La Ruine Dans La Taverne 2Ème Partie : Comportements Des Renonçants Hétérodoxes

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La Ruine Dans La Taverne 2Ème Partie : Comportements Des Renonçants Hétérodoxes La Ruine dans la Taverne 2ème partie : comportements des renonçants hétérodoxes. Pierre D HEROUVILLE Version 16.0, Décembre 2012 Résumé : cette partie de notre propos (située à l adresse: http://inthegapbetween.free.fr/pierre/report-derviches/heterodox_sufism_in_iran_vol2.pdf ) est consacrée à une caractérisation comportementale des errants islamiques des Balkans à l’Inde. Elle fait suite à la description historique de la genèse de ces ordres (http://inthegapbetween.free.fr/pierre/report-derviches/heterodox_sufism_in_iran_vol1.pdf ) L’inventaire des comportements et des accessoires a pour vocation de rechercher le sens antérieur en Iran puis le sens contemporain de ces attributs. Une analyse à dessein pour introduire leur rémanence dans la 3 ème partie (http://inthegapbetween.free.fr/pierre/report- derviches/heterodox_sufism_in_iran_vol3.pdf ) . Mots clés : derviches, qalandars, Fakr, Futuwwat, kashkul, Taj “ Le compagnon –chevalier, c’est quelqu’un qui joue son propre but avec tous les buts; (…) il n’accomplit son service divin ni par crainte de l’enfer, ni par désir du paradis." (Dhun’un « AL-MISRI ») SOMMAIRE DE LA DEUXIEME PARTIE Introduction 5. Des convictions laxistes et peu orthodoxes 5.1 l’ anti-conformisme religieux 5.1.1 Une exégèse versatile 5.1.2 Provocations à la Shariah 5.1.2.1 Le rejet des piliers de l’Islam 5.1.2.2 Provocation religieuse 5.1.2.3 Exhuberance, Tamat , prêches et Qaul / Qawwal l 5.2 L’anti-conformisme social 5.2.1 La mortification 5.2.1.1 Le Fakr ou dénuement à vocation spirituelle 5.2.1.2 L’errance : 5.2.1.3 Les métiers du renoncement 5.2.1.3.1 La mendicité 5.2.1.3.2 Bateleurs, devins, guérisseurs coraniques 5.2.1.3.3 L’usurpation et la grivêlerie : 5.2.1.5 Le célibat et le sikh-i mur 5.2.1.6 La vie recluse et la promiscuité des bêtes sauvages 5.2.1.7 Le vœu de silence : 5.2.1.8 La mortification : 5.2.1.8.1 Le jeun et la veille 5.2.1.8.2 La lacération 5.2.1.9 Tatouages et marquage des membres au fer : 5.2.1.10 Autres formes de privation : 5.2.2 Comportements et accessoires de mortification: 5.2.2.1 Les attributs vestimentaires de l’ascétisme 5.2.2.1.1 Les attributs du fakr : 5.2.2.1.2 Les attributs vestimentaires de la vie errante : 5.2.3 Une autre forme de mortification: l’attachement exclusif 5.3 Autres attributs confrériques : 5.3.1 Congrégations occasionnelles 5.3.2 Attributs vestimentaires du lignage spirituel 6 Devotion extrême à l’imam ALI:. 6.1 Futuwwat et chevalerie : 6.1.1 Corruption de la futuwwat : 6.1.2 La rhétorique de la futuwwat 6.2 Promiscuité avec les animaux sauvages 7. Amour divin , folie et contemplation 7.1 Folie et sagesse 7.2 Paroxysmes d’Amour pieux 7.3 L’existence ascétique comme épreuve d’Amour. 8 Influences et interractions tardives de l’ascétisme hindouiste sur le soufisme hétérodoxe 8.1 Une confrontation dogmatique 8.2 Satsang , Bhang et foyer communautaire ( Duni ) 8.3 La jama , ou ascétisme semi-communautaire (Inde) 8.4 Les tendances syncrétiques 8.4.1 Le qalandarisme conteste la societe de castes (Inde , Cachemire, Bengale) 8.4.2 L'islamisation des milieux marginaux les assimile au Malamat (Inde, Pakistan) 8.4.2.1 Hijras, Sakhi-Bekhi : fiancées transsexuelles des divinités hindouistes. 8.4.3 L'acculturation soufie du Yogga chez les soufis indiens(Inde, Cachemire) 8.5 La chevalerie mystique chez les Sikh s et les Hindus 8.6 Les fakirs musulmans a la croisée des syncrétismes oecuméniques contemporains 8.7 Les qalandars guerisseurs Conclusions de la 2 ème partie Addenda Cette 2 nde partie se focalise sur les comportements des hétérodoxes errants. Elle exclut donc les tendances sédentarisées développées dans la première partie telles que les formes modernes de l’Alevisme, du Yarsanisme et du Bektachisme. Nous verrons dans la 3 ème partie que les réminiscences des comportements et des accessoires caractéristiques dans le soufisme confrérique orthodoxe. Dans sa recherche, Christiane TORTEL compare tant les éléments accessoires que les us rituels des renoncants sous l’angle d’un continuum indianisant. Elle relève les détails confondants hors de leur contexte, et, par là même, distingue un à un les indices procédant de l’accessoirie et ceux du comportements. Sa méthode est séduisante pour comprendre l’origine parfois lointaine de chacun d’eux, aussi nous inventorions ici les attributs de façon dychotomique, à la recherche de leur sens passé ou renouvellé. Sa typologie est néanmoins axée à dessin sur les items démonstratifs, au point qu’elle néglige les caractères islamique qui n’etaient pas son argumentaire. Nous nous efforçons ici d’inventorier les traits des renonçants islamiques, sans préjuger de leur origine ni même de leur originalité, en couvrant plutôt la typologie pertinente proposée par Riza YILDIRIM [YILDIRIM, 2001]. - une exégèse « élastique » - des croyances syncrétiques - l’absence de rigueur : un dogme souvent incohérent - une tradition essentiellement orale, qui se répandait parmi des populations encore fortement nomades , - un islam laxiste - un proselytisme aux accents martiaux : la futuwwat 5. Des convictions laxistes et peu orthodoxes Les idéaux hétérodoxes durent probablement leur succès à un berceau géographique illettré, ainsi qu’à un besoin identitaire de religiosité de cette classe modeste, face à celle de la classe lettrée [YILDIRIM, 2001] et [KARAMUSTAFA, 1994]. On retrouve ce shéma dans l’opposition et la constitution des groupuscules parmi les habitants de Nishapour au 10 ème siècle. A cette époque, les membres eux- mêmes s’entre-contestent violemment leurs dogmes ou l’authenticité de leur renoncement. Cet argument d’ illettrisme et de charlatanisme revient fréquemment dans les annales engagées, telle que celle d’ Abd Ar Rahman AL-JAWBARI. Mais aussi jusque dans l’opposition religieuse encore actuelle entre derviche et mollah: un ressort du débat religieux, voire politique en Iran. La poésie fleurie persane oppose le rigorisme du Mollah (Shariah) et l’hédonisme pieu du derviche à travers l’ensemble de ses auteurs classiques : HAFEZ, SA’ADI, ATTAR, RUMI… tous compromis dans la dérision et le double-sens à cet endroit. 5.1 l’ anti-conformisme religieux Noter que la Malamatiyyah originelle de Nishapour préconisait l’effacement des signes distinctifs (vêtements, réunions), en reaction avec les confreries orthodoxes, trop elitistes. Le discours de QASSAR mentionnait explicitement que le malamati doit s’attacher à Dieu par le Zekr du coeur, sans complaisance aucune dans le bien-être des cultes dévots [TURER, 1998]. Le Zekr du coeur est au coeur de l’ascese : il est la Voie malamati . Par ailleurs, le malamati agit en fait pour son seul attachement personnel à Dieu, et fuit la reconnaissance de ses pairs, ou encore la satisfaction de l’exaucement de ses prières. C’est cette appréhension du regard des autres qui engendre en sus les comportements d’anti-conformisme social détaillés ci dessous. L’anti-conformisme religieux des premiers Malamati préconisait en outre une multitude d’actes de dissimulation, tels que le refus de la satisfaction, l’exhibition de ses seules faiblesses, la recherche de la connaissance, et la dissimulation des prodiges et des aumones (Zikat ). Par essence, cette Voie du Blâme est elle-même une Voie secrète que ses membres se doivent de dissimuler [TURER, 1998]. Shahab-ad-Dîn As-SOHRAWARDI explique que, par cette dissimulation, les Malamatis sont finalement trop focalisés sur la méconsidération des autres pour atteindre des stations soufies elevées ou même la sincèrité du Coeur. Une autre critique similaire, probablement plus tardive, met l’accent sur le fond du Blâme. « Le But du Malamati est d’œuvrer dans le but de garder une relation pure et sincère avec Dieu. Cependant l’un des obstacles à une telle relation est la tendance de l’âme à agir, non pas dans le seul but d’être conforme à la Vérité, mais dans celui de se faire valoir aux yeux d’autrui . » [SKALI, 2012a] Pour les orthodoxes actuels, cet excès de faire valoir est un orgueil. Cette volonté de faire valoir est appelée Riya , et le Prophète MUHAMMAD la tenait pour « une forme secrète de polythéisme. » [SKALI, 2012a] Logiquement, on comprend donc que l’ascètisme demonstratif chez les ordres dits « malamatis » est en fait une perversion ulterieure de la communauté originelle. Des préceptes contradictoires tels que le rejet de l’oisiveté et l’exhibition de ses faiblesses portaient en eux les genes de leur perversion... L’anti- conformisme religieux des ordres est probablement né aussi de l’hypertrophie (ghulluw ) de l’héritage imamite. L’icône magnifiée de l’Imam ALI chez les premiers chiites, puis celles d’Abu Moslem « khorasani » et de Babak KHORRAMDIN constituaient autant de pierres à l’édifice du shisme chiite. L’hétérodoxie résida en fait plutôt dans le bagage mazdakiste de ces deux derniers, et leur contestation de l’ordre social et religieux, fussent-il duodécimains. Défiance et déviance valurent bientôt aux Qalandars l’unanimité des critiques contre eux, puisque leur esprit contestataire s’opposait de facto au Salut par l’Islam orthodoxe. 5.1.1 Une exégèse versatile Reza YILDIRIM met en avant ce caractère récurrent des derviches errants dans son étude universitaire sur les Qalandars en Turquie [YILDIRIM, 2001] : “Many elements from preislamic religions that Turks had adopted, such as shamanism, Buddhism, Hinduism, survived under Islamic appeareance [NLDR : in Turkish heterodoxy. ] When they came into contact with Christians and Jews in Syria, and especially in Anatolia, these heterodox mystics took over some elements from them as well ”. Les exemples ne manquent évidemment pas dans les mouvements de lignage khorramite , puisqu’ils héritaient eux même de la religion mazdéenne.
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