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Audition How does the 1999 film relate to the issues that Japanese men and women face in relation to romantic pairing?

Supervisor: Björn Hakon Lingner

Group members: Student number: Anna Klis 62507 Avin Mesbah 61779 Dejan Omerbasic 55201 Mads F. B. Hansen 64518

In-depth project Characters: 148,702

Fall 2018 University of Roskilde

Table of content Problem Area ...... 7 Problem Formulation ...... 9 Motivation ...... 9 Delimitation ...... 10 Method ...... 11 Theory ...... 12 Literature review ...... 12 Social Exchange Theory ...... 12 Sexual Economics Theory ...... 14 Case Description ...... 17 About Japan ...... 17 Director: ...... 18 Genre: Horror ...... 20 Japanese film influence ...... 21 The monsters and ghosts of Japan ...... 23 Horror as social commentary ...... 24 A break from the supernatural ...... 25 Why Audition? ...... 26 Film Synopsis ...... 27 Audition interpretation ...... 28 Descriptive ...... 30 Traditionalism contra modernism ...... 30 Japanese women ...... 30 Japanese men ...... 31 Sex in Japan ...... 33 The economic approach ...... 33 The Japanese Sex Industry ...... 34 Political Approach ...... 34 Analysis ...... 36 Traditionalism contra modernism ...... 36 Japanese men ...... 36 Japanese women ...... 40 Fear of commitment ...... 42 The disorder and its relation to Japan ...... 42 Asami, women, and the social exchange theory ...... 43

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Aoyama, men, and the social exchange theory ...... 45 Aftermath ...... 47 Sex in Japan ...... 48 The first part of the movie: Reality...... 48 The second part of the movie: Nightmare ...... 50 Discussion ...... 54 Conclusion ...... 58 Bibliography ...... 60 Books: ...... 60 Articles: ...... 61 Online: ...... 62 Other: ...... 68

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Resumen

En este trabajo se analiza la 1999 película Audition por el director Takashi Miike. La película pertenece al género de terror japonés - un género que durante décadas ha reflejado los temores societales contemporáneos a su época. Posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la sociedad Japonesa ha pasado por una transformación social, desarrollando de lo tradicional hacia lo moderno. Entre los numerosos efectos que tal cambio conlleva, este trabajo pregunta particularmente: ¿Cómo se relaciona ‘Audition’ con los problemas que enfrentan los hombres y mujeres japoneses en establecer relaciones románticas?

La investigación abarca tres temas principales identificados tanto en la película como en la cultura japonesa más amplia, como puntos de discusión sobre la dinámica entre los dos sexos: ‘Tradicionalismo contra modernismo’, ‘Miedo al compromiso’ y ‘Sexo en Japón’. El análisis parte de las dos teorías ‘El miedo del compromiso’ y ‘La Economía Sexual’

Los resultados indican que los protagonistas se encuentran en un encrucijada entre las estructuras del pasado, el presente y el futuro. Con respeto al ‘Tradicionalismo contra el Modernismo’, Aoyama intenta a emparejarse con dos mujeres diferentes; una moderna y otra tradicional. Aoyama posee características tanto del hombre tradicional como el moderno, y como tal, espera los mismos valores de una esposa. Como tales requisitos son imposibles de cumplir en una sola mujer, él no tiene éxito con ninguna de ellas. Desde el punto de vista del "Miedo al compromiso", abstenerse de comprometerse es una reacción natural a la regla de restricción de la economía. Los costos, los beneficios y las alternativas a las relaciones se toman en cuenta hoy en día, ya que las personas están evaluando las perspectivas del ‘mercado de citas’, sea para "comprar acciones" o no. Desde la perspectiva de la ‘Economía Sexual’, ambos personajes se involucran en una relación basada en principios tradicionales centrales a la teoría de la economía sexual. Él se acerca a ella tradicionalmente, y una vez que ella está segura de que él la cuidará lealmente, se dedica a él enteramente. Esto refleja la estructura común del mercado sexual en contextos donde las mujeres están en desventaja comparadas a los hombres.

A base de aquellos resultados, este trabajo concluye que los problemas representados en Audition reflejan algunos de los problemas y miedos a los que se enfrentan los hombres y mujeres japoneses cuando se emparejan.

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Introduction

Japan is an island country situated in the Pacific Ocean, sometimes referred to as the ‘Land of the Rising Sun’, stemming from the Chinese perspective, that the sun rose from the general vicinity of where Japan was located. The country is geographically isolated, due being a collection of 6,852 islands located in the Pacific Ocean. Furthermore, much of Japan consists of dense forests and mountainous terrain, meaning much of the land is unsuitable for residential or industrial use. This has resulted in much of the Japanese population being confined to live in coastal areas, resulting in some of the world’s highest population densities.

Despite some of these limitations and constraints, Japan has become an economic powerhouse. During the Meiji period in 1868, Japan would further expand its economy, due to adopting market economy. By doing this, price signals and supply and demand, would dictate decisions regarding production, investment and distribution (Ohno, 2006: 14). But it was the period between post World War II to the end of the Cold War that resulted in some of the largest economic growth any country has seen to date. The economic growth was by some called ‘Japanese Economic Miracle’, and it was in this period that Japan became the second largest economy in the entire world. However, the impressive economic growth would eventually stagnate, and by the 1990s Japan’s economy was no longer experiencing the same highs seen previously. Since then, efforts were made to revitalize the economy, but to varying degrees of success. The global slowdown in 2000, called by some the dot-com bubble, would further hamper Japan’s attempt to revive its economy (Sharma, 2017).

Today, Japan still ranks as one of most advanced and wealthy nations in the world, as the country is frequently seen in the top five of various GDP rankings and other forms of economic measurement. Japan today has a population of 127 million people, and is considered an urban society, due to only a fraction of its labor force working within agriculture. It is estimated that about 90% of Japanese people live in densely populated cities, and its society is ethnically and culturally homogenous, as 98.1% of the population is estimated to be ethnic Japanese (CIA, 2018).

With a strong economy focused on innovation and manufacturing of automobiles and electronics, low unemployment rate, some of the world’s highest life expectancy and having a very high standard of living per Human Development Reports, Japan is a highly developed country (Human Development Reports, 2018).

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On the outset, Japan seems to be a decent country to live in, at least in regards to economic and health reasons. However, the country faces issues regarding its aging population and low fertility. It is estimated that by year 2060, the 127 million figure will drop to 100 million, and one-third of that figure will be older than 60 years of age (Fifield, 2017). If this projection turns to be true, then the country will face demographic and economic challenges.

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Problem Area

The modern family unit in Japan is called kazoku (家族), and it is composed of a male and female. This is rather similar to many other cultures, but where Japanese notions of the family deviate, are the collectivist expectations placed on each family member. All of the family members are linked together, in that they are all expected to contribute to the perpetuation of the family as their main goal. Their own individual desires do not take precedence over the wellbeing of the family, as such there is a tendency for collectivism rather than individualism. The goal of the family is thus to continue its lineage, to perpetuate the family’s genes and to accomplish this, the legal and social institution of marriage is, if not required, but expected. This is not saying, that there are not children being born out of wedlock in Japan, but that the number of these cases is as low as 2% (Kawamura, 2011 as cited in Kincaid, 2014).

‘Ie’ (家) was a traditional Japanese term that translated various aspects of the family, such as the household, family’s lineage and even the physical home where the family resides. Traditionally the ie has been a patriarchal household, due to its hierarchical system, dominated by the male members of the family (Shimizu, 1987: 87). However, post WWII, a new Constitution of Law was enacted, which re-established marriage, placing emphasis on equality and choice between the sexes. As such, the foundations of the ie system and the emphasis on patriarchal authority was changing. No longer did the male figurehead have any legal right over his dependents, and there was no longer any distinction between male and female rights to inheritance. Additionally, women were given the right to divorce men under certain circumstances (Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet, 2018).

These changes have resulted in a minor decrease in marriage rates, and a increase in the divorce rate since the Constitution of Law was enacted in 1947. According to a 2011 National Institute of Population and Social Security Research paper, which did extensive surveys with 14,248 never-married persons across 18 to 49 age brackets on their sentiments towards marriage, and while the desire for marriage is still present for both men and women, it has also been on a decline. In 1987, 91.7% of the male correspondents aged 18-35 answered they were intending to marry someday. But by 2010, that percentage saw a decline to 86.4%. Similar development can be observed with female correspondents, who in 1987, answered that 92.9% of them intended to marry someday. Akin to the male statistic, that number fell by 2010, as 89.4% of women stated they intended to marry someday (National Institute of Population and Social

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Security Research, 2011). While the desire to get married has been on the decline, the majority of Japanese men and women still desire to get married. Yet according to the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare’s latest 2017 survey, less Japanese people are getting married and the rate of married couples has declined to record lowest since the post WWII era (Siripala, 2018).

Attributing to the declining marriage rate, is that Japanese pairing has become more difficult. According to a Meiji Yasuda Institute of Life and Wellness, which results span 3,296 unmarried men and women, 63% of single men stated that they have never been involved in a relationship that might have led to marriage. In the same survey, when asked why so many of them have not been dating, the most common answer between both men and women, was that they did not know how to even start a romantic relationship. Another survey conducted by the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, concluded that almost 70% of men and 60% of women, were not involved in a romantic relationship. Whilst 42% of men and 44.2% of women admitted they were virgins (Aoki, 2016). Despite the declining statistics of marriage, fertility rate and pairing, both Japanese men and women still desire marriage, as nearly 90% of the respondents in the survey still stated that they desired marriage.

The desire, but inability due to concerns and fears to pair up and start families is what this project will attempt to examine. Much of the discourse regarding these issues in Japan has been centered around economics. While this paper recognizes those reasons as being relevant, and will include them accordingly, the aim is to examine what difficulties Japanese men and women face when attempting to pair up. Rather than strictly observing economic trends and difficulties to better understand the difficulties the Japanese are having in regard to pairing, the project will look to the world of art, namely that of cinema for a perspective on the matter.

The world of art has allowed creators to explore various topics, some which may be difficult to discuss in everyday life, perhaps due to political correctness, regarded as taboo or generally being regarded as sensitive subject matter. The world of horror films has for decades reflected contemporary societal fears. The original Godzilla film from 1954, represented the nuclear weapons and subsequent bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Numerous other films, both in Japan and elsewhere, have undertaken a range of contemporary issues (Billson, 2008).

To explore the topic regarding the difficulties that Japanese men and women face in romantic pairing, this project looks toward Japanese filmmaker, Takashi Miike. Miike has garnered a reputation as a provocateur, due to his cinematography including topics ranging from: prostitution, drug addiction, violence amongst others. In 1999, Miike garnered attention,

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University of Roskilde domestically and internationally, after the release of the film Audition. Unlike most Japanese horror films containing either monsters or ghosts, Audition would feature neither, and instead explore the horrors of relationships, traditionalism, modernism, commitment and sex.

The aim of this project is to use the film, Audition, as a window to observe and examine the fears of Japanese men and women regarding the prospect of romantic pairing.

Problem Formulation

How does the 1999 film Audition relate to the issues that Japanese men and women face in relation to romantic pairing?

Motivation

The project developed from our common interest in and Asian culture, especially, the phenomenon of low fertility rate and reasons for demographic changes in Japan. After numerous researches and discussions, our focus had shifted towards the difficulties that Japanese men and women face when pairing. Our main interest is in understanding the reasons why Japanese people are having difficulties regarding relationships and marriages.

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Delimitation

This project looks into Japanese culture, mainly that of the dating scene, through the lens of the film Audition (1999). The version of the film used, contains the official English subtitles. Nevertheless, it is still possible that certain aspects of the film were lost or gained in the translation process. We also recognize that the film is an adaptation of a book, of the same title, released in 1997 by Ryu Murakami. While the project will account for the book in the descriptive part, we do not aim to use the book in the analysis section.

Additionally, while our aim is to understand both sexes’ difficulties in pairing, we recognize that the film was both directed and scripted by men, and the plot of the film features a man as the main character. Thus, there is a lack of balance in terms of representation, as the film gives perhaps an imbalanced perspective on the matter.

Furthermore, while this project is strictly concerning heterosexual pairings, we do recognize the existence of various other forms of sexual preferences. While we acknowledge that the meanings that are put to the words ‘gender’ and ‘sex’ are ever changing in these modern times, we strictly mean man and woman throughout.

The texts used to investigate the problem were written exclusively in English, partly by researchers taking western perspective, but also Japanese scholars. Our access to relevant academic articles was limited due to lack of skills in Japanese. Therefore, we could have missed some aspects that could be invisible from the perspective of people living outside Japanese culture.

The project refers to concepts such as ‘traditionalism’ and ‘modernity’. In doing so, the terms are to understood from the relation to romantic coupling, marriage and general approach to the other sex. We understand and acknowledge the broad scope which modernity encompasses, but in this project, modernity represents post WWII Japan.

And lastly, we aim to be impartial regarding whether low fertility, declining marriage rate and difficulties in pairing is a problem at all. It is presented as a problem in both Western and Japanese media as well as by various politicians. This is a topic, which we will argue in the ‘Discussion’ part of the project.

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Method

The main objective of this research paper is to examine Japanese male and female pairing through Miike’s 1999 film, Audition (1999). The research encompasses three main themes identified both in the film and in broader Japanese culture, as being points of discussion regarding dynamics between the two sexes. These themes are as follows: ‘Traditionalism contra modernism’, ‘Fear of commitment’ and ‘Sex in Japan’. In many cases, the three themes overlap each other, due to how intertwined they are. For this reason, we have structured the project around a thematic analysis. Since the project is utilizing a drama-horror film as its case study, it is imperative for the research paper to establish the director of said film and the broader genre of horror, not just generally, but specifically in a Japanese context. To accomplish this, the project makes use of the book Agitator: The Cinema of Takashi Miike (2003) by Tom Mes, as well as Introduction to Japanese Horror Film (2008) by Colette Balmain. Understanding the filmmaker Miike and the genre he is working within, allows us to read the film and its themes in nuanced ways. Additionally, there may be elements to the genre, specifically Japanese horror, that are unique and central to understanding the film.

Furthermore, the descriptive section of the paper establishes the three themes that the analysis will tackle: ‘Traditionalism contra modernism’, ‘Fear of Commitment’ and ‘Sex in Japan’. This has been done to give the reader a broader understanding of these topics, before they are analyzed and discussed within the context of the film in the analysis section. A brief synopsis of the film has been included, as well as this group’s interpretation of the film. We did this, due to how complex and nuanced the film can be, in its use of dream sequences, effects, flashbacks and symbolism which can all make the film difficult to discuss. Perhaps more importantly, the research paper must be precise, so as to not confuse the reader. We also recognize, that our interpretation of Audition (1999), is by no means the correct or official one, as neither the director or screenplay writer have ever outlined how the film is to be read as such.

The material for the analysis includes the film Audition (1999) as our main source. This project will utilize two theories in the project: Social Exchange Theory attributed George C. Homans, and Sexual Economics by the works of Roy F. Baumeister.

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Theory Literature review

For us to further our understanding of the dynamics between the Japanese males and females, we will incorporate a viable theoretical framework supporting our analysis. We have chosen the social exchange theory, stemming from the academic fields of sociology and psychology, since it provides a concept to understand people’s decision-making in social and romantic contexts. For our case, this would assist us in assessing why the Japanese engage with the other sex to such a low extent, since such a commitment involves a cost-benefit analysis, which the social exchange theory states is the case for a connection. To understand the motivation, or lack of same, for sex among Japanese men and women, this project will apply Kathleen Vohs and Roy F. Baumeister’s theory of sexual economics which analyzes sex from an exchange perspective. Sex, is the essential dynamic happening between men and women, so for us to understand this theory as it encapsulates sex and the exchange that happens on the marketplace.

Social Exchange Theory

The social exchange theory emerged in the 1960’s by the works of sociologists Thibaut and Kelly in 1959, Homans in 1961, and Blau in 1964, who each brought to the forefront the focus, that humans make rational judgements based on their self-interest in social settings, when choosing relations (Chibucos and Leite, 2005: 137). If anyone, then the theory is widely attributed to the pieces of George C. Homans of which he brought the concepts of equity and reciprocity to the center of attention in his analysis.

The social exchange theory revolves around the idea that many social interactions are evaluated through weighing costs versus benefits when deciding whether to commit to a given relationship or not (Goyder and Boyer, 2011: 827). Social interactions are here recognized to mostly refer to couples in marital relationships or in other romantic contexts, since they were the participants in the studies leading up to the development of the theory. However, the theory likewise refers to other relations, such as those between friends, or family members, and can be applied for these instances, if there is a social exchange.

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The transaction of costs and benefits can consist of both tangible and intangible resource, providing any specific value between the two individuals. (Nakonezny and Denton, 2008: 403). The benefit or reward refers to “pleasures, satisfactions, and gratification the person enjoys”, of what one could experience would be the personal outcome of a certain relationship. These all refer to the positive sides of committing with a significant other, ranging from social advantages to material advantages. Two examples are, the reward achieved from breaking into a favorable social circle, and the reward from moving into a big house that a spouse possesses and will share with the significant other.

The costs, or risks, one would have to pay or consider in a relationship refer to “any factors that operate to inhibit or deter the performance of a sequence of behaviour”. The costs partly take shape in the compromises that each partner makes in dealing with the other, and of how much one must adapt behavior towards the other, to co-exist. Additionally, it relates to the investment each person puts into the pairing. Consequently, there are uncertainties one can only estimate await in the prospects of the relationship. There are costs of taking a chance, especially if the trajectory of the relation leads to a long-term one, namely marriage. Examples, of what couples would expect to consider are whether they can afford this social exchange economically, emotionally and timewise.

Thus, if costs are high, there will be a demand of considerable physical and mental endeavor for the person, especially if the benefits of the relationship are less (Thibaut and Kelly, 1959: 12-13). When this is the case, the rational individual will either terminate the relationship or not commence it at all, if the ratio of costs to benefits are in the negative. Contrary, it is expected that couples who each receive more rewards than costs from the relationship will likely have a higher satisfaction level and are less likely to divorce or separate from each other (Nakonezny and Denton, 2008: 404).

Weighing certain costs and benefits entails an additional focus on evaluating the substitute value. It is theorized that for a dyadic relationship to be reasonable it must provide rewards and costs favorably comparable to alternative relationships or activities for the two individuals (Thibaut and Kelly, 1959: 49). Therefore, the degree of how appealing a relationship is perceived to be, connects with the level of outcomes that each member receives relative to the comparison level, that they would expect from entering another relationship (Nakonezny and Denton, 2008: 404). Thus, alternatives are considered by the rational person who will assess if the required time, and physical, and mental effort is worth sacrificing for, in order to indulge

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University of Roskilde into a certain relationship. If the outcomes of the relationship fall short of what could be expected from any alternative relationships or social exchange, from for example leaving your wife, then there is an incentive to ending the marriage (Chibucos and Leite, 2005: 139).

Thus, each individual in a relationships perceive their partner and relation from a cost-benefit analysis, weighing whether there is a positive or negative ratio, and how it compares with the alternatives. The application of the theory can be furthermore also done in a comparative perspective between the two partners in order to examine the relationship in itself. The social exchange theory spots that this is performed consciously or subconsciously throughout the relationship, thus determining the satisfactions level of the social exchange.

Sexual Economics Theory

In Sexual Economics: Sex as a Female Resource for Social Exchange in Heterosexual Interactions (2004) psychologists Roy F. Baumeister and Kathleen D. Vohs present a theory that provides an understanding of sex from an economic approach.

Traditionally, two main theoretical approaches have dominated the field of sexuality, one being the evolutionary approach based on biology, the other being social constructionist approach, generally based on feminist theory. Baumeister and Vohs, however, turn to a different discipline, that of economics, to elucidate a theory of sexual interactions. While agreeing that the evolutionary and social constructionist approaches have provided important insights into the topic, they argue that an economic approach will nuance shifts in sexual behavior (Baumeister and Vohs, 2012: 520). In analyzing heterosexual communities as marketplaces in which men seek to acquire sex from women by offering their resources in exchange, Baumeister and Vohs define men as purchasers and women as sellers of sex (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004: 339). By applying classical economic principles, they suggest that the price of sex depends on three types of factors: 1) ‘Preconditions of market exchange’, including supply and demand together with biological and legal conditions, 2) ‘Individual factors’, including men and women’s general conditions in society, for example in regards to social status, competition and beauty standards, and 3) ‘Market factors’, including situations where supply exceeds demand and vice versa, or low-cost substitutes and low market prices (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004: 340).

The theory of sexual economics is thus cultural in that it looks at how individual behavior of men and women is shaped in relation to each other and by the shared market. Fundamentally,

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University of Roskilde they argue that natural motivations and tendencies provide the foundation for sexual economy (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004: 340).

The central point to the analysis of sex as a negotiation and exchange is that sex is essentially a female resource, and is thus something that women provide and men desire. Although this does not mean that women do not enjoy sex, it entails that as suppliers they set the market price of sex. Women are viewed as suppliers with more power, as they are the minority on the sexual market. They are regarded as a minority, because research shows that women tend to want sex less than men want sex (Baumeister and Mendoza, 2011: 351). And whereas men can have sex at a low cost, the potential cost for women is significantly higher, as it may have long-term consequences such as pregnancy, discomfort, etc., leading to women maintaining a high price for sex (Baumeister and Mendoza, 2011: 351).

Another central point is that because the cost of sex for men is all benefit with little or no cost, men are biologically more inclined to want more sex, and with more women, than women are. Therefore, they must provide something else in exchange to obtain sex. Baumeister and Vohs describe this as ‘resources’, covering a wide array of goods such as material gifts, consideration and respect, and commitment to a relationship as desired by the woman:

“To commence a sexual relationship with a particular woman, a man may have to offer her a fancy dinner, or a long series of compliments, or a month of respectful attention, or a lifetime promise to share all his wealth and earnings with her exclusively. This price is negotiated between the two individuals in the context of the prices that other, similar couples set“ (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004: 343)

Traditionally, sexual interactions are considered to be private, but Baumeister and Vohs here suggest that instead of being fully separate, sexual activities of different couples are interrelated and each influence the market conditions. Therefore, the ‘ongoing rate’ may vary widely between different cultures depending on their development and possibilities for respectively men and women in general, but will rarely differ extensively within a community. If in one community sex is women’s only ticket to the ‘good life’, then is becomes strategically important for all women to maintain a high price (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004: 345).

The theory argues that women, unlike men, receive other valued goods in return for their sexual favors, and men must offer benefits to women to persuade them to engage sexually with them.

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In this sense, sex is a female resource. However, although presented as a resource, this exchange theory also provides an explanation for the patriarchal power structures dominant in most societies. By arguing that men pursue power over women by keeping them in inferior positions, e.g. outside the labor market, they force women to depend more on men. When women fundamentally depend on men, it might result in them lowering the price for sex. Other factors that can lower that price are prostitution and pornography, as they may be regarded as low-cost substitutes for the preferred alternative of having sexual relations with a special, desired partner (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004: 343).

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Case Description About Japan

One of the main goals of this project is to better understand the male and female dynamics of a vastly different culture than the one we are familiar with in the West. Thus, to analyze the decisions and sentiments that another society may uphold, we are to understand their own unique way of judging what they value and to what extent.

In the case of Japan, and many South-eastern Asian societies, tend to value the collective, rather than the individual. As such, individual values, such as one’s own happiness and the freedom to pursue it, may not be as important as they are in Western societies. This emphasis on the collective in some of these societies can be attributed to many factors. Some of these factors could be attributed to religious, spiritual, ethical and philosophical reasons, in this context, that would be the prevalence of Confucianism and its teachings. Confucianism is seldomly categorized as a religion, but more so as a system of social and ethical philosophy. How Confucianism is adopted in various Southeast Asian societies does differ, however there is general emphasis on the importance of the collective, mainly the family unit and the broader community. Other reasons could be political, such as the presence of Communism in countries such as China, contra the proliferation of individualism in capitalistic societies, such as those typically found in West. (Social Work Degree Guide, 2018).

The focus on the collective in a society like Japan, tends to work in tandem with negative social disapproval if one is to not serve the greater good of the collective. In the case of Confucian ethics, they tend to emphasize the dominance of the male. Thus, if a Japanese woman declines to be a part of a family unit, where her male partner is the patriarch, she may never have a family of her own. And she may even be seen as a part of the larger problem of low fertility rate in Japan. Furthermore, Japanese men who do not desire to be dominant and competitive, may be labelled as ‘herbivore’ men.

That is not to argue that an emphasis on the collective over the individual is somehow wrong or outdated. There exist numerous advantages of this emphasis on the collective, as well as many negatives within individualistic societies. Perhaps we see a shift from the collective family model towards an individualized society where dependency is increasingly more to the job and not to the family.

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A peculiar trend that was universal before WWII, was the practice of arranged marriages (omiai). They are still widespread in some Asian countries, while others, like Japan, departs from that tradition. Due to western influence, this phenomenon started disappearing and by 1960 arranged marriages constituted only around 70% of all weddings in Japan, and by 1990 the number fell to 30% (Millward, 2012). Marriage used to be based on a contract rather than love and occurred amongst all classes. It was the family who interviewed a potential partner and his family, held negotiations, organized first the meeting and the wedding. Nowadays, such practice is a rarity and only about 5-6% of the Japanese still opt for arranged marriage (Japan Info, 2015). An integral factor of such marriage is ‘nakodo’ referring to a marriage-seeker relative or family friend. Nakodo usually has a thorough knowledge about each family, decides about the degree of match of both parties and arranges their meetings. First meeting is always accompanied by parents, as it is important that future bride and groom match not only their partner, but also their family. Nakodo’s duties may also include being a marriage counsellor who helps to solve issues regarding marriage. This relates to why arranged marriages barely fail. Nowadays, such practice is popular mostly in the countryside and amongst people who did not manage to marry before their 30s, who feel pressure to get married, but due to long working hours have no time to look for partners (Professor’s House, n.d.).

Director: Takashi Miike

Born in Osaka, Japan, in 1960, Takashi Miike spent much of his youth dreaming of becoming a motorbike racer. Although that career path never amounted to much, he would eventually enroll in Yokohama Academy of Visual Arts, where he studied . During his studies, he was given the opportunity to direct several films, however, the budgets for these projects were so low that Miike often had to improvise. This resulted in the young director often breaking established traditional rules of filmmaking, due to budget constraints, rather than some rebellious desire to deliberately challenge certain conventions (Buchanan, 2018).

The experiences that Miike had at the Yokohama Academy of Visual Arts with film making, would end up influencing how he created films. Miike prefers to encourage his actors and actresses to showcase their creativity by allowing them to have input in the production, such as that of improvisation. Additionally, Miike is less concerned about creating films that he thinks would please the majority of the audience. These factors have all contributed to making his films be a dynamic endeavor, where the project is not necessarily set in stone in regard to what Miike specifically wants, rather he let his films develop on their own (Buchanan, 2018).

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Furthermore, whereas some filmmakers see budgetary limitations as just that – limitations to their visions - Miike enjoys working with them, in a way adopting the old phrase of “art through adversity”. In a 2003 interview with The Guardian, Miike would state: “I really enjoy working with limitations or restrictions. And if I find a space within the movie to express myself, I'm very happy. I am discovering myself as a director all the time." (Rose, 2003). By not always following traditional narrative structures, not being concerned with mainstream acceptance, and allowing his cast and crew creative input, Miike’s works have developed their own distinct style.

This has both garnered him a loyal fanbase, but also paved the way for various critics, who are less impressed by his work. Although Miike’s directorial debut came in 1991, where he directed Toppuu! Minipato tai – Aikyacchi Jankushon, a comedy about a policewoman who defeated criminals using gymnastics, his reputation would become that of a horror director. Despite working with a broad array of genres such as: comedy, mystery, drama, action, adventure, he has gained a reputation as a horror director. Perhaps because that was the case with his arguably two most famous works, Ichi the Killer (2001) and Audition (1999), which both feature extensive amounts of horror, gore and violence. A notion which Miike has largely refused, due to him not wanting his works to be categorized in such simple terms, feeling that even his most violent films have a greater purpose than to merely frighten, disgust or otherwise repulse the viewer. Despite being labelled by some as a filmmaker who is directing mostly violent films, Miike does not view himself that way (Buchanan, 2018). In a 2015 interview with AV Film, Miike had the following to say regarding violence in films:

“Me, personally, I’m not a big fan of violent movies, it’s not something I like to watch. And it’s not my aim or goal to make a violent movie. My characters are very important, so when I’m trying to depict a certain character in my movie, if my character is violent, it will be expressed that way in the film. You cannot really deny what a character is about.” (Fragoso, 2015).

His quote may surprise those who have seen such works as Ichi the Killer (2001), Audition (1999) and (2001), and may regard some of these works as the filmmaker intentionally attempting to provoke the audience with gratuitous violence, necrophilia, pedophilia, drug addiction, prostitution and many other controversial topics. Miike still manages to drape these taboo topics in black humor, and the aim is seldomly to provoke the audience, but to convey a message beyond these shocking images. For example, Visitor Q (2001) is a film about a stranger

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University of Roskilde who invades a home, featuring shocking scenes of violence and sexual assault. Despite of the violence portrayed on screen, this film is about a family unit coming together, seeking to redeem their honor and strengthen their previously faltering family bonds.

Miike’s notion about not denying what a character is about in the above-mentioned quote does support the notion that his films are dynamic. The characters in his films and even the actors portraying them, are not something Miike desires to control. Even though he is the director, with the aim being to direct the cast and crew, his dynamic approach to filmmaking allows his films to take a life on their own. Supporting this notion is a quote from a 2015 interview with Collider.com, Miike stated: “When you try to be true to the script, changes occur” (Cook, 2015). In the same interview Miike elaborates further regarding the process of film making and how what works in a script, may not necessarily work once the cameras are rolling and the actors attempt to bring these characters to life (Cook, 2015).

Although we respect director Miike’s desire not have his works strictly categorized as belonging to one specific genre, it is also necessary for us to be impartial in regard to this debate between the director and his critics, as that is not the focus of this project. The film Audition (1999) is categorized as a blend between horror and drama on various film databases such as the Internet Movie Database, as well as retailers, such as and most distributors of films, also categorize it as horror and drama. Additionally, the next section will explore whether, and to what degree, horror films reflect general fears in society, and whether there are elements within horror films which are genre specific.

Genre: Horror

Fear itself is one of the most basic human reactions to the threat of danger. This means that the origins of horror narratives likely harken as far back as to the beginning of humanity, where people shared various stories and fables regarding horrors. Thus, it is impossible to exactly trace the beginning of horror narratives.

From a Western perspective, horror narratives could be found in various fictional poems, books and novels. In this context, horror was often used to describe the type of punishment if one was to disobey God or the Church. One such example can be observed in the Italian poet, Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy (1310). The poem is structured with three separate sections: Hell, Purgatory and Paradise. In the first section, as Dante is travelling through Hell (Inferno), he experiences evil as being a contradiction of God’s will. Perhaps the most significant theme of

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University of Roskilde the Purgatory chapter, is that sinners will be punished corresponding to the severity of the sin they have committed. Horror was often used in both fictional and religious texts, as a means to amplify the degree of punishment that one would receive, if they were to disobey God (Wheeler, 2010: 1).

Horror elements could be found in various texts, across nearly all cultures, spanning hundreds of years. Some of these were urban legends specific to a particular culture or community, others were part of the broader folklore.

As technology advanced, various horror narratives would find their ways to cinemas and eventually television sets. One of the earliest horror films to be distributed was a French film titled Le Manoir du diable (1896), which was heavily inspired by gothic literature from the late 1700s, spanning notable Gothic literature authors such as Edgar Allan Poe, Bram Stoker and Mary Shelley, amongst others. Numerous other films would follow, all adhering to similar gothic tropes. Eventually audiences would tire of these tropes, and new filmmakers would attempt to push the genre in new unexplored directions. As such, the horror genre goes through various phases, perhaps because the fears held by previous generations no longer resonate with future generations, and as such filmmakers sought to exploit those fears by pushing the genre in new bold directions. Similarly, restrictions on what could be portrayed in films loosened, allowing film makers to push the boundaries of violence and gore, as well as tackle various taboo topics. In the West, the horror film genre went through several transformations, from the gothic to the slasher subgenres and beyond (Harris, 2017).

In the next section of this descriptive part, this project will attempt to understand Japanese horror, what is specific about it, in contrast to Western horror which Western audiences may not initially notice, and whether Japanese horror reflects general fears in society at large.

Japanese film influence

The origin of Japanese cinema can be traced back to various forms of theatre, those being kabuki (歌舞伎), bunraku (文楽) and noh (能). Kabuki theatre was known for its stylization and drama, with elaborate costume design, in addition to meticulously applied make-up. One of the earliest Japanese films was a film adaptation of The Ghost Story of Yotsuya (1912), a story about a vengeful ghost, which was first performed as a kabuki play as early as 1826. Bunraku differed from kabuki, with the usage of puppets being controlled by a master puppeteer. While noh heavily relied on musical scores, poetry, dance and usage of masks. Where noh differs from

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University of Roskilde kabuki, is that the latter tends to be performed indoors, while noh would be performed outdoors. (Balmain, 2008: 15).

Where some of the influence from these three different forms of theatre comes from, is in how they each expressed emotions with their characters. In the case of kabuki, over fifty types of makeup were used to express a character’s emotive state. In bunraku, the master puppeteer would be the one who controlled the puppet’s facial expression. And finally, in the case of noh, a combination of a highly stylized mask with the music score, would typically signify that character’s emotive state. Thus, emotions were rarely being expressed by human performers, and instead usage of music, masks, puppets, stylized makeup etc. would all serve as ways for Japanese playwrights to tell their stories. (Balmain, 2008: 15).

This tends to be an area where Japanese and Western cinema tends to differ from each other, as exposition is handled differently. Western characters tend to verbally express their emotive states, and plentiful exposition is being given to the audience. An extreme example could be found in the film The Matrix Reloaded (2003), where a 7-minute exposition scene featuring a character by the name of The Architect, explains the entire film and series to the audience. A near identical scene could be found in the last season of the television show Lost (2004-2010), where a character by the name of Jacob also offers heavy handed exposition to the audience the entirety of the story up till that point. In Japanese cinema, this type of heavy exposition is a rarity, as narrative and plot do not necessarily always carry the same importance.

This could be from the influence of noh theatre, where the interplay between dance, poetry and masks are used to express emotions, rather than push the narrative (Balmain, 2008: 18). The influence of noh can be found both in early Japanese cinema, as well as Japanese horror. In a 1964 Japanese film titled Onibaba, features two female characters who are attacking and killing warriors returning from the war, in order to feed themselves. The film features heavy use of masks, similar to noh plays. One of the women finds a demonic mask from a dying samurai which ends up transforming her, and in tradition of noh, the demonic mask would end up serving as her external expression of her internal self. The film features limited dialogue, as most of its themes including revenge, lust, jealousy and greed are presented visually on screen (Balmain, 2008: 18).

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The monsters and ghosts of Japan

It is often assumed that Western cinema, namely that found in Hollywood, California, was always the most influential and widespread. However, post WWII Japanese cinema was perhaps the most prolific in the entire world. In the period of 1950’s, Japan’s film industry would distribute annually up to 500 films a year (Balmain, 2008: 25). During, and after the Allied occupation of Japan in the early 1950’s, the Japanese horror film industry would largely focus on two types of antagonists: the monster and vengeful ghosts from the past. The former gave birth one of the most influential horror films in Japan, Godzilla (1954) directed by Ishirō Honda. The monster was depicted as a prehistoric sea monster who was empowered by nuclear radiation. The original Godzilla film served as a metaphor for the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, which left hundreds of thousands of casualties, and many more who in later years would suffer various complications from the radiation. The monstrous mutated reptile would serve as a reminder of the nuclear devastation, as well as to question the prevalence of modern military warfare. Another highly influential horror film during this time is Tales of Ugetsu (1953) by filmmaker Kenji Mizoguchi. The film was about a peasant farmer, Genjūrō, who left his wife and young son during the civil war in the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1571-1600). The farmer would eventually meet a spirit ghost, who would seduce him and endanger his life. The film’s themes would be those of forbidden relationships, war and the existence of the spirit world. Encroaching modernization and the ever-increasing growth of consumerism is another prominent theme that the film is expressing (Balmain, 2008: 31). Both Godzilla (1954) and Tales of Ugetsu (1953) contain discourse regarding historical trauma and the denial of culpability. Similar denial, can be observed through the lack of acknowledgement of Japan’s own role in WWII, such as the massacres committed at Nanjing and the attack on Pearl Harbor. This is in conjunction with general denial of Japan’s former colonial past. Thus, while Japanese cinema at the time did feature commentary on some of these events, such as the above mentioned Godzilla film, it rarely acknowledged Japan’s own role and responsibility.

Since then, Japanese horror films have gone through similar transformations, akin to their Western counterparts. The monster genre would through the next several decades steadily lose relevance, whilst the ghost subgenre would continue to gain popularity. It is possible that the waning popularity of monster films is due newer generations of Japanese audiences no longer finding the topic regarding nuclear bombs and its aftereffects to be as relevant. Whereas the more personal stories of vengeful ghosts and the haunting of one’s past deeds still resonates with Japanese audiences. The ghost subgenre did not only cover the Japanese relations to their

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University of Roskilde past, but also to each other, to the opposite sex as well as their relation to the system they lived under. According to Tucker Mizoguchi, the films that depicted these topics, such as the above- mentioned Tales of Ugetsu, did not so much challenge the status quo, such as one’s relationship with the state, or dynamics between the sexes, but rather merely show how things were. The characters simply did not act against these systems, but accepted them as they were (Balmain, 2008: 43).

But that is not how future Japanese horror films would stay, as they would begin challenging certain conventions and question their existence.

Horror as social commentary

The ghost subgenre would continue to be a cornerstone of Japanese horror for decades to come. In 1998, one of the most well-known Japanese horror films was released, Ringu by director Hideo Nakata, a film about a curse, that is being spread through a video tape. The film has a very basic, almost dull plot. However, similar to theatres of the past found in kabuki, bunraku and noh, the tension, emotions and fear is expressed through the metallic sound design, film editing and effects work. The film was a massive success domestically and found a large international audience, in addition to a 2004 western remake by director Gore Verbinski.

Whereas Tales of Ubetsu and other contemporary works at the time did not challenge the status quo, and showcased how the characters dealt with the systems they lived under, the newer Japanese horror films began to criticize certain conventions found in Japanese society. Ringu criticized the mass consumption of media, examine the issue of suicide and domestic violence perpetrated by men towards women. It is revealed in the film, that the ghostly antagonist, Sadako, was abused as a child, and that her rage at the world was somewhat justified. The film portrayed the collision between Japanese tradition and modernity and westernization, and offered criticism towards heavy consumption of media, namely that of television.

Whereas Ringu offered criticism towards the mass consumption of media, other films would tackle various other cultural and societal issues. In the next section, the project will establish the case of this project, the 1999 film Audition, and why it is relevant to look into this film, regarding the topic of gender relations in Japan.

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A break from the supernatural

Following its 1998 domestic and international box office hit Ringu, film distributor Omega Project and its partners were searching for its next project. While they wanted to create another horror film, they did not want supernatural elements, as seen in their previous release. This next project would be a film adaptation of a 1997 novel, Audition, authored by Japanese novelist and short story writer, Ryu Murakami. Omega Project hired Daisuke Tengan and film director Takashi Miike to helm the project. Even though Omega Project wanted a horror film, Miike argues that he does not view Audition as a traditional horror film, citing: “For me, Audition is not horror. At least, there is no monster, it's not supernatural.” (Sato, 2001).

However, he does not think the film contains horror elements, but that Audition (1999) is not adhering to Japanese horror film standards of either including monsters or vengeful ghosts. Instead, according to Miike humans alone can portray horror:

“In horror films, we think the horrific element is a special thing that doesn't exist in real life and that's why we can enjoy it. But there are terrifying things in life too and they are all made by human beings. Everybody has those things inside themselves. So by filming human beings, it naturally becomes a horror movie.” (Sato, 2001)

The film adaptation would stay fairly true to the source material, with some minor differences, mostly regarding further exposition of two characters. Murakami’s Audition is direct and fairly straightforward, whilst Miike’s adaptation, especially in the dream sequence, blurs reality and leaves the film open to interpretation. However, it is worth noting that it is possible that the straightforwardness of the novel, could be due to the English translation of Murakami’s work. Reviews for the novel were lukewarm, as one reviewer, Kim Newman writing for The Independent, noted that the book seemed more as a rough draft for a film, rather than its own comprehensive work (Newman, 2009)

Unlike the novel, the film adaption of Audition mostly received favorable reviews both domestically and internationally. According to a 2017 interview, Miike would claim that the film found greater success in the West than in Japan (Bowless, 2017). Its Western success would also lead to various interpretations of Miike’s Audition, of which some interprets the film as being feminist as well as misogynistic. The Western critics who read the film as feminist, used the torture scenes in which the main female character, Asami, is torturing the main male

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University of Roskilde character, Aoyama, as evidence. In Tom Mes’ 2006 book, Agitator: The Cinema of Takashi Miike, he argues that Asami is not to be read as a vengeful woman who is looking to right all the wrongs of the past, as some critics have suggested. Mes states: “Her actions are not motivated by an ideological agenda. At no time during the film is she a representative for an entire gender […]” (Mes, 2006: 189). Balmain, however, has a somewhat different interpretation of Asami, as that of a fetishized schoolgirl, he goes on to quote Bornhoff: “trashing of the Confucian ideal of woman as demure and submissive is one of the essentials of Japanese feminism” (Balmain, 2010: 111). Being interpreted as a feminist film could be one of the reasons for the film’s international success. However, in a BBC interview for their show , when asked about the different interpretations of the film, Miike would state:

“I noticed that the British people have a very unique way of viewing Audition, compared to other countries. They think that I am very nice and a good feminist. But everywhere else they think that I am the enemy of women.” (BBC Show “Japanorama”, 2006)

Miike has never outlined exactly how the film should be interpreted. Thus there can never truly be one ‘correct’ way of reading the film. As a filmmaker, he himself is not fond of overly categorising his own work, and as such is not forcing his audience to do the same either.

Why Audition?

When the project group began researching what the reasons were for the low fertility rate in Japan, which was our initial focus, some of the most common reasons were due to fear expressed by Japanese men and women regarding relationships. Fear of not being adequate, fear of commitment, fear of too high societal expectations and general instability of the job market. It was not that the Japanese did not want to start families, quite the contrary, but that certain factors prevented them from doing so. Thus, the low fertility rate in Japan could be seen as a symptom of a different problem, that of modern relations between Japanese men and Japanese women.

If we presume that fear is one of the reasons withholding Japanese from starting romantic relationships, then perhaps the horror genre could portray and reflect this phenomenon. Investigating Japanese horror films, we largely came across a wealth of monster and vengeful ghost stories. Our search came to an end when we watched Audition, as we were convinced it contained broad themes that could help us investigate further.

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One of the reasons why this project group has chosen the film Audition as its case study, is due to our own interpretation of the film as being about fear – of being in a romantic relationship. The project group has its own distinct interpretation that will be examined in the forthcoming section.

In the following synopsis, we will outline what happens in the film verbatim, whilst in the interpretation section, we will detail how the project group is interpreting the film and why it is relevant to this project.

Film Synopsis

Audition is a Japanese horror/drama film about widower Shigeharu Aoyama who, encouraged by his son, decides to remarry. Aoyama runs a film production company and encouraged by a friend decides to organize a mock audition for a main female character of a new film and use it to find a wife for himself. Aoyama is to choose from hundreds of applicants, who each attached a photograph with their resumés. Advised by his friend, Aoyama was to focus more so on the resumé, rather than the photographs. While doing that he encountered a very appealing resumé to him, which belonged to Asami Yamazaki, a 24-year-old pianist and former ballet dancer, who had given up her career in ballet after a hip injury. At the same time, Aoyama’s female co- worker, Michiyo Yanagida, attempted to pursue a romantic relationship with Aoyama, to no avail, a woman that was revealed to be a former fling of his. After the interview, Aoyama became increasingly more enchanted by Asami. Aoyama’s friend attempted to discourage him from becoming involved with Asami, showcasing distrust, as he had not been able to verify any of the references on her resumé. Despite this, Aoyama decided to take Asami out on a date, to get to know her better. Several dates later, Aoyama decided to ask her to a seaside hotel, where he intended to propose to her. During one afternoon at the hotel, as Aoyama was planning the rest of their evening, Asami surprised him by getting undressed. As she was laying on the bed, she showed Aoyama a scar on her thigh and demanded him to only love her. That night they made love.

In the morning, Asami was inexplicably gone, as Aoyama began his search for her. After having checked Asami’s resumé, Aoyama headed to the dance studio she claimed to attend. The place seemed abandoned, however, he broke in finding a man in a wheelchair with prosthetic feet. The bar that Asami was supposed to work was abandoned as well. A bypassing man told Aoyama the story about how the owner has been murdered more than a year before and her

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University of Roskilde body has been chopped into pieces. He also mentioned that the police found three fingers, an ear and a tongue. Meanwhile, Asami visited Aoyama’s home and discovered a picture of his dead wife. She poured some drug into his liquor bottle, which Aoyama drank. Shortly thereafter, he started feeling dizzy and fell on the ground. Asami appeared and administered a paralytic drug into Aoyama’s body. As Asami stood over Aoyama, who was laying flat on his back, she accused him of breaking his promise to her, of only loving her. Then, she commenced to torture him by inserting needles into his chest and face and by cutting off his feet.

All of a sudden, Aoyama woke up in the hotel room with Asami by his side, she decided to accept his proposal - a proposal which he never made. Hearing that, Aoyama seemed deprived of any feelings, he neither responded nor showed interest. After he fell asleep once again, he was laying paralyzed on the floor seeing his son throwing Asami down the stairs. She died, but Aoyama heard her repeating particular utterances.

Audition interpretation

From the perspective that Miike is personally not overly fond of violent movies, the development of Audition (1999) towards an excessively gory nature would seem contravening for the viewer. Knowing a bit about Miike's controversial and up-front way of telling a story, indicates that the extreme usage of violence in his cinematic expression is to prove a point. When reading the synopsis part of this paper, the reader could understandably be puzzled by the storyline, and generally question various parts of the plot in the movie, as much seems unanswered.

The aim of this section of the paper is to provide our interpretation of Audition (1999) in how we understand the message Miike wants to convey through the film, and thereby tie up the loose ends from the synopsis and reach a common ground for the analysis.

The essential starting point of our interpretation stretches from when Aoyama and Asami makes love at the seaside hotel, to when Aoyama awakes at the hotel (Miike, 1999: 01:02:31- 01:45:19). Additionally, the period where Aoyama falls asleep again until the end of the movie (Miike, 1999: 01:48:54-01:52:51). These periods are viewed as Aoyama entering and experiencing a nightmarish state of mind of which his conscious and subconscious fears are portrayed. This span of time entails confusing oddities and unresolved issues without any clear and logical explanation to the audience, closely resembling what is experienced in dreams. These obscure proceedings seem contradicting and unreal for the audience, while seeming very

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University of Roskilde real for the protagonist, as is the case between the state of dreaming and the subsequent reflection when awoken. For instance, when Asami shows Aoyama her scars, they are situated on top of her thigh, diverging from when he imagines how she got the scars, which in his nightmare states is imagined to be seemingly placed in proximity of her genitalia. An example among many incidents illustrating the contravening two parts of the movie, purposefully expressed by Miike, for the viewer to realize that a nightmare is presented.

Additionally, the viewer gets the impression that Aoyama previously had a relation containing a sexual encounter with his female co-worker, Yanagida. In the nightmare, Yanagida performs a sexual act on Aoyama, while referring to a specific previous time where they made love of which Aoyama broke off the relationship. This relation seemingly follows the same lines as the relation with Asami (Miike, 1999: 01:25:56).

A wholesome of the happenings in this nightmare state is interpreted as moving towards similar trajectories all containing elements of uneasiness for the protagonist, indicating a centrality of said theme for the film. These anxiety provoked feelings are very much ideally portrayed in the genre of a horror, which Miike shows he very much understands the means of, and therefore intentionally use in this over-the-top fashion. Fears that will be examined and analyzed in further details later in this paper.

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Descriptive

In the following section, the project will establish the differences between traditional and modern men and women.

Traditionalism contra modernism

Japanese women

Gender roles are a product of culture and the period of time. What has shaped and continues to shape gender roles in Japan is the traditional patriarchal culture which emerged with Confucianism. However, nowadays those roles are changing, especially for women, who pursue their careers and independency, but also for men, who depart from the role of the breadwinner model. In this section, focus will be on the clash between traditional and modern model of men and women as well as expectations and fears of modern people towards their potential partners.

Japanese society is heavily influenced by Confucianism, which places heavy focus on family. The traditional family consists of men who are the heads and breadwinners of the family, devoted to their work, and women who are dependent on their men, where their goal is to marry, produce children and take care of the household. Following Confucian values, both sexes were expected to possess loyalty and courage; women were expected to be loyal to their husbands and families, while men’s loyalties belong to their lords (Kincaid, 2013). In a typical marriage, women controlled and made decisions regarding households and their budgeting, so the men could serve their lord. Traditionally, marriages were arranged by parents, mostly conducted by the mothers, as the marriage was regarded as a contract between the families. Family lineage was very important in Japan (Kincaid, 2014). Women were usually dependent on men throughout their life; first on their fathers, then on their husbands and eventually on her eldest sons. Women were assigned the role of a full-time parent to somehow supplement the fathers who due to long working hours were not available in the household. Traditionally, women’s happiness was in marriage (Kincaid, 2014). Usually, women got married after the age of 22, however, if they failed to become wives before the age of 27, they were very likely to be regarded as social outcasts. Socially outcasted women almost never had children as only 2% of children are born to unmarried women. In Japan, being married and having children are considered to be tightly intertwined, almost to a point of being synonymous (Kawamura, 2011 as cited in Kincaid, 2014). According to Bae, 93.9% of husbands agree with gender roles

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University of Roskilde division and the model of women as the head of household (Bae, 2010: 76). In the period of WWII “women’s patriotic duty” was to produce heirs (Kincaid, 2013). They were also afraid of having a difficult or dangerous employment situation, therefore “some women aspired to be housewives” (Anderson, n.d.).

However, since the 1990s, women’s role has been changing and the division between gender roles has been disappearing. Modern gender roles follow both traditional Japanese values and modern western views (Kincaid, 2013). Loyalty is still an important value in modern Japan, especially, towards the workplace and its long working hours. It refers to the role of women as well, as they are more likely to pursue their careers, whilst postponing decisions regarding marriage and childbearing. It is becoming more acceptable for both women and men to marry at a later point in their lives (Kincaid, 2013). Modern women are increasingly not conforming to traditional roles, that of being housewives and mothers, and they question whether they need to depend at all (Sato, 2003, 13). These females are usually well educated, finding comfort in reading, writing, etc. In Japan, it is very common that once they become pregnant they are obliged to resign from their work, which is called ‘happy retirement’ (PBS News Hours, 2017). Many women decide to quit their job after they experienced maternity harassment (PBS News Hours, 2017). Therefore, having children constitutes a challenge for women who desire professional success. Females who decide to be successful employees need to make much more effort as they are paid less, have worse career prospects and benefits than men (The Economist, 2017). All of these factors can influence the decision whether to remain single, and pursue one's career (PBS News Hours, 2017). Despite the desire by many women to pursue their careers, young females still admit that they desire to be in romantic relationships with men, whilst they take a more passive role (Morioka, 2013: 19).

Japanese men

In 2006, the term ‘herbivore men’ was coined in Japan to describe feminized men that began to appear in society at the beginning of 21st century (Morioka, 2013: 1-2). The term ‘herbivore men’ (inspired by ‘herbivore animals’) refers to men who are not aggressive when it comes to their relationships and do not actively pursue women, and therefore, are regarded as safe from female perspective (Morioka, 2013: 2). This type of men is usually perceived as non-muscular, less prone to violence (including domestic violence), and have a higher preference for fashion than the average traditional men. In regards to love and relationships, herbivore men are not assertive, they may spend a night with women without engaging in any sexual activity. Morioka

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University of Roskilde argues: “To older generations, the existence of such men is beyond comprehension” (Morioka, 2013: 2). This means that in regards to older generations, it is expected that men should have the aim to pursue women. Some herbivore men depart from the conventional ideals of men. They are usually attractive, as they are more likely to spend time and resources into their appearance and additional grooming. This results in some of these herbivore men having numerous romantic and sexual experiences. However, their methods are unconventional, as they are less aggressive in their pursuits, typically adopting a more passive role. Whereas traditional men would typically pursue women, if they showed interest, herbivore men were less likely to pursue women even in that scenario (Morioka, 2013: 3). They do not necessarily prioritize sex, and are more interested in women’s character and personality. Herbivore men desire stable, romantic relationship, which develops in a slower pace over a longer period of time.

According to Morioka, herbivore refers to men’s internal characteristics, therefore, even muscular, broad-shouldered males can be herbivore men; “Herbivore men are kind and gentle men who, without being bound by manliness, do not pursue romantic relationships voraciously and have no aptitude for being hurt or hurting others” (Morioka, 2013: 7). The gentle nature of such persons can be observed in a protective behavior towards weaker or injured (physically or mentally) people. They believe that interpersonal relations should be built through continuous conversation and confirmation of one’s feelings. In consequence, building a romantic relationship is a slow and prolonged process. Marriage constitutes another problem, as women expect men to propose which puts a lot of pressure on them. If only (herbivore) men are supposed to take on the obligations they may not engage in these relationship at all (Morioka, 2013: 19).

It is common that in a romance it is women who take the lead as herbivore males usually take the subordinate position in relationship (Morioka, 2013: 7). On the contrary to traditional men, herbivore men are more emotional and find it difficult to deal with emotional pain. In their actions, they try to avoid hurting the other person as well as being hurt themselves, which sometimes prevents them from pursuing a relationship.

Even though herbivore men are naturally attracted to cute and beautiful females, they do not pay too much attention to women’s appearance and do not regard it as decisive factor. They have difficulty with women who dress in overtly feminine fashion, as they believe it challenges their manliness. Sometimes women’s outfits are too sexy and seducing, which scares herbivore

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University of Roskilde men, who want gradual engagement in intimate actions. Sexual intimacy should start arising only after the emotional intimacy has been carefully developed. Such approach is totally opposite to that of older generations, for whom a common practice was to doggedly pursue a woman for as long as it takes to finally get her (Morioka, 2013: 11). Traditionally, that was a common indicator of manliness.

Modern men in Japan lack the propensity for violence, because since the end of World War II Japanese army has not taken part in any military action. Men are liberated from the duty of fighting on the battlefield, which factors into making them less aggressive and less violent (Morioka, 2013: 15-16).

Traditional men were aggressive, dominant, competitive and independent as they had to manage the household and be family’s breadwinner (Kincaid, 2016). Samurai, in addition to being warriors, were expected to study literature and arts, which was part of the warriors’ ethics. They had to practice discipline and self-denial, be loyal and dedicated to their lord. Both loyalty and dedication were infinite and often led to men’s death.

Sex in Japan

In Japan, the issue of sex is highly present on various levels. Politically, academically and publicly, there is a comprehensive effort to understand the sexual behaviors of the Japanese. The issue is widely reflected through discussions of for example ‘sexless Japan’, emerging alternative sex industries or patterns of decrease in matrimonial intercourse. There is thus a variety of ways to approach this topic, but common for all is that they address significant changes and trends in the sexual behavior of the Japanese that ultimately lead to lower birth rates.

The economic approach

The economic approach to understanding sex, or the lack of it, connects the economic recession of the 1990s to changes in today’s dominating working structures and cultures. The government responded to the recession by revising the labor laws in the 1990s allowing for wider usage of temporary and contract workers. This has had major consequences for men, who formed most of the Japanese labor force, as it meant unstable incomes, more working hours and an overall more stressful lifestyle (Semuels, 2017). 40% of the Japanese workforce now consists of irregular workers - primarily men who have several part time jobs with low salaries and no

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University of Roskilde benefits or guarantees of future incomes (Semuels, 2017). This structure also leaves men with less spare time to meet a potential partner and establish a family. Meanwhile, social pressures remained the same, as men are still expected to take on the role of breadwinners and provide for their (future) families. Some argue that the economic recession and following working structures have created an entire class of men who are less eligible as they cannot fulfill the breadwinner role (Semuels, 2017). Since only 2% of children are born outside of marriage, and each year fewer couples get married and less children are born, one could assume that the Japanese are simply not sexually active.

The Japanese Sex Industry

On the contrary, the Japanese sex industry is growing - although in alternative directions moving away from the conventional. While the country has a long history of prostitution and sexual services, unconventional trends are gaining popularity. ‘Softer’ services, such as cuddle cafés, are growing and ultimately leading to a decline in the conventional sex industry which provides traditional carnal services (The Economist, 2018). A research study on Markets for Adults in Japan concludes that sex-related facilities and services in 2016 grew by 2.1%, while sales of condoms went down by 3% (Yano, 2016). Some argue that such numbers are a sign of the decreasing confidence of Japanese men, who fear that they cannot fulfil neither sexual nor personal expectations set by Japanese women, and therefore seek towards prostitution (The Economist, 2018).

Political Approach

Politically, such significant changes in the sexual behavior of the Japanese are highly reflected in the large attention given to them. Already in 1971, the Japanese government carried out a survey of sexual awareness among the younger population. Just a few years later, the Japanese Association of Sex Education (JASE) was commissioned to carry out more comprehensive investigations of the sexual behavior of the Japanese youth, and since 1974 they have conducted six large national surveys (Yamamoto, 2009). Similarly, the National Institute of Population and Security Research (NIPSSR) carried out the 15th Japanese National Fertility Survey in 2015, investigating marriage processes and fertility amongst married couples, and attitudes toward marriage and family among singles. The results show that in comparison to the previous years fewer Japanese get married, more get married later in life, and even more are virgins (NIPSSR, 2017). In fact, almost 70% of unmarried men and 60% of unmarried women are not

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University of Roskilde in a relationship. 42% of the men and 44.2% of the women admitted they were virgins. In 2010, when the last study was conducted, only 36.2% of men and 38.7% of women said they had never had sex. While approximately 90% of the respondents want to get married “sometime in the future”, 30% of men and 26% of women said they were not currently looking for a relationship (NIPSSR, 2017).

Such studies provide Japan with one of the world’s most comprehensive and unique overviews of trends in sexuality (Yamamoto, 2009). Spanning over four decades, the extensive data offer a comparative perspective over time in terms of sexual activity, awareness and behavior. The results also point to a rapidly shrinking population that is expected to decline from 127 million to only 100 million by 2060 (Fifield, 2017). This major demographic transition is projected to have comprehensive consequences for the future society of Japan, as the continuous decline of birth rates is accompanied by a rapid rise of the proportion of elderly, meaning the birth rate of 1.4 is far below the replacement rate (Allison and Baldwin, 2015: 3).

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Analysis

The analysis is structured around three themes: ‘Traditionalism contra modernism’, ‘Fear of Commitment’ and ‘Sex in Japan’.

Traditionalism contra modernism

Japanese men

In the beginning of the film all the characters seem traditional. The main character, Aoyama, is a middle age film producer devoted to his work, always wearing a suit and a tie, akin to a traditional working man. As a widower, he takes the responsibility for his teenage son, however, the household is in the hands of a female housemaid. Following the preferences of traditional men, he also seems to prefer young obedient women, rather than working career women who should be his age demographic. The behavior towards his peer female co-worker, Yanagida who attempts to pursue a romantic relationship with him, proves that he is only interested in young and non-working women. Career women scare him as they are potentially not going to be submissive, dependent housewives.

Aoyama does not want a woman to take the lead in a relationship and he does not want to be pressured. When he feels an obligation to perform in a certain way to develop the relationship he very often abandons it. Aoyama behaves in such way in relation with his female co-worker, Yanagida (Miike, 1999: 00:08:00). Yanagida has a tendency to follow Aoyama in the office, and one day, forces a conversation despite his reluctance to engage her. She claims she has gotten engaged with a man, and attempting to gauge Aoyama’s reaction to this. As later scenes suggest, Aoyama and Yanagida had once engaged in more intimate action which may be a reason why she was expecting a reaction. He notices that Yanagida expects him to take the lead and come up with some proposition, probably of a relationship or marriage, thus he is trying to escape from a situation which puts too much pressure on him. He does not want a woman that controls the relationship and pushes him to make decisions.

Aoyama is looking for marriage, not for love. It is reminiscing of the traditional relationship, when the institution of marriage was perceived as a family business, rather than a romantic bond between two people. The idea of auditioning women also resembles the way the families were traditionally examined in order to find the best partner and best family for offspring.

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However, Aoyama behaves as a herbivore man after he had experienced distress related to the death of his beloved wife. A herbivore man is afraid of emotional pain, therefore, in his actions he tries to prevent any possibility of getting hurt. For next seven years Aoyama was probably not engaged in any relationship due to the fear of being hurt again. Herbivore, in regards to emotional distress, tries to prevent others from similar experiences. Aoyama knows that his son was in pain after the passing of his mother and he does not want to expose him to potential disappointment or misery. Both father and son accepted the death and the father’s actions imply the desire to avoid son’s distress even more than his own. He decides to consider remarriage only after his son’s encouragement, which also suggests that he wants to satisfy his son.

Aoyama is a dynamic character. His approach changes throughout the film. Already at the bar scene he expresses an interest in modern women, which should still possess some traditional values (Miike, 1999: 00:11:04). Aoyama himself, when talking about remarriage, has contradictory expectations. On one hand, he represents a completely traditional way of thinking in regards to his expectations in a relationship. He desires to remarry, to have a wife, instead of seeking a romantic relationship or love. Looking at the modern women in the bar he nostalgically asks “Where are all the attractive women?”, obviously meaning the traditional, obedient, happy-at-home housewives, not the young women entertaining themselves at the bar (Miike, 1999: 00:10:09). On the other hand, Aoyama describes his ideal future wife as preferably young, skilled in art of ballet and playing the piano. What Aoyama is describing is a more modern woman, who has access to such activities. Moreover, he denies the suggestion arranged marriage, which is also an indicator of more modern approach to relationship without considering it as an agreement between families. Aoyama seems hesitant, he speaks like a modern man, but thinks and behaves like a traditional. He also implies that he wants a more independent woman, saying: “lack of confidence makes you dependent on someone”, establishing that traditional women who are dependent on their men have less confidence (Miike, 1999: 00:11:47). Such a trait comes only from acquiring skills and Aoyama wants his wife to be skilled. Traditional woman did not have any skills beside being a mother and a wife, whereas modern woman is skilled and educated, therefore, is more confident and independent. Aoyama has the opportunity to choose between a traditional and a modern woman. However, he prefers the traditional one, Asami who after a hip injury cannot continue her career in ballet, thus, seem heartbroken and needs to depend on a man. He is attracted to weak and broken women, similarly, herbivore men are attracted to those who possess exactly the same qualities. This contradicts the sentiment which Aoyama expressed in the bar, regarding confidence in a

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University of Roskilde woman being desirable. Whilst herbivore men would typically be more compassionate of someone they perceive as weak and dependent, traditional men would take advantage of these characteristics. Asami admits that waiving ballet was like accepting the death, which is similar to what Aoyama experienced when his wife passed away. They have been through the same heartbreaking experience, emotional pain and disappointment. Thus, he notices and starts to believe that they have something in common, that the distress connects them.

At the bar, Aoyama admits: “I’d like to have a enough time to get to know her” , which is exactly how a herbivore man would aim to slowly develop a relationship with a woman by constant dialog (Miike, 1999: 00:12:07). Herbivore want to establish the emotional relationship through additional dialogue. And that is what happens on each date, each meeting is portrayed as a constantly evolving conversation. During these dates, it is Asami who is mainly responding to Aoyama’s questions regarding herself and her past, almost as if she is still being auditioned. His affection toward Asami is reflected in his fascination of her as he intently listens to her. However, the same interest is not reciprocated towards another woman in his life, Yanagida, the modern woman. This implies a disinterest in her from Aoyama’s perspective.

Aoyama’s desire for young, traditional and obedient woman is as well represented in the scene when he meets his son’s girlfriend (Miike, 1999: 00:21:43). The girl behaves like a traditional woman, bows several times during the conversation with Aoyama and shows respect. After she finds out that she ate his dinner, she feels ashamed, therefore, she eagerly proposes to prepare a meal for him. Aoyama seems impressed by the girl and he congratulates his son the choice he made. It may be another indication that he subconsciously wants a traditional, obedient wife, who would serve him.

The nightmarish part of the film portrays Aoyama’s anxiety about Asami’s mysterious life. He questions all that she said about her work, living condition, or even scars. It may be also regarded as a matter of distrust. Even though, she promised she will not lie to him, he doubts that. Everything that happens in the dream is the opposite of what happened in reality. Asami is now a modern woman who controls everything in his life. It represents Aoyama’s fears about his life as a married man. In his search for Asami, Aoyama arrives at Asami’s residence. In the nightmare, the residence is empty of all furniture, signifying Aoyama’s fears regarding how dependent her financial situation. His fears of having to take care of a traditional woman come through. In the apartment he sees an old man without a tongue and is missing three fingers. This is perhaps foreshadowing what is to happen to Aoyama if he is to get seriously involved with

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Asami. Using his ring finger that is left on his amputated hand, to ask Asami for food. It symbolizes Aoyama’s fear of traditions, in this case being marriage, and his fears being dependent on and simultaneously controlled by a woman. Additionally, the aspect of feeding a man with her vomit could mean that Aoyama would get what is the worst from her. Marriage would limit him. This fear is represented in the torture scene, when Asami is cutting off his feet making him disabled, enslaved, trapped in a relationship which would change his life for the worse. The needles that are going deeper and deeper into his body, can be interpreted as the sheer pain and hopelessness that a marriage represents to him. On the other hand, Aoyama is afraid of losing a woman. He feels anxious about Asami being a modern independent woman that he would not be able to control. Traditional woman would not leave a man as she was dependent on him. In regards to modern woman, there is a chance that she will leave him if she is unhappy or unsatisfied with the relationship. The process of getting divorced in Japan has undergone several progressive changes. According to the Japan Civil Code Article 770, one of five grounds for unilateral divorce must be fulfilled before a divorce is finalized. These five grounds for reasons are strict and specific (Nagoya International Center, n. d.). Thus the possibility of a divorce scares Aoyama, as it is possible that he would have no legitimate and approved grounds for it. His nightmarish fears of being dismembered symbolize the hopelessness and unhappiness he is to experience if he were to commit to a traditional woman. A modern Japanese woman is independent and can thus make her own decisions without a man’s supervision or approval, therefore, she is more uncontrollable and unpredictable in his eyes. On the contrary traditional women were predictable, due their limited options and firmly established roles as housewives. With limited opportunities with employment, less rights and being dependent on men, they had no choice but do as they were told.

It may be argued that Aoyama does not desire either type of woman, as neither his encounters with Yanagida were successful, nor are his nightmares regarding Asami hinting in him being happy. Moreover, he starts dating only after his child encourages him to do so. As a herbivore man he cares more about the feelings of his son than his own, therefore, he decides to start dating again. Maybe Aoyama, wants his son to live in a family, which would follow Confucian traditions in regard to collectivism and tight emotional bonds. That is also why his relationships with none of the women, neither modern nor traditional, does not work.

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Japanese women

Aoyama’s complex expectations towards his potential wife are somehow reflected in Asami’s personality. In the beginning, she remains very traditional: obedient, silent, polite, respectful, reserved, wearing simple and modest clothes. Her outfits differs from those of Aoyama’s co- worker, Yanagida, which also indicates the contrast between those two women. Asami wears simple, casual clothes, whereas, Yanagida wears elegant suit with broad shoulder pads, appearing more masculine and less feminine. What is more, Asami’s hair always falls straight on her shoulder covering her face, which implies that she is a shy, reserved, silent person searching for safe haven, whereas, Aoyama’s co-worker has a typical career woman hairstyle suggesting that she has a broader perspective.

After giving up her dreams about becoming a successful ballerina, and seems to have come to terms with reality of her situation. She is a complex character, which initially behaves like traditional woman, however, she possesses some modern values as well. After the audition Aoyama’s friend expresses his distrust towards Asami. Taking into consideration the fact that the man had very traditional approach to relationship (e.g. suggesting arranged marriage), it may be assumed that what he does not like in Asami is that she departs from the traditional values. During the audition the man asks Asami about her financial situation, if she is dependent on someone, if she works, etc. She openly states that she lives alone, works at the bar, and has little money, but she is satisfied with her life, she is happy. She works as much as it is necessary to afford living on her own. Even her apartment looks very simple and traditional. It is almost empty, containing very little furniture without unnecessary equipment or decorations. During audition other women appear more emancipated by what they do for living, what are their interests and how they behave (e.g. getting undressed, dancing, walking seductively, etc.), which may be associated with more modern thinking. While Asami sits calmly, keeping her posture proper and elegant. In comparison to other applicants, she seems very traditional, which is probably the reason Aoyama chose her. Moreover, she looks exceptionally innocent and pure, wearing no make-up and white clothes, which emphasize her purity. In general there is a male preference for younger women in Japan (Moon, 2013).

Asami herself, as typical Japanese woman, needs a traditional man to depend on and to provide for her. Aoyama behaves like that paying for taxi, inviting her for dinners and to seaside hotel. He may be regarded as a perfect partner for Asami, which is why she attempts to ensure him

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University of Roskilde about her feelings saying that she was longing for his calls, was excited to see him, or she will not lie to him.

The nightmarish part of the film portrays Asami as a strong, confident, independent modern woman who controls everything. She is represented as a woman taking revenge on men. As a child, Aoyama imagines her being abused by a man, who due to this horrific experience seeks to punish men who dare to abandon her. In the torture scene she acts like a professional nurse performing knowledge about drugs and their impact on human body, especially the nervous system.

Aoyama has the opportunity to choose between two types of women: traditional and modern. Even though he seems to be a traditional man who needs a traditional woman, such a relationship did not work, as evident by the film’s conclusion. His previous failure with pairing with Yanagida, a modern woman, did not work either. Thus one could argue that the film is portraying Japanese men’s inability to pair up with either type of woman. Perhaps what the film is arguing is that Japanese men, are having difficulties with both modern and traditional Japanese women. The commentary that Aoyama and his friend, who both are portrayed as traditional men, make at the bar “Japan is finished” might refer to the entire country (Miike, 1999: 00:10:17). It could be so due to extremely fast transition from feudal country to modern empire that occurred within a lifespan of one generation, implying that it is the traditional Japan that is finished.

Moreover, due to numerous social changes, people face difficulties in finding a life partner. Japanese people perform both traditional and modern values, and expect from a hypothetical partner to possess their desired traditional qualities mixed with the desired modern qualities. In the case of Aoyama, he desires a mixture of both, hence his unhappiness with both the modern and traditional woman. Aoyama’s expectations and difficulties, could be a broader commentary on Japanese men and women, that their expectations are too high, if not impossible to meet. Therefore, Japanese people who are unable to find a partner who encompasses the desired traditional and modern traits, might entirely give up the idea of starting a family. However, the next generation represented by Aoyama’s son and his girlfriend has the opportunity to develop some relationship. They seem to accommodate traditional and modern values, therefore, being able to survive. The new dinosaur that has been discovered may represent traditionalism facing modernity, and new things that may still appear in relation to romantic pairings.

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Fear of commitment

The disorder and its relation to Japan

A fear of commitment refers to couples in romantic settings where one of them gets overwhelmingly anxious when presented with the choice of committing long term with a significant other. These people experience the concern as growing throughout the relationship, as it is progressing towards a commitment. A common issue for this segment is to mix up the feelings of excitement, that one occasionally benefits from in a relationship, with that of trembling fear of being handcuffed in this relation. Although, traditionally it has mainly been connected to be a male issue, nowadays, it is generally acknowledged to be a struggle for both genders (Psychcentral, 2015).

We acknowledge that this is neither a new thing or limited to be a Japan-specific concern, as the term ‘commitmentphobia’ has surged in the West for years, coined by the American author Steven Carter in 1987 (Commitmentphobia, n. d.). Nevertheless, for understanding the dynamics between the genders, this specific issue needs examination as it is a feasible concern present in Japanese culture.

The tense economic situation in the past decades is all-encompassing the culture as people are generally more careful and rational in their approach to founding a family. Men, for instance, are reconsidering if they can even afford having a wife and forming a family, on account of the stagnating wages since the 1990s, the risky dependency on part time jobs, and the increased housing prices (The Week, 2014). From men’s perspective, it is rather reasonable to suppose that committing to a marriage, generally would prove economically challenging, putting their quality of life at risk. Similar concerns are experienced by women, as lack of proper child care and a stigmatization in the workplace, pressures them to avoid marrying and procreating. The scarcity of daycare, coupled with an overwhelming demand that keeps elongating already lengthy waiting lists, is a serious issue currently (Japan Times, 2017). The prices for private- daycare has thus increased to an undesirable amount, limiting the choices of the newly founded family to revert to the traditional male-breadwinner model with the stay-at-home mother. Society expects, that the mother will take care of her children, and if necessary, abandon her job position, facing the problems of reentering. The workforce is shrinking by 200,000 people every year, which Dai-ichi Life Research Institute postulates is highly related to these consequences (Japan Times, 2018).

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Previously, the traditional family model brought social advantages and other collective rewards, based on the emphasis on the norms of a community - and family - centered culture. Nowadays, we have seen a shift from this and towards an individualized self-fulfilling societal structure with an increased sense of autonomy in committing romantically. Thus, these new changes in the economy and on the labor market have shifted the dependency level, from the couples being interdependent of each other, towards a strained dependency on the workplace.

The potential ramifications of committing into a romantic relationship are clear, and call for rationality in evaluation of potential romantic proceedings. The aforementioned social exchange theory embraces the thought that people assess relationships based on rational. Typically, one would argue that love is un-quantifiable – but, to a certain extent, it is, since the Japanese needs thorough evaluation in these pressured modern times. Taking costs, benefits, and alternatives into consideration in a relationship, as the social exchange theory proposes, is something you would perform in any relationship, consciously or subconsciously. For this case, the tense economic and social situation of society makes it even more necessary to consider, as the impact of the repercussions is significant.

In Miike’s Audition the viewer experiences the issues and continuous evaluations of committing or not committing as an ongoing theme, for both men and women.

Asami, women, and the social exchange theory

Generally speaking, the costs for women to commit to a partner refers to the risks associated with depending on husbands, while the benefits refer to the advantages that such a dependency can give. The economic situation amplifies both the risks and the rewards.

In Audition, we experience Asami negotiating her terms for the relationship with Aoyama, with the idea of providing her needed security. In the bedroom scene at the seaside hotel, she undresses before him, and strictly before becoming intimate, solemnly declares the requirement of “only love me” from Aoyama (Miike, 1999: 01:01:26). Up until this point in the film, she had seemed nervous and hesitant towards Aoyama on the dates, escalating in the bedroom scene, where her whole expression is as vulnerable as ever, lying naked on her back, exposing her scars, craving his commitment to her. After he accepted her offer, and they proceed to have sex, Asami is suddenly more committed to him, lying on his chest with a merry and, seemingly, relieved look, and even utters her sincere happiness (Miike, 1999: 01:47:53). She needed him to provide her that security, for her to engage in this relationship. She badly wants his

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University of Roskilde commitment and feels honored that he chose her among so many women at the audition as she claims while lying on his chest. She accepts his marriage proposal, a proposal the viewer and a baffled Aoyama seems not to encounter having suggested, leading on to think whether they have different understandings about what the promise of only loving her entails. Perhaps, she lured him to commit to her, as she is a seemingly damaged woman needing a wealthy man to provide for her, which he is in relation to her, when comparing the two’s economic situation. Aoyama has a sizeable house with a housekeeper, a son he seemingly easily can provide for, and a well-paid job. A job he never appears to be stressed out about, as he has both time to go fishing with his son, and for setting up the audition – a rare luxury in the overworking culture of Japan.

Contrary, Asami stems from poorer circumstances. She is a young aspiring actor, lives in a flat without much furniture, and she used to work in a bar that got shut down. Furthermore, her dreams and abilities as a ballet dancer, concluded with her traumatic injury. From her perspective, it is understandable from an economic side that she wants to undertake with him, as he can provide financial stability – a craved benefit, thus, marrying from a lower to a higher societal position. This follows the desired ambition for Japanese women nowadays of engaging with men stemming from an upwards position from theirs.

Her costs or risks related to the relationship are on one hand relatively low, as Aoyama already promised his love to her, and are even engaged. On the other hand, to the viewer Aoyama seem to deeply regret encountering with this woman, as he is frightened about a relationship with her. Chances are high that, after the end-credit scenes, he would abandon it, since we get the impression that he previously did so with his female co-worker, Yanagida, after a similar encounter. If so, Asami would have paid the cost in opening up to Aoyama, telling him about her insecurities, and trading her asset of providing him sex for an attempt at commitment with him.

Her alternative relationships are unknown to us, but she is rather young, namely 24 years old, meaning that she perhaps could entice another man with her youthful beauty, and perhaps with a younger companion. Regardless, her alternatives are probably not as high as the prospects of being with Aoyama, as she says herself that she was honored to be chosen among all the girls at the audition.

Thus, a cost-benefit analysis from her perspective of committing to Aoyama, will entail her arguably expecting to gain more benefits and rewards, than the costs and risks she will have to

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University of Roskilde pay. Her shyness from the first dates, makes one believe that she might have been moderately anxious of committing at first, but since the outcome of the relationship outweighs the costs, she does well by alluring Aoyama into proposing to her.

Aoyama, men, and the social exchange theory

Men are notoriously known for being the gender mostly dealing with commitment issue, but for Aoyama, this initially does not seem to be a problem, quite the opposite. He is openly stating that he wants to find a new wife, and that he is planning of proposing to Asami sometime at the seaside hotel.

We will only later experience his woes towards committing, midway through the film. Miike foreshadows the impending nightmare early in the film, by the time Aoyama first time views Asami as being nefarious. The indicated scene is him refraining from immediately calling back to her, and chooses to sleep instead, of which he experiences a nightmare, where Asami is portrayed similarly like in the longer nightmare (Miike, 1999: 00:43:06). Miike might have added this effect of foreshadowing the events to come, so that he could express the looming fear of commitment, that Aoyama feels early on. This ties up with the above-mentioned definition of the disorder, that such an anxiety looms and grows throughout a relation for those affected with these problems.

Later in the longer nightmare, his fears of commitment are on full display. Basically, the whole nightmare sequence contains symbolism of his uncomfortableness in tying the knot with Asami. First scene that comes to mind, is the torture scene (Miike, 1999: 01:35:21). Here Aoyama cannot move anywhere, as he is paralyzed and even have his feet chopped off by her. One thing to bear in mind is that Miike is not using violence for violence sake. One could imagine that the message Miike wants to send, is that Aoyama will be stuck in a relationship with Asami and can’t move anywhere as he pleases. Furthermore, her torturing him with sticking needles into him, could be interpreted as her coming under his skin, which is an idiom for bothering or irritating someone. All this torturing is taking place in his house, his safe place, that he would then open up to Asami when they will marry.

Prior to this, Aoyama enters Asami’s house and sees a man in a cotton sack who is fed by Asami (Miike, 1999: 01:28:14). She vomits into a dog bowl and presents it to the man from the sack, who must beg for it by a come-hither hand sign with one of his last two remaining fingers, namely finger. He proceeds to eat enthusiastically. Miike uses this scene as a warning

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University of Roskilde how marriage might develop. She is feeding him her repulsive cooking, which he must pretend to appreciate. At this point, Aoyama has not tasted what her cooking abilities might create, so he is imagining the worst outcome. The man in the sack is using the ring finger to beseech her cuisine, referring to the same finger the ring belongs on in a marriage.

The two mentioned scenes from the nightmare paints a picture, that Aoyama is at this stage frightened by the prospects of committing with Asami, and the traditional values she exemplifies.

These fears tie well together with the risks and costs that Aoyama must consider when assessing the potential relationship. The aspect of ‘the unknown’ is bothersome for him and his evaluation, as he can only guess how marriage with Asami will proceed, as he has not known her for long. Furthermore, there are also risks and doubts concerning her being a bad stepmother towards his son, possibly relating to her young age of 24, and whether she is ready to take on that role.

It could also have the opposite effect, and she will end up functioning well with his son. One benefit of committing to her, is to please the son, who was calling for the father to remarry. He would restore the original family model, that they used to have before the mother passed away. Aoyama initially fell in love with Asami’s resumé because she reminded him of his ex-wife, for instance, in their abilities of playing piano, and additionally that Asami “accepts death”, because her dreams crumbled, just like accepting the death of the wife at the hospital. Therefore, he tries to find a stepmother reminiscing of the son’s mother, so that the chances of him getting along with her are high.

Another benefit for him is that he will marry a woman far younger than him, which is an appealing factor for most men. This is also the case for our protagonist, as he expresses interests in engaging with younger women in the audition. Miike uses the element of an amusing moment of awkward silence when a woman around the same age as Aoyama appears at the audition, ridiculing the idea that he would even consider a woman that age.

When considering the substitute value of choosing another relationship, one does not need to look further than the other women at the audition. For him, these women were barely considered, as he had his attention on awaiting Asami and her similarities with his ex-wife, who both brought traditional values to the relationship. The very essence of the audition where he could choose whichever woman appealed to him, justifies that the substitute value is immense.

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Miike made sure to include a comment insinuating this fact towards the audience, when the housekeeper Rie remarks “you must have a nice girlfriend” in relation to his perceived value in the dating market (Miike, 1999 00:44:27).

In conclusion, his alternatives to her are in abundance, he runs rather high risks in marrying her, since the prospects of committing to her are suffocating him, while he does benefit somewhat by remarrying a woman with similar traits as his ex-wife. The outcomes of the relationship with Asami fall short in the cost-benefit analysis, and he will expect to endure considerable physical and mental effort in staying in this relationship.

Aftermath

The social exchange between Aoyama and Asami is clearly asymmetrical. The ratio of costs to benefits are by far beneficial to her. Therefore, he should terminate the relationship as he does not gain a significant satisfaction level that otherwise could have balanced the outcomes. She would want to commit, as he could provide her the needed security, while he would not want to commit as his alternatives are in abundance, while by no means acquiring the benefits, that could counterbalance the risks associated with his trembling fear of commitment.

If the movie was concerning the relationship he allegedly had with the co-worker, Yanagida, it would also mean an encounter with the modern career woman. An encounter he regretted partaking. Presumably, because she personifies modern Japan, in her dependency to her job, which makes her work all the time. These kinds of women would to a lesser extent thrive in the slow-pace, no stress, daily routines that Aoyama fancies, such as fishing for instance. Furthermore, Yanagida’s successfulness might appear intimidating for Aoyama, since he prefers Asami, a broken woman of the traditional Japan. A woman who will be his housewife, and one he can take care of, and provide for.

The anxiety of committing to a long-term relationship is a natural consequence of the economic recession and the challenges it has brought to the labor market. Committing to a significant other in Japan, mostly entails a rational assessment of the outcomes that the relationship can provide. Reasons, such as the decrease of wages since the 1990’s, the plethora of part time jobs, the overtime working culture, the scarcity of daycare, the stigmatization of women in the workplace, the soaring housing prices, among others, have put tremendous pressure on the Japanese, who arguably feel forced to quantify love. Men and women are speculating and

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University of Roskilde evaluating the prospects on the dating market as if it was an economic market, whether to ‘buy stocks’ or not.

Recently, the government has encouraged people to engage with the other sexes, by hosting speed-dating events (Business Insider, 2016). However, as welcomed it is that the government acknowledges the problem in the dynamics between the genders by actively attempting to solve the issue, it is nonetheless more a treatment of the symptoms than it is curing the disease. Improving the labor market conditions, while being a difficult task, is a necessity, if the government once again wants the Japanese to commit to each other, without the fears for the outcomes of a relationship. Fearing commitment, assuredly relates to the fears of the uncertain outcomes a relationship in current Japan can offer.

Sex in Japan

The film is split into two parts, roughly one hour representing each part. Whereas the first half is characterized by the genres of drama and romance, the second half takes a drastic turn into the horror genre. The catalyst for the change is when Asami and Aoyama engage in sexual activity. The first part of the film can be seen as an inter-relational negotiation between the two, ultimately leading to sexual relations, whilst the second part can be seen as the absolute nightmarish ‘worst case-scenario’ of what such relations can lead to in regards to expectations and commitment.

The first part of the movie: Reality

Aoyama fits the description of the traditional Japanese ‘working man’, as he is financially independent, has a full time job and is in a leading position. He has no time for domestic chores, which is why he has hired the housemaid, Rie, who takes care of the house, dog and prepares almost all meals for Aoyama and his son, Shigehiko. Although it has been seven years since Aoyama’s wife passed, he has not re-married. Due to his demanding schedule he has limited spare time and therefore few occasions on which to meet women and potential spouses. However, as previously stated, he has had sexual relations with his female co-worker, but quickly lost interest in her, although she continued to show signs of interest in him.

Asami represents the traditional Japanese woman. As many other Japanese women, Asami has poor access to well paid jobs with good benefits, and is thus in certain ways dependent on a man to provide for her financially. At the same time she is looking for a man who will respect

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University of Roskilde her and fully commit to her before she will consider engaging in relations with him. As Asami can supply what Aoyama desires, she is in a powerful position where she can demand a certain investment from him in return. In this exchange between the two characters, she requires his full attention and devotion. During the dinners she is pleased with him listening, and does not ask questions about him, his life nor his past. When she is certain that he is dedicated to loving only her, then she will surrender and engage in an intimate relationship with him.

Aoyama and his male co-worker, Yoshikawa decide to hold an audition where Aoyama can get the chance to superficially review a line of women and decide on who to invite on a date. When Yoshikawa asks him what he looks for in a woman, he replies that he desires a young independent woman who works and possesses some creative skills. In the bar scene, He believes that women become dependent when they lack skills, and that such a dependence ultimately causes unhappiness (Miike, 1999: 00:11:21).

At the audition, a long line of women present themselves. Although the majority of them have very strong characters and showcase confidence, courage and independence, as he wished for, Aoyama dismisses them all. The only woman he engages in conversation with is Asami, despite the fact that her body language and posture express all the opposite of what he desired in a woman. He has already read her resume beforehand, and her picture immediately caught his attention. Aoyama is thus well aware that Asami has not succeeded in her career and that she cannot engage in her creative activities due to an earlier injury. Nonetheless, he is attracted to her for other reasons and consequently decides to pursue her. Aoyama chooses a woman who on all levels is in deep contrast to his previously expressed expectations and requirements for a potential wife. Aoyama is sexually attracted to her, and the fact that she appears fragile and dependent appeals to him as such factors ultimately ‘lower the price of sex’. The sexual marketplace is very apparent throughout the movie, and negotiations go back and forth between Asami and Aoyama. We see them go out on two dates, each of them following the same pattern of progression but ending without physical or intimate contact. There is more at stake for her in engaging in a relationship than for Aoyama, because sexual relations have more and longer lasting consequences for women qua pregnancy and physical discomfort, and therefore he must invest more than just his presence in order to commence a sexual relationship with her.

On their first date (Miike, 1999: 00:48:00-00:52:22), Aoyama tells her that he “wants to be the man she talks to”. Throughout the date, Asami’s body language reflects restraint and reservation. She talks as he listens, showing signs of interest and will to commit to her. When

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Asami talks about her job at the bar, she rejects the idea that he come by for a drink one day, in this way rejecting further approachment from him for now. After four minutes, there is a direct shift of scenery to their second date (Miike, 1999: 00:52:22-00:53:00) taking place in a different restaurant. The conversation once again revolves around Asami, her past and her loss of ability to dance ballet due to her injury. Although Aoyama has also gone through a loss - the passing of his wife - they never talk about it. Asami as the supplier, possesses the resource that Aoyama desires, and he must thus invest more in their relationship, by asking, listening, showing consideration and providing material goods like dinners, drinks and transportation.

In the following scene, Asami and Aoyama are leaving the restaurant in a taxi (Miike, 1999: 00:53:00-00:54:09), already speaking of and looking forward to their next meeting. Asami shows signs of constraint, by getting out of the taxi before arriving to her house, and thereby not showing him where she lives nor inviting him in.

The next meeting between Asami and Aoyama is during their weekend trip to a beach resort (Miike, 1999: 00:56:00-01:02:00). In the sparse conversation taking place in this scene, Aoyama is suggesting shared activities that the couple can enjoy in the afternoon; once again showing initiative and will to commit. Asami remains passive and mute until she finally gets up, turns off the light and starts undressing, and for the first time in scenes with both characters, the lightning changes from warm to dark and cold. Asami gets under the covers in the bed, and call Aoyama over. As he starts to undress, she stops him - she want one more sign of investment from him before she will engage in sexual relations and fulfill the interaction between them. In an intimate way, she slowly shows him a scar that she got when she burnt herself as a child, saying that she wants him to know everything about her and love her - only her. Asami repeats “love me, only me” several times, and Aoyama promises to do so. She is asking for his total devotion, and is now convinced that he has proven his worth as a breadwinner and loyal husband, and the sexual exchange can take place.

The second part of the movie: Nightmare

Whereas the first hour of the movie consists of scenes leading up to the sexual exchange between the two characters, the second part represents Aoyama’s nightmare imagination of the extensive consequences the sex will have. As with his co-worker with whom he had engaged sexually earlier on, he is now showing thoughts that reflect regret and fear.

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In his nightmare, Aoyama is sitting in his living room with a drink that makes him feel dizzy and pass out. He mentally revisits the first date (Miike, 1999: 01:20:00-01:23:30) with Asami, and this time sees it from a different perspective. Now, Asami’s posture is different and more confident, but the conversation is taking a dramatic turn. Aoyama imagines Asami talking about physical abuse in her childhood home, leaving her with many scars, both physically and mentally. He imagines her experiences with abuse while she repeats that she wants him to know everything about her. In the same way as in the first part of the movie, there is a direct shift to the second date (Miike, 1999: 01:23:30-01:25:10) in a different restaurant, but again the conversation is distorted. At 01:24:23 (Miike, 1999), Aoyama’s late wife appears, sitting at the neighboring table with their son still being a child, and his teenage girlfriend who was introduced in the beginning of the movie. He introduces the two women, but the late wife instantly disapproves of him engaging with Asami. Perhaps he imagines that the late wife would think Asami is not good enough for him. It could also be that the wife represents his guilty conscious, as he is aware that is not truly as invested in the relationship with Asami as she is.

In Aoyama’s memories of their different encounters, he particularly repeats the parts where she is sharing her story with him. In these situations, Asami is demonstrating trust by each time answering his questions more in depth and more intimately. Before she will engage in sexual relations with him, she is ensuring his full attention and devotion which he falsely leads her on to think she has.

In the following nightmare scene which takes place in Asami’s flat (Miike, 1999: 01:25:10- 01:28:00), she is approaching him aggressively to perform oral sex on him, but instead he is imagining all the other women who have been introduced throughout the movie, including the son’s teenage girlfriend, Rie - the housemaid and his co-worker, Yanagida the last of which comments on their brief relationship. Aoyama has lost all interest in her. In his nightmare, he also shows resent towards Asami, as she approaches him for sex. In both cases, the women shows more interest in him than vice versa after the sexual exchange, proving that sex for them was a ‘seal’ on their relationship. As a man, however, Aoyama is biologically more inclined than a woman to want more sex with more partners, and he is realizing that for him the end goal of the relations has been sex, whereas his female counterparts wanted long term commitment. A rush of guilt flows over him, as he becomes aware, that he will disappoint them in regards to their expectations from him.

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As Aoyama takes a step back, he trips over the body of a man who is crawling out of a white cotton sack (Miike, 1999: 01:27:40-01:29:32). The man that was not in the picture until now, is dirty and deprived of clothes, he has no tongue and is left with two fingers, including his ring finger. With this finger he is luring Asami to come closer, and she approaches the man to feed him a bowl of her own vomit. The intentional focus on the finger is to underline the depth of the commitment that Asami and Aoyama have just engaged in. In Japan it is out of the norm to have sex outside of marriage, so it is clear that marriage will be the next step for them. Feeling the pressure of this, Aoyama imagines the man trapped inside the sack, and restricted from leaving the house. Aoyama, being a traditional Japanese salary man, is anxious about the time consumption of such a relationship. In his nightmare, he imagines that he will actually have to dedicate all his time to Asami, living with her, eating her food every day and giving up his freedom. Asami, who is sitting next to the man eating on the floor, appears as a child, demanding that he loves her, and only her, again. His imagination of a child in this situation represents the responsibility, both emotional as well as financial, that he fears a marriage with Asami will entail.

Aoyama dreams back to his house where he passed out and his nightmare began (Miike, 1999: 01:33:00). From the corner of his eyes he observes her while she is preparing the scenery to torture him. He is already unable to move, and Asami injects needles with nerve-paralyzing poison into his tongue so he cannot speak either. This could represent his fear of not being able to express himself freely in a steady relationship with Asami, which would be devastating for a man in a traditional patriarchal society. Now, Asami is the one taking control of the situation which is not directed by his questions. He is imagining her complaining that although she did not get the part, he called her anyway. She claims he did so only to have sex with her, as “all guys are the same” (Miike, 1999: 01:36:47), referring to men’s biological lust for sex. At the same time, it could represent his fear of her discovering his true motivations for engaging with her.

As this is taking place in Aoyama’s imagination, the nightmare scenes represent what he thinks she feels about him. That she feels taken advantage of in his selfish pursuit of sex, as he was never interested in more than that. While she is complaining, he is mute and without ability to speak. He imagines himself entering into the same situation as the man in the sack, who only had a ring finger symbolizing the deep commitment to Asami. Asami continues to inject needles into different parts of his body, as were she tightening her grip around him, while she is chanting “deeper, deeper” (Miike, 1999: 01:38:29). Asami is in a strong position, both figuratively and

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University of Roskilde literally, as she is on top of him, and as he is unable to escape her grip on him. She injects needles into his eyes and says “You only realize who you are by going through pain and suffering. Only when you feel pain can you know she shape of your heart” (Miike, 1999: 01:40:36). Aoyama’s fears of living up to Asami’s expectations from a relationship become evident in this scene. Due to his anxieties about the future as a married man, he pictures Asami as a demanding, evil and sadistic partner, who in a potential relationship would insist on his total presence and his overriding attention. Asami asks if Aoyama loves his son too, and then states that he can love only her. Aoyama is aware that for the relation to be worth Asami’s costs, she wants everything in return from him and for him to be hers completely. She prepares chains and wires around his feet before she amputates them to finally manifest his fear of physical and emotional stagnation and immobility in a relationship with her.

Understanding Asami and Aoyama’s relationship from the perspective of sex as a resource, provides an understanding of Aoyama’s image of Asami. He engages in the relationship to achieve sex, and she engages expecting a future. Mixed feelings emerge in Aoyama post having sex, as he imagines her augmenting her possessive needs and expectations from him. Sex is thus a turning point in Aoyama’s image of Asami, and he becomes aware of the costs of engaging in a relationship with her. As a traditional Japanese man in the times of economic recession, Aoyama is already under pressure providing for one child and working hard. The nightmare scenes can thus be seen as a contemplation of the consequences, sex with Asami would entail in terms of more responsibility, more expectations and less freedom.

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Discussion

“Japan is finished...” (Miike, 1999: 00:10:17). A powerful remark that Miike delivers as a social commentary to the prior development at the dating market and a message about the incompatibilities that men and women experience toward each other. Moreover, it is expressing an overarching criticism towards the economic situation that is encompassing the society, and thereby influences broadly in a restraining manner. Since the movie came out in 1999, he is specifically referring to the economic recession and its profound effects. Interestingly, the context in which the above mentioned quote is stated, is not found in a boardroom or government office, but rather at a bar. This dramatic remark is delivered, with no hint of sarcasm, by one of the male characters, in their observations of a group of laughing Japanese women. Since both Aoyama and Yoshikawa find the situation hopeless, this discussion will aim to look at various solutions that have been attempted and suggested to solve the problem.

The Japanese government has identified the issue, and has tried various initiatives in hopes of solving it. For instance, hosting speed-dating events, manufacturing engagement between man and woman. Additionally, in some prefectures of the country, dating schools have been opened to help singles approach each other. Other initiatives also include expanding nursery care and even offering free education in selected places, as means to lessen the burden on parents. In some cases, government offers housing stipends to married couples.

Another effort the government has made is the attempt to bring more women into the workforce. Some of the companies following that idea came up with support in form of better benefits for parents, childcare, better working conditions, etc. Families in which duties and the role breadwinner are shared may face less financial problems and, therefore, be happier and have more offspring. However, this idea is also being criticized by those representing more traditional views as they believe that women’s place is at home.

Nonetheless, the effects of these initiatives according to data have not had any major notable impact. Perhaps due to the issue cannot entirely be solved through economic incentives and expansion of various institutions, such as schools and child care. One of the issues contributing to the problem, is that Japan is one of the most densely urbanized countries in the world. In the 1950’s, roughly 53% of the population lived in urban areas; that number has skyrocketed to 93% by 2014 (Yakupitiyage, 2018). This should in theory result in additional access to a larger

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University of Roskilde pool of dating partners, but in practice, people are less likely to have children in urban areas exactly due to having additional access to education and employment. As having additional options in urban areas in regards to one’s pursuit career may take precedence over starting a family. However, if the majority of the population is living in urban areas, with broader scope of employment, then it contradicts the notion that the issue of not starting families is an economic one. This could be because the type of work available today is unstable, in the sense that 40% of the Japanese workforce can be categorized as irregular (Semuels, 2017). It used to be a tradition in Japan since post WWII, that men would have regular jobs, meaning they would work for a company until retirement. This means that there is no contradiction in regards to employment and family, but rather that the issue is nuanced, in this case the instability in the job market. Additionally, the opportunities in education and the job market could both be contributing factors to increased individualism, as pursuit of one’s career takes precedence over starting a family. It is also common that the more educated people are the less they desire or need to have children. That is why arranged marriages and families with more children are more likely to be found in the countryside, where access to education is limited.

Another solution to the problem of a shrinking workforce, is immigration. However, this brings its own set of challenges. Since Japan is a monocultural and monolingual country, it constitutes an enormous problems for immigrants. The legal system was created for Japanese, therefore, foreigners face numerous difficulties after coming to Japan, including language barrier. Similar issue refers to children of immigrants, as the existing educational system excludes them, and children without proficient skills in Japanese are often asked to not to attend school until they improve their language skills. Nonetheless, immigrants constitute a significant aspect of the Japanese economy, thus, in 1990’s Japan introduced working and internship visas to attract workers from Southeast Asia. In 2016, almost 430,000 people arrived to Japan in search for job, most of which are believed to be Asians. Japan remains reserved when it comes to refugees, as in 2017, only 20 out of 11,361 refugees were accepted, which is less than 0.2% (Kimura, 2018). Japan does not seem to consider immigrants as potential child bearers, but rather as cheap workforce used to cover labor shortages.

The problem of the Japanese being extremely individualistic and unable to develop relations with their peers may be related to strict educational system. Japanese students spend much time on education and self-development, and therefore quickly get used to staying on their own. Such behavior would lead to a decrease of interpersonal relations, also in regards to intersexual

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University of Roskilde relations. Teenagers raised in such ways carry their insecurities into adulthood, which may correspond to the phenomenon of ‘hikikomori’.

‘Hikikomori’ refers to adults who become social outcasts. They are gradually abandoning communication with peers, friends, and eventually, relatives, which leads to loneliness. Usually they remain to live with their parents, who they attempt to avoid to the extent that they reverse their daily routine by sleeping during the day and waking up at night. Some people are believed to become hikikomori due to social pressures. It is estimated that there are around one million of hikikomori in Japan, while that number is expected to be on an uprise, despite the negative population growth. (Kremer and Hammond, 2013).

Perhaps the scope of the problem extends beyond institutions and economy, and towards concerns of the broader clash between traditionalism and encroaching Westernization of Japan since post WWII. In many ways, one can argue that Japan stands at a crossroads, as its citizens are trying to make sense of past, present and future. In the film Audition, the main character, Aoyama, has a choice between two women. One is a modern working woman his age, while the other is roughly half his age and is traditional. In the film, it is heavily implied that Aoyama tried to pair up with the modern woman at his workplace, a pairing he ultimately rejected. Similarly, his pairing with the traditional woman did not work either, going by his facial expression at the end of the film. Perhaps what Miike was suggesting in Aoyama’s incompatibility with women, is Japan’s own struggles between traditionalism and modernism. Perhaps then, the remark about Japan being finished in the bar scene, is less of a statement regarding Japan’s future, but more of a indictment of Japan’s past. Perhaps Japan finds itself in a transition period, and it’s citizens are struggling to adapt to ever changing society.

Leading to the topic of interest; is not having less children, environmentally appealing in the first place in order to avoid the voided overpopulation?

Coming to mind is the shrinking workforce that would come with low fertility rates. A workforce that will have to provide for an elder generation growing bigger compared to the younger one. It is worth considering, how consequential such a development in the replacement rate would even be. Most of the problems related to the current labor market contain symptoms with a common denominator: the challenges of scarcity, in situations where many people have to share a good. For instance, since the wages have been relatively low since the 1990’s, having fewer people to share the benefits, might not be that problematic, since it would presumably raise the wages for the whole workforce in entirety, as more wages can then be delegated to

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University of Roskilde lesser people. Furthermore, the current job situation consists of a high concentration of part- time jobs, indicating that people crave to be on the job market, despite the lack of benefits and dependency from the workplace. The working people in Japan have to honor an invisible societal expectation - a notion that seems ingrained in the culture through their collective emphasis on working for the community’s sake. It has gone to the extent that people are appointed to just about any job, as people are employed as elevator ladies or human traffic signs, for instance, begging the question of their necessity (Michelle, 2013).

Much of what has been analyzed in this paper falls back on the challenges of the labor market, illustrating that the problems that Japan faces are tied around these issues. There are certainly arguments for why the decrease in the workforce that a low fertility would produce, could create a shake-up in the labor market, that would benefit the next Japan. A shake-up that eventually could re-establish men and women as entities naturally belonging together, rather than the development seen lately, leading towards a future with incompatibility.

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Conclusion

Historically, Japan has been a patriarchal society with a strong emphasis on collectivism and family values. However post World War II, Japan underwent a rapid industrial transformation, which challenged the traditional structures.

The process of pairing became more complex, due to the abolishment of ie patriarchal system. Suddenly, Japanese men and women found themselves in a society which was undergoing a rapid and intense development in a short period of time. Simultaneously, the established structures for inter-sexual relationships were challenged, and traditional ie ways of meeting a potential partner were disappearing, whilst a replacement has not settled yet. Therefore, the Japanese society has found itself somewhere in between, which is also reflected in 1999 film Audition.

Through our analysis of the three specified themes: ‘Traditionalism contra Modernism’, ‘Fear of ‘Commitment’ and ‘Sex in Japan’, we have come to the following conclusions: In regards to traditionalism contra modernism, the character of Aoyama attempts to pair up with two different women, one modern and the other traditional. However, he succeeds with neither woman, as none can fulfill his desires. Aoyama himself performs characteristics of both the traditional and modern man, therefore, he expects the exact same values from his wife. However, he is unaware that such requirements are overly sophisticated, thus, impossible to meet.

The circumstances surrounding the economy, and especially the labor market has pushed man and woman in the direction of having to make rational assessments whether to commit romantically with each other; love has become quantifiable. Abstaining from commitment is a natural reaction to the restraining rule of the economy. Costs, benefits, and the alternatives to relationship is nowadays taken into account, as people are speculating and evaluating the prospects of the dating market, whether to ‘buy stocks’ or not. The development from the collectivist family model to an individualized society has given an unwelcome autonomy to the new generation. The fear of commitment, certainly relates to the fears of the risky outcomes a relationship in current Japan can offer.

From the perspective of sexual economics, Aoyama pursues Asami in traditional ways by providing emotional and material goods in exchange for her trust. However, once he has gained

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University of Roskilde it, his fears and anxieties about fulfilling the predestined role as a breadwinner are projected in his nightmare where he regrets and rejects her as a partner.

Asami likewise engages the relationship on traditional principles central to the theory of sexual economics. Once she is certain that he will loyally provide for her, she devotes herself to him. This reflects the common structure of the sexual marketplace in contexts where women are disadvantaged in relation to men.

Thus, we can conclude that the issues portrayed in Audition reflect some of the issues Japanese men and women face when pairing. However, the film is limited to a degree in regard to portraying every single relevant factor, as the scope of the issue is too broad. The tone of Audition begins with a sense of hope, but as its main male and female characters further interact, the tone shifts to that of dread and anxiousness. Perhaps the reason Audition has hit such a nerve with audiences, is that its horror is not that of the supernatural, but relates to struggles that they experience. Our paper, and arguably, the message Miike wants to pass on in the film, questions whether men and women are even compatible in modern Japan.

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Kincaid, Chris. (2014). Gender Roles of Women in Modern Japan. Available from: https://www.japanpowered.com/japan-culture/gender-roles-women-modern- japan Accessed: 11.12.2018

Kincaid, Chris. (2014). A Look at Gender Expectations in Japanese Society. Available from: https://www.japanpowered.com/japan-culture/a-look-at-gender-expectations- in-japanese-society Accessed: 11.12.2018

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Kremer, W and Hammond, C. (2013). Hikikomori: Why are so many Japanese men refusing to leave their rooms? Available from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-23182523 Accessed: 12.12.2018

Michelle. (2013). 7 services that don’t make sense to foreigners in Japan. Available from: https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/7-services-that-dont-make- sense-to-foreigners-in-japan Accessed: 08.12.2018

Millward, David. (2012). Arranged marriages make comeback in Japan. Available from: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/japan/9206205/Arranged- marriages-make-comeback-in-Japan.html Accessed: 13.12.2018

Moon, R. (2013). One third of single Japanese men surveyed say they prefer an older lover. Available from: https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/one-third-of-single- japanese-men-surveyed-say-they-prefer-an-older-lover Accessed: 10.12.2018

Newman, Kim. (2009). Audition by Ryu Murakami, trans Ralph McCarthy. Available from: https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/audition- by-ryu-murakami-trans-ralph-mccarthy-1522807.html Accessed: 22.11.2018

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Prime Minister of Japan and His Cabinet. (2018). The Constitution of Japan. Available from: https://japan.kantei.go.jp/constitution_and_government_of_japan/constitution_e.html Accessed: 21.11.2018

Professorshouse. (n.d.) Arranged Marriages in Japan. Available from: https://www.professorshouse.com/arranged-marriages-in-japan/ Accessed: 12.12.2018

Rose, Steve. (2003). ‘Blood isn’t that scary’. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/film/2003/jun/02/artsfeatures.dvdreviews2 Accessed: 01.12.2018

Semuels, Alana. (2017). The Mystery of Why Japanese People Are Having So Few Babies. Available from: https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2017/07/japan-mystery-low- birth-rate/534291/ Accessed: 11.12.2018

Sato, Kuriko. (2001). Takashi Miike. Available: http://www.midnighteye.com/interviews/takashi-miike/ Accessed: 24.11.2018

Sharma, Ruchir. (2017). When Will the Tech Bubble Burst. Available from: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/05/opinion/sunday/when-will-the-tech- bubble-burst.html Accessed: 26.11.2018

Siripala, Thisanka. (2018). Japan’s Births and Marriages Spiral to Record Low. Available from: https://thediplomat.com/2018/01/japans-births-and-marriages-spiral-to- record-low/ Accessed: 23.11.2018

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Social Work Degree Guide. (2018). What is Social Exchange Theory? Available from: https://www.socialworkdegreeguide.com/faq/what-is-social-exchange- theory/?fbclid=IwAR0IgPIgku6Eed9Lb05CTfjdBF6fbKG8SX3NuxIvXLQJiHGDTM0qcPgd gOA Accessed: 22.11.2018

The Economist. (2017). Japanese women are working more, but few are getting ahead. Available from: https://www.economist.com/asia/2017/11/18/japanese-women-are-working- more-but-few-are-getting-ahead Accessed: 11.12.2018

The Economist. (2018). Japan’s sex industry: More smutty than slutty.

Weller, Chris. (2016). The Japanese government set up speed-dating events to help with its ‘demographic time bomb’ Available from: https://www.businessinsider.com.au/japanese-government-dating-services- 2016-10?r=US&IR=T Accessed: 09.12.2018

Other:

Miike, Takashi. (1999). Audition. DVD.

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