The Mongol Invasion of the Fertile Crescent

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Mongol Invasion of the Fertile Crescent OVERDUE FINES: 25¢ per w per in- _________-_——-RETURNING LIBRARY MATERIALS: Place in book return to remove charge from circulation records © COD. SaUI © Copyright by Saud Hussien Qusti 1979 THE MONGOL INVASION OF THE FERTILE CRESCENT (1257-1260) by Saud Hussein Qusti A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of History 1979 He ne tu ac gre EVE ”En 1:10 SW to t even ABSTRACT THE MONGOL INVASION OF THE FERTILE CRESCENT 1257-1260 by Saud Hussien Qusti The Mongol invasion of the Fertile Crescent 1257-l260 has never been studied as an independent subject. The subject has been treated by historians as a part of the history of the Mongols, the history of the Mongol Conquest; the history of the Crusades and the history of the Mamluks. These treatments of the subject are not satisfactory as they neglect the need for an independent approach to the subject, which in turn is necessitated by several factors. First, the invasion was the accomplishment of one Mongol Campaign, that of Hulagu. Second, the lands that the invasion occurred in, constitute a cultural and geo- graphical unit. Third, the invasion occurred as a consecutive chain of events during a span of three years (l257-1260). The independent treat- ment I attempted in this study was benefitted by up-to-date publica- tions of the primary sources that were not previously available. The study not only added a new topic, but also gave more detailed treatment to the subject and further investigation and characterization of the events. DEDICATION To the memory of my aunt Sa'diyah, my first history teacher: As passionate a teller as she was, she never concealed facts, and never told lies! ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study began as a short paper on the Battle of Ain Jalut (September 1260), for Dr. Allan Fisher. Dr. Fisher later guided the whole study through the stages of research. His patience, kindness and positive remarks made the task of researching and writing more pleasurable than they normally would have been. A part of this study on the Mongol invasion of Syria, and the Mongol-Frankish relations 1260, was submitted to Dean A. Sullivan, who enlightened this portion of study by his valuable criticism and notes. My friend Susan M. Brown, a Master's candidate at Michigan State University edited the first two chapters of the study with care; helping to make my original writing readable in English. She also criticized several points and thus turned my attention to new perspectives. Mr. Salih al-Hakami and Mr. Abd-Allah al-Meiegeel, both Ph.D candidates at the University of Michigan offered me their best help by loaning the necessary Arabic primary sources for the study from the graduate library of University of Michigan. I am deeply gratful to my wife, Salma, and my sons, Hussien, Dhia, Alla and Raid for their moral support, and for their understanding for the time I had devoted for researching and writing. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION . .' ................. II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................. III. EGYPT AND SYRIA ON THE EVE OF THE MONGOL INVASION. 24 24 4O IV. THE MONGOL INVASION OF THE FERTILE CRESCENT (1258-1260) .................... 54 The Destruction of the Ismaelis: The Persian Entrance to the Fertile Crescent (l255-l257) . 58 The Destruction of the Abbassid Caliphate (1258) . 64 The Subjugation of Upper Mesopotamia (1259) . The Invasion, Occupation of Moslem Syria and The Subjugation of the Latin Principality of Antioch (l260) ................ V. THE EGYPTIAN ENGAGEMENT AND THE END OF THE MONGOL TIDE IN THE NEAR EAST (1260) ............ 158 VI. CONCLUSION ...................... 204 VII. BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................... 216 iv of in inve ing the thei sweep the r polit wards existe unitar Eventue EXtende out of INTRODUCTION The Mongol invasion of the Fertile Crescent is - with no sense of exaggeration - an historical landmark in the history of this region in particular, and in the history of Islamdoniin general. The stormy invasion (1257-1260) carried out by the Mongol and Turkic hordes driv- ing out of their homelands in Mongolia and central Asia, had affected the political and cultural development of the region and have left their marks up today. What the Mongols actually accomplished was the destruction and sweeping away of decaying or stagnating socio-political structures of the region, and the enhancement of and provocation to new socio- political structural forces to come out and prevail for centuries after— wards. The Mongol storm that had destroyed the Abbassid Caliphate existed up to l258, and by then was still functioning as a spiritual unitary leadership for IslamdonL The last Caliphs in Baghdad had eventually lost the Abbassid secular imperial sovereignty that once extended from Spain to Western India. What was left for them to govern out of this vast empire of the 8th and 9th centuries was approximately the area that constituted most parts of the present state of Iraq. The very existance of the Caliphate had survived since the 10th cen- tury despite the rising up of several expansionist Muslim powers and only through historical compromises. The Caliphs surrendered their secular sovereignty to the rising powers and in return maintained the spiritual one, and thus the Caliphate managed to exist until the coming of the Mongols at the gates of Baghdad in l258. With the coming of the Mongols, such previous compromises could not work out, simply because the Mongols had no claim or desire to claim that they were a Muslim power. Consequently the Caliphate in Baghdad had no choice but to commit a suicidal struggle in defense of all its secular and spiritual possessions. With overwhelming power, the Mongols did destroy the fPapacy of Islam? in l258, and the Abbassid Caliphate that was established in Cairo three years later, retained nothing that belonged to that of Baghdad except the name and the claimed descent of the nominal "Caliphs" to the house of Abbass. Another historical contribution of the Mongol invasion was the destruction of the Ayyubid principalities, in inner Syria and upper Mesopotamia, that constituted the fragmental remnant of the l2th century empire of Saladin. The house of Ayyub had lost its rule over Egypt in 1250 but was still ruling over the western flank of the empire. The Mamluk regime that was established had failed so far to ti tr Pa ha! 395 extend its power from Egypt into Syria, and it was the Mongol power which carried out the task of destroying the decaying Ayyubid princi- palities. By this destruction, and the extension of the Mongol power to Gaza in southern Palestine, and the Mongol demand to the Mamluks in Egypt to submit, the Mongols had evoked to the Mamluks in Egypt to submit, the Mongols had evoked the only capable united Muslim power, Mamluk Egypt, to come out of the Nile Valley to the hills of Palestine for self-defense and pan-Islamic action. The Mongol power in Palestine had reached its further exten— sion in Asia, and the Islamic power had reached its last line of defense. When the Mamluks won the battle, they consequently inherited Syria. By unifying Muslim Egypt and Syria in the Mamluk state, the crusader states in the Syrian Coast were sandwiched again at a period of declining European supplies and commitment to the crusade, and the revival of vigorous pan-Islamic tide resulted from the defeat of the Mongols and the inheritance of inner Syria by the Mamluks. The destruction of the crusader.states in the Syrian Coast by the end of the 13th century should be considered as an indirect con- tribution of the Mongol invasion of the Fertile Crescent. It was a paradoxical result. The Mongols and the Franks, more than once, had had the vision of a Mongol-Frankish alliance that would be directed ragainst the Muslims, but here the Mongol invasion eventually had he hi ch cre "eé whi 125 cu] par: tary th0u Whit. init' than the t 11m 1.: provoked an Egyptian expansion andbrought about the process that would end the Frankish existance in Syria and brought with it practically the end of that vision. These significant events of the Mongol invasion and its impact have been treated, so far, by historians either as a part of Mongol history or the history of the Mongol conquest as a whole. Such treat- ment has its defects. First it neglects the political and cultural characteristics that a certain region - in this case the Fertile crescent - has in common. It was a politically and culturally unified region which historically experienced one particular military campaign - which in this case is the Hulagu campaign - during a particular period, l257-l260. The geographical continuance of the region, its unified culture and political interrelations made the invasion of one of its parts felt in and had its immediate consequences on the other parts. The other defect of this treatment is its neglect of the uni- tary characteristics of the Mongol campaign commanded by Hulagu. Al- though the campaign essentially is an extension of the Mongol expansion which resulted from the unification of the Mongol hordes and had its initiative in the campaign of Chingis Khan, it is distinct in more than one aspect. First, it was carried out by a new generation, namely; the third generation of the Mongol expansionists; second its aim was limited to the conquest of the Fertile Crescent and Egypt besides the or C6 U6 I111 COL its subjection of the Ismaelis in.Persia; third, it marked the last phase of the Mongol expansion in west Asia and perhaps carried with it the seed of its end.
Recommended publications
  • The Conquest of Arsuf by Baybars: Political and Military Aspects (MSR IX.1, 2005)
    REUVEN AMITAI THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM The Conquest of Arsu≠f by Baybars: Political and Military Aspects* A modern-day visitor to Arsu≠f1 cannot help but be struck by the neatly arranged piles of stones from siege machines found at the site. This ordering, of course, represents the labors of contemporary archeologists and their assistants to gather the numerous but scattered stones. Yet, in spite of the recent nature of this "installation," these heaps are clear, if mute, evidence of the great efforts of the Mamluks led by Sultan Baybars (1260–77) to conquer the fortified city from the Franks in 1265. This conquest, as well as its political background and its aftermath, will be the subjects of the present article, which can also be seen as a case-study of Mamluk siege warfare. The immediate backdrop to the Mamluk attack against Arsu≠f was the events of the preceding weeks. At the end of 1264, while Baybars was hunting in the Egyptian countryside, he received reports that the Mongols were heading in force for the Mamluk border fortress of al-B|rah along the Euphrates, today in south- eastern Turkey. The sultan quickly returned to Cairo, and ordered the immediate dispatch of advanced light forces, which were followed by a more organized, but still relatively small, force under the command of the senior amir (officer) Ughan Samm al-Mawt ("the Elixir of Death"), and then by a third corps, together with © Middle East Documentation Center. The University of Chicago. *I would like to thank Prof. Israel Roll of Tel Aviv University, who conducted the excavations at the site, and was most helpful when he showed us the site.
    [Show full text]
  • History of the Crusades. Episode 103 the Last Crusades. Hello Again
    History of the Crusades. Episode 103 The Last Crusades. Hello again. Last week, things didn't go so well for the Latin Christians in the Middle East, with an entire Crusader state, the Principality of Antioch, being effectively wiped off the map following an invasion by the Egyptian Mamluk Sultan Baibars. The Latin Christians of Europe had been viewing events in the Holy Land with concern for some time, and with the fall of Antioch, it was obvious that some urgent assistance was required. More specifically, what was needed of course, was another Crusade. As far back as August 1266 Pope Clement IV had begun to call for a new Crusade. England had been wracked by civil war, but that had come to an end in 1265, and with King Louis IX’s ambitious brother Charles of Anjou securing for himself the Sicilian crown in 1266, the attentions of the people in Europe could finally focus on problems in the Middle East. King Louis of France, now aged in his early fifties, jumped at the chance to redeem the failure of his ill-fated previous Crusade, and on the 25th of March 1267 once again made a public vow to take up the Cross. Also raising their hands to mount a Crusade were Lord Edward of England and King James I of Aragon. Lord Edward was the son of the aging King Henry III of England, and would later become King Edward I. Against his father's wishes. Lord Edward made his Crusading vow in 1268, and many of the noblemen of England, keen to put the trauma of the recent civil war behind them, followed his example.
    [Show full text]
  • Saladin and the Ayyubid Campaigns in the Maghrib Saladino Y Las Campañas Ayyubíes En El Magreb
    Alcantara 2 Vol XXXIV (3)_Maquetación 1 09/12/13 17:42 Página 267 AL-QANTARA XXXIV 2, julio-diciembre 2013 pp. 267-295 ISSN 0211-3589 doi: 10.3989/alqantara.2013.010 Saladin and the Ayyubid Campaigns in the Maghrib Saladino y las campañas ayyubíes en el Magreb Amar Baadj University of Toronto, Canada Este artículo trata sobre la conquista de Libia This article concerns the conquest of Libya y Túnez por Saladino (Salah al-Din) y los Ay- and Tunisia by Saladin (Salah al-Din) and the yubíes en las décadas de 1170 y 1180. En pri- Ayyubids in the 1170s and 1180s. First it pres- mer lugar se presenta una reconstrucción de ents a reconstruction of the campaigns con- las campañas dirigidas por los mamelucos ay- ducted by the Ayyubid mamluks Sharaf al-Din yubíes Sharaf al-Din Qaraqush e Ibn Qaratikin Qaraqush and Ibn Qaratikin in Libya and the en Libia y de la guerra entre los almohades y conflict in Ifriqiya (Tunisia) between the Al- los Ayyubíes en Ifriqiya (Túnez) basada en mohads and the Ayyubids based on the rele- fuentes primarias relevantes. A continuación vant primary sources. Then the extent to se estudia en qué medida Saladino fue el res- which Saladin was responsible for these mili- ponsable de estas expediciones militares y, fi- tary expeditions is considered and finally the nalmente, se discute el motivo de dichas issue of the motive behind them is discussed. expediciones. Se llega a la conclusión de que It is concluded that Salah al-Din and his amirs Saladino y sus emires invadieron el Magreb invaded the Maghrib in order to control the con el fin de controlar los puntos septentrio- northern termini of the eastern and central nales de los ejes oriental y central de las rutas axes of the trans-Saharan trade routes, thereby comerciales que cruzaban el Sahara y con esto gaining access to the West African gold which lograr tener acceso al oro de África Occidental passed along these routes.
    [Show full text]
  • IMAD AL-DIN AL-KATIB AL-ISFAHANI1 in A
    MY LIFE WITH SALAH AL-DIN: THE MEMOIRS OF ‘IMAD AL-DIN AL-KATIB AL-ISFAHANI1 In a highly original work of medieval Arabic literature, ‘Imad al-Din Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad ibn Safiyy al-Din Muhammad, known as al-‘Imad or as al-Katib al-Isfahani (1125- 1201), recorded his life and work as the highest ranking katib (secretary or scribe) at the courts of both Nur al-Din and Salah al-Din [Saladin] in Syria and, through his dealings with them, provided a distinctly personal and authoritative assessment of these two princes and their reigns. The book was affectionately dedicated to Salah al-Din and was completed in 1199, six years after his death (Abu Shama 1962, 2: 234; Ibn Khallikan 1968-72, 5: 152). It was entitled al- Barq al-Shami (The Syrian Thunderbolt), an allusion to the brief and intense reigns of Nur al- Din and Salah al-Din, the two heroes of the jihad against the Crusaders, who, ‘Imad al-Din implies, were never to be equaled by their successors. Al-Barq al-Shami is a kind of professional diary; it includes personal memoranda, reflections, and copious quotations from ‘Imad al-Din's poems, official letters, and diplomas of investiture woven into a year-by-year chronicle of his service in the administration of the two sovereigns (1167-1193). It originally filled either seven or nine volumes but of them only volumes three and five — covering the years 1177-79 and 1182-83 respectively — remain; they were recently edited and published in Amman (al-Katib [3] and [5] 1987).
    [Show full text]
  • ISLAMICJERUSALEM in the EYES of SALAH AL-DIN: Rr a CRITICAL ANALYTICAL STUDY of the LIBATION of the CITY from the CRUSADERS
    Ek III: Tarablisi Vib isimli gayrimüslimin, gelirini Kudüs'te Deyr-i um'd oturan Journal of Islamicjerusalem Studies, 2019, 19(1): 65-80 Rum rahiplerine vakfettiği iki evin, vakıf mütevellisi tarafından Efrenc Katolik DOI: 10.31456/beytulmakdis.573678 rahiplerine satıldığından bahisle satılan iki evin satışının iptal edilerek geri alınmaları hususunda hüküm. (BOA, A. DVNS. AHK. ŞM. d. nr. 8, s. 28, Evâhir-i ISLAMICJERUSALEM IN THE EYES OF SALAH AL-DIN: Muharre 251). A CRITICAL ANALYTICAL STUDY OF THE LIBATION OF THE CITY FROM THE CRUSADERS Maher Y. ABU-MUNSHAR* ABSTRACT: Nearly a century after the brutal, and unforgiving, Crusader conquest of Islamicjerusalem, Sultan Salah al-Din succeeded in 1187CE in liberating the city. This seemingly insurmountable feat was accomplished when Salah al-Din succeeded in unifying the diverse racial, ethnic and denominational Muslims into a single, coherent fighting force - under his capable leadership. Consequently, this paper explores the nature of Salah al-Din's headship and the precise strategies he used in team-building, team-management that proved essential in his bid to restore the holy city to the Muslims. Moreover, this paper will examine the striking magnanimity Salah al-Din displayed towards the Christians, and others, in Islamicjerusalem – including their holy sanctuaries. KEYWORDS: Bayt al-Maqdis, Balian of Ibelin, Hittin, Dome of the Rock, the Holy Sepulchre, Palestine. INTRODUCTION Salah al-Din or Yusuf Ibn Ayyub was born in 532 AH /1137 CE in the town of Takrit, in modern Iraq (Reston, 2001: 4). Up until that date, Islamicjerusalem was already under the rule of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem for nearly 38 years since 1099 CE (Maalouf, 2006:50).
    [Show full text]
  • House of Wisdom
    House of Wisdom ,romanized: Bayt al-Ḥikmah), alsoبيت الحكمة :The House of Wisdom (Arabic known as the Grand Library of Baghdad, refers to either a major Abbasid public academy and intellectual center in Baghdad or to a large private library belonging to the Abbasid Caliphs during the Islamic Golden Age.[1][2] The House of Wisdom is the subject of an active dispute over its functions and existence as a formal academy, an issue complicated by a lack of physical evidence following the collapse of the Abbasid Caliphate and a reliance on corroboration of literary sources to construct a narrative. The House of Wisdom was founded either as a library for the collections of the Caliph Harun al-Rashid in the late 8th century (then later turned into a public academy during the reign of Al-Ma'mun) or was a private collection created by Al-Mansur (reign 754–775) to house rare books and collections of poetry in both Arabic and Persian.[1][3] The House of Wisdom and its contents were destroyed in the Siege of Baghdad in 1258, leaving very little in the way of archaeological evidence for the House of Wisdom, such that most knowledge about it is derived from the works of contemporary scholars of the era such as Al-Tabari and Ibn al-Nadim. The House of Wisdom existed as a part of the major Translation Movement taking place during the Abbasid Era, translating works from Greek and Syriac to Arabic, but it is unlikely that the House of Wisdom existed as the sole center of such work, as major translation efforts arose in Cairo and Damascus even earlier than
    [Show full text]
  • Jerusalem : in Medieval Fada'il Literature
    JERUSALEM - IN MEDIEV AL F APA'IL LITERATURE (from the tenth to the fourteenth centuries) INTRODUCTl ON 'The term Far:lila (Arab., pI. Fagii'il) means an excellence or excellent quality. The plural Fagii'il indicates a definite category of literature. ,1 This literature exposes the excellencies of things, individuals, groups, places and regions. The Faga'il literature includes among other things the merits Or virtues glorifying the sanctity of Sham and that of Jerusalem. This essay will limit itself to the F agii' il literature' concerned with Jerusalem. The term Fafla'iZ were first used by a few tenth century geo­ graphers, as al-Muqaddasl (d. 375/985), who as his name indicates originated in Jerusalem, and al-Hamadhanl (d. 398/1004) who de­ dicated some chapters in their works about the sanctity of J eru­ salem. 2 A large collection of works called Kutub aZ-Faga'il (Books of virtues) were devoted among other places, to ai- Quds (J erusalem) and which developed in the eleventh century. They were based mainly on fladfths (traditions), legends and folk literature. Among the treatises written at this time, there were a few extracts issued from Khufab (orations) and conferences which were delivered in Jerusalem, Damascus and Baghdad around the twelfth century. 3 The theme of the Faflii'il aimed at encouraging people to visit Jerusalem in order to gain certain spiritual rewards. This aspect of the Fagelil literature, emphasizing the visit or even the pil­ grimage to Jerusalem and its advantages thereof was written and 1 Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd. ed., s.v·.
    [Show full text]
  • Read Transcript
    History of the Crusades. Episode 101 Baibars Attacks. Hello again. Last week we saw the rise to power of Rukn al-Din Baibars. Sultan Baibars’ territory now stretches all the way from his capital in Cairo to northern Syria. With his realm secured and consolidated, Baibars sets his sights on his two enemies in the region, the Mongols and the Franks. Now, most Muslim leaders in the past had been content to arrange peace treaties with the Crusader states, leaving them to maintain their presence in the Holy Land. Not Baibars. He viewed the busy commercial port cities in the Crusader states as centers which could be incorporated into Muslim territory. The Latin Christians controlled a strip of fertile land running down the coast of the Mediterranean. Baibars wanted to drive them from this strip of land. With Hulagu’s Mongol armies still a potent force, Baibars knew he had to bide his time. Instead, in the early 1260s, Baibars looked further afield and tried his hand at international diplomacy. Unsurprisingly, the first person he reached out to was King Manfred of Sicily, the illegitimate son of Emperor Frederick II who had deposed young Conradin as ruler of Sicily and Acre. The Egyptians had enjoyed a close relationship with Emperor Frederick, and Manfred seemed of a similar disposition. Hoping to encourage the growing split between Manfred and the Papacy, and perhaps reduce the chance of Europe mounting another Crusade in aid of the beleaguered Latin Christians of the Crusader states, Baibars sent an envoy to Sicily bearing gifts for King Manfred.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Examining Usama Ibn Munqidh's Knowledge of "Frankish": a Case Study of Medieval Bilingualism During the Crusades
    Re-examining Usama ibn Munqidh's Knowledge of "Frankish": A Case Study of Medieval Bilingualism during the Crusades Bogdan C. Smarandache The Medieval Globe, Volume 3, Issue 1, 2017, pp. 47-85 (Article) Published by Arc Humanities Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/758505 [ Access provided at 27 Sep 2021 14:33 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] RE-EXAMINING USAMA IBN MUNQIDH’S KNOWLEDGE OF “FRANKISH”: A CASE STUDY OF MEDIEVAL BILINGUALISM DURING THE CRUSADES BOGDAN C. SMARANDACHE a Syrian gentleman, warrior­poet, Muslim amir, and fāris (488–584/1095–1188)—described variously as uignorancesaMa Iofbn the Munq FrankishIdh language in his Kitab al-iʿtibar (The Book of Learning (knight)—professes by Example), when recounting one of his childhood memories. Born to the Arab dynasty of the Banu Munqidh, who ruled the castle and hinterland of Shayzar on the Aṣi (or Orontes) River, Usama had grown up in close proximity to the Frankish Principality of Antioch. In the decade following the First Crusade (488–492/1095–1099), the Banu Munqidh and their Frankish neighbours engaged begun his military training. Recalling that time decades later, he remembers that in periodic raids and skirmishes. By that time, Usama was a youth and might have Tancred, the Christian ruler of Antioch (d. 506/1112), had granted a guarantee unfortunate young cavalier was actually heading into a trap that cost him his right of safe-conduct to a skilled horseman from Shayzar, a man named Hasanun. (The ­ Ifranjī eye, but he had trusted in Tancred’s good will.) After describing the initial negotia 1 tion of safe-conduct, Usama adds that “they speak only in Frankish ( ) so we had no idea what they were saying.” To date, Usama’s statement has deterred scholars from investigating the small number of Frankish loanwords preserved in his book, it appears to leave extent of his second language acquisition in greater depth.
    [Show full text]
  • Maria Paleologina and the Il-Khanate of Persia. a Byzantine Princess in an Empire Between Islam and Christendom
    MARIA PALEOLOGINA AND THE IL-KHANATE OF PERSIA. A BYZANTINE PRINCESS IN AN EMPIRE BETWEEN ISLAM AND CHRISTENDOM MARÍA ISABEL CABRERA RAMOS UNIVERSIDAD DE GRANADA SpaIN Date of receipt: 26th of January, 2016 Final date of acceptance: 12th of July, 2016 ABSTRACT In the 13th century Persia, dominated by the Mongols, a Byzantine princess, Maria Paleologina, stood out greatly in the court of Abaqa Khan, her husband. The Il-Khanate of Persia was then an empire precariously balanced between Islam, dominant in its territories and Christianity that was prevailing in its court and in the diplomatic relations. The role of Maria, a fervent Christian, was decisive in her husband’s policy and in that of any of his successors. Her figure deserves a detailed study and that is what we propose in this paper. KEYWORDS Maria Paleologina, Il-khanate of Persia, Abaqa, Michel VIII, Mongols. CapitaLIA VERBA Maria Paleologa, Ilkhanatus Persiae, Abaqa, Michael VIII, Mongoles. IMAGO TEMPORIS. MEDIUM AEVUM, XI (2017): 217-231 / ISSN 1888-3931 / DOI 10.21001/itma.2017.11.08 217 218 MARÍA ISABEL CABRERA RAMOS 1. Introduction The great expansion of Genghis Khan’s hordes to the west swept away the Islamic states and encouraged for a while the hopes of the Christian states of the East. The latter tried to ally themselves with the powerful Mongols and in this attempt they played the religion card.1 Although most of the Mongols who entered Persia, Iraq and Syria were shamanists, Nestorian Christianity exerted a strong influence among elites, especially in the court. That was why during some crucial decades for the history of the East, the Il-Khanate of Persia fluctuated between the consolidation of Christian influence and the approach to Islam, that despite the devastation brought by the Mongols in Persia,2 Iraq and Syria remained the dominant factor within the Il-khanate.
    [Show full text]
  • THE MAMLUKS Beginning: the Mamluks Were Originally Enslaved Bodyguards of the Abbasid Caliphs of the Islamic Empire (The Word “Mamluk” Means “Slave” in Arabic)
    THE MAMLUKS Beginning: The Mamluks were originally enslaved bodyguards of the Abbasid caliphs of the Islamic Empire (the word “mamluk” means “slave” in Arabic). Starting around 850 AD, the Abbasid caliphs captured or bought young boys who were not Muslims as slaves. The caliphs brought the boys up to be Sunni Muslim soldiers in a slave army. These men made a great army. There soon got to be more and more Mamluks. Middle: Nureddin and the Second Crusade. Nureddin fought them off Crusaders successfully. After the Second Crusade ended without taking any of his territory, Nureddin created a kingdom for himself in Syria. He conquered Damascus from local Muslim rulers. Mamluk generals conquer Jerusalem During the 1100s AD, other Mamluk generals worked for the Ayyubid sultans in Egypt and Syria, but little by little the sultans had less power and the Mamluk generals got more and more power. In 1244, the Mamluks conquered Jerusalem from the Crusaders. The next year, in 1245, Louis IX of France led the 7th Crusade to try to get it back, but the Mamluks captured him. Mamluks take over Egypt and Syria from the Ayyubids In 1250 AD Shajar al-Durr, the mother of the last Ayyubid sultan, killed her son and ruled on her own. She negotiated to end the 7th Crusade and let Louis go. Shajar al-Durr soon had to marry the Mamluk leader, Aybak, in order to keep power, but she continued to rule. In 1257 al-Durr had Aybak killed to try to rule on her own again. After that the other Mamluks arrested al-Durr and then killed her, and the Mamluks got control of Egypt and Syria.
    [Show full text]
  • Cilician Armenian Mediation in Crusader-Mongol Politics, C.1250-1350
    HAYTON OF KORYKOS AND LA FLOR DES ESTOIRES: CILICIAN ARMENIAN MEDIATION IN CRUSADER-MONGOL POLITICS, C.1250-1350 by Roubina Shnorhokian A thesis submitted to the Department of History In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada (January, 2015) Copyright ©Roubina Shnorhokian, 2015 Abstract Hayton’s La Flor des estoires de la terre d’Orient (1307) is typically viewed by scholars as a propagandistic piece of literature, which focuses on promoting the Ilkhanid Mongols as suitable allies for a western crusade. Written at the court of Pope Clement V in Poitiers in 1307, Hayton, a Cilician Armenian prince and diplomat, was well-versed in the diplomatic exchanges between the papacy and the Ilkhanate. This dissertation will explore his complex interests in Avignon, where he served as a political and cultural intermediary, using historical narrative, geography and military expertise to persuade and inform his Latin audience of the advantages of allying with the Mongols and sending aid to Cilician Armenia. This study will pay close attention to the ways in which his worldview as a Cilician Armenian informed his perceptions. By looking at a variety of sources from Armenian, Latin, Eastern Christian, and Arab traditions, this study will show that his knowledge was drawn extensively from his inter-cultural exchanges within the Mongol Empire and Cilician Armenia’s position as a medieval crossroads. The study of his career reflects the range of contacts of the Eurasian world. ii Acknowledgements This project would not have been possible without the financial support of SSHRC, the Marjorie McLean Oliver Graduate Scholarship, OGS, and Queen’s University.
    [Show full text]