, 1981), p. 201. This is T.R.Roberts (‘Asaph’), ‘Welsh- (Cardiff: University of Wales much the best analysis of the speaking Judges’, Young Wales Press, 1972), p . 83. 1868 election in Merthyr. (January 1900), pp. 18–21. 39 cf. Third Report of the Report of the 8 Kenneth O. Morgan, Wales in 23 Letters on the Social and Politi- Commissioners appointed to inquire British Politics 1868–1922 (Cardiff: cal Condition of the Principality of into the Elementary Education Acts University of Wales Press, 1963), Wales (London: Jackson, Wal- (C 5158). p. 25. ford and Hodder, 1867), p. 80 40 Richard to Gee, 1 November

46 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013