Stanislav Južnič

1 S tudia S tudia Historica Historica

S lovenica letnik 13 (2013), {t. S lovenica

STANISLAV JUŽNIČ: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago (Gottschee Germans and Slavs in the Years 1494 and 1498) ROMAN MIRNIK: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja (1810–1868) DARJA KEREC: Odmevi revolucionarnih dogodkov 1848 v Prekmurju v slovenskem tisku IGOR IVAŠKOVIĆ: Trialistični koncept in alternativne vizije pred 1. svetovno vojno DARKO FRIŠ: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje (1904–1917) RAVBAR MATJAŽ: Anti-Aircraft Defence in Maribor during World War One KORNELIJA AJLEC: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947) ALEŠ MAVER, DARKO FRIŠ: Historical Development of the Party Landscape in Slovenia and Croatia between 1990 and 2007 MIRJANA KOREN, SONJA IFKO: The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops for the Development of Slovenian Furniture Design – the Example of the Joinery Stojan from Teharje DANICA ČERČE: O slovenski polpretekli kritiški misli in prezrtih romanih Johna Steinbecka KATJA PLEMENITAŠ, EVA LINA FRIŠ, NIK ŠABEDER: The Art of Words in British Politics in the 20th Century. Chamberlain's and Fotografija na naslovnici / Churchill's Use of Language: A Comparative Analysis Photography on the cover:

IRENA STRAMLJIČ BREZNIK, MIJA KOVAČ: Za kaj mora pri lovenica Andreas Tappeiner Slovencih "preteči še precej vode" S (Andreas Tappeiner, In seinem Leben und Wirken, Druck von Eduard Janschitz (Marburg, 1868))

^asopis za humanisti~ne in dru`boslovne {tudije Humanities and Social Studies Review istorica H 2013 tudia S 1

S tudia Historica S lovenica

Studia Historica Slovenica

Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Humanities and Social Studies Review

letnik 13 (2013), št. 1

MARIBOR 2013 Studia Historica Slovenica ISNN 1580-8122 Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review

Izdajatelj / Published by ZGODOVINSKO DRUŠTVO DR. FRANCA KOVAČIČA V MARIBORU/ HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF DR. FRANC KOVAČIČ IN MARIBOR http://www.zgodovinsko-drustvo-kovacic.si/

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Odgovorni urednik / Responsible Editor dr. Darko Friš Zgodovinsko društvo dr. Franca Kovačiča Koroška cesta 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenija telefon / Phone: 00386 2 229 36 58 fax / Fax: 00386 2 229 36 25 e-pošta / e-mail: [email protected]

Glavni urednik / Chief Editor dr. Mateja Matjašič Friš

Članki so recenzirani. Za znanstveno vsebino prispevkov so odgovorni avtorji. Ponatis člankov je mogoč samo z dovoljenjem uredništva in navedbo vira. The articles have been reviewed. The authors are solely responsible for the content of their articles. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the publisher's prior consent and a full mention of the source.

Žiro račun / Bank Account: Nova KBM d.d. SI 56041730001421147 Prevajanje / Translation: dr. Aleš Maver, Miha Brumec in Tomaž Anclin Lektoriranje / Language-editing: dr. Ines Voršič Oblikovanje naslovnice / Cover Design: Knjižni studio, d.o.o. Oblikovanje in računalniški prelom / Design and Computer Typesetting: Knjižni studio, d.o.o. Tisk / Printed by: Itagraf, d.o.o.

http: //shs.zgodovinsko-drustvo-kovacic.si/

Izvlečke prispevkov v tem časopisu objavljata 'Historical – Abstracts' in 'America: History and Life'. Časopis je uvrščen v 'Ulrich's Periodicals Directory' in evropsko humanistično bazo ERIH. Abstracts of this review are included in 'Historical – Abstracts' and 'America: History and Life'. This review is included in 'Ulrich's Periodicals Directory' and european humanistic database ERIH.

Studia historica Slovenica, Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije, je vpisan v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo RS, pod zaporedno številko 487. Izdajo časopisa sta omogočila Agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost RS in Mestna občina Maribor. Co-financed by the Slovenian Research Agency and City of Maribor.

S tudia Historica S lovenica

Kazalo / Contents

Članki in razprave / Papers and Essays

STANISLAV JUŽNIČ: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago (Gottschee Germans and Slavs in the Years 1494 and 1498) ...... 11 Kočevarji pred pol stoletja (Kočevski Nemci in Slovani med leti 1491 in 1498) ROMAN MIRNIK: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja (1810–1868) ...... 47 Life and Work of Andreas Tappeiner, Mayor of Maribor (1810–1868) DARJA KEREC: Odmevi revolucionarnih dogodkov 1848 v Prekmurju v slovenskem tisku ...... 75 Echoes of the Revolutionary Events of 1848 in Prekmurje in the Slovene Press IGOR IVAŠKOVIĆ: Trialistični koncept in alternativne vizije pred 1. svetovno vojno ...... 89 The Concept of Trialism and Alternative Visions Before the First World War DARKO FRIŠ: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje (1904–1917) ...... 121 Anton Kaspret and Franc Kovačič – the Editorial Board of the Magazine Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje (1904–1917) RAVBAR MATJAŽ: Anti-Aircraft Defence in Maribor during World War One ...... 143 Letalska protiobramba v Mariboru med prvo svetovno vojno KORNELIJA AJLEC: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947) ...... 163 Unrrina tržaška pristaniška pisarna (1945–1947) S tudia Historica S lovenica

ALEŠ MAVER, DARKO FRIŠ: Historical Development of the Party Landscape in Slovenia and Croatia between 1990 and 2007 ...... 185 Razvoj strankarskega prizorišča v Sloveniji in na Hrvaškem med letoma 1990 in 2007 DANICA ČERČE: O slovenski polpretekli kritiški misli in prezrtih romanih Johna Steinbecka ...... 223 About Slovene Critical Though in the Period of Communist Regime and John Steinbeck's Marginalised Novels MIRJANA KOREN, SONJA IFKO: The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops for the Development of Slovenian Furniture Design – the Example of the Joinery Stojan from Teharje ...... 241 Pomen obrtnih mizarskih delavnic za razvoj slovenskega pohištvenega oblikovanja – primer mizarstva Stojan s Teharij KATJA PLEMENITAŠ, EVA LINA FRIŠ, NIK ŠABEDER: The Art of Words in British Politics in the 20th Century. Chamberlain's and Churchill's Use of Language: A Comparative Analysis ...... 265 Umetnost besede v britanski politiki 20. stoletja. Chamberlainova in Churchillova raba jezika: primerjalna analiza IRENA STRAMLJIČ BREZNIK, MIJA KOVAČ: Za kaj mora pri Slovencih "preteči še precej vode" ...... 291 Why the Slovene Language Uses the Idiom "preteči še precej vode" ('a lot more water will flow')

Ocene / Reviews

NATAŠA PODGORŠEK: Stjepan Matković, Izabrani portreti pravaša: prilozi hrvatskoj političkoj povijesti (Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2011) ...... 305 NATAŠA PODGORŠEK: Vlasta Švoger, Ideali, strast i politika. Život i djelo Andrije Torkvata Brlića (Ideals, passion and politics. Life and work of Andrija Torkvat Brlić) (Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2012) ...... 309 S tudia Historica S lovenica

Avtorski izvlečki / Authors' Abstracts ...... 313

Uredniška navodila avtorjem / Editor's Instructions to Authors ...... 321

S tudia Historica S lovenica Članki in razprave / Papers and Essays

S tudia H istorica S lovenica

UDC 94(497.4Kočevje):347.236.2"149" 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago Gottschee Germans and Slavs in the Years 1494 and 1498

Stanislav Južnič

B.A. in Physics, Ph.D. in History, Mellon Fellowship University of Oklahoma, Department of the History of Science 601 Elm, Room 622 73019-3106 Norman, Oklahoma, USA e-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract: Land-Prince's Urbarium for Upper Office of Gottschee (1494) is put into the limelight because it was considered lost for a long time after the officials of those times committed their grave error. The document is compared with the similar Urbariums for the Gottschee back-land (Hinterland) office of (Gottschee) Rieg (1498) and for manor Kostel (1494), which were already taken into account of Slovenian and Gottscheers' historians.

Keywords: Gottschee, 15th century, Reformation, Ziegelfest, Praunsperger

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 11–46, 95 notes, 4 pictures, 12 tables Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene)

11 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

Introduction

In 1493 Frederick III died after he ruled for 41 years; his son and heir, the new ruler Maximilian I (* 1459; † 1519), immediately ordered the completion of Urbariums (Urbariums) for his Carniolan manors. The administration of personal names, family names, hides, and taxes of his subjects from the Duchy of Carniola took almost a decade. The very first Urbariums with taxes, names, and partly existing family names of the subjects from Land-Prince's Properties of Carniola were finally accomplished during the early reign of Maximilian I. Between the years 1494–1498 the Land-Prince's officials noted the south part of the middle Carniola with Gottscheerland and Kostel included. They did not list the Gottscheerland in one piece, but they listed the Upper Office of Gott- scheerland together with Kostel in 1494, and (Gottscheer) Rieg Office only four years later in 1498, after the death of the pledge holder Gasper von Ravbar. The time when they accomplished the Urnarium of Lower Gottscheerland Office containing the area between Cvišlerji (Zwischlern) and Črmošnjice (Tscher- moschnitz, Mosche) is not known because that Urbarium is not found yet. After they finished their rides and notes, the administrators of Inner Aus- trian Camera looked after the transcriptions.1 The copying took considerable time and was postponed until the early 16th century. There was certainly a huge amount of notes and the copying was certainly not an easy task, therefore also the mistakes were unavoidable. But there was hardly any error of the amount which took place in Gottscheerland. The Urbarium for the Hinterland Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg was associated with the Urbarium for Žumberak (Sichelberg, Žumberk) which was a part of Carniola in that time. In that way the (Gottscheer) Rieg was not tied with other two parts of Gottscheerland. That occasion was pretty strange, because other Carniolan manors were not treated in that manner but officials have usually bound the Urbariums of whole manors in common paper. The happy occasion was that the copyist in the case of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office knew what he was up to and therefore separated the data from Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg from those for Žumberak (Sichelberg, Žumberk) with special titles. In that way he clearly referred the readers of the incoming centuries how to treat that Urba- rium. In the case of other two thirds of Urbariums for Gottscheerland the awk- wardness even intensified. Considering the manuscript, the copyist of the Upper Office of Gottscheerland was not identical with the copyist of the four years younger Urbarium for (Gottscheer) Rieg Office or with the copyist of the

1 Dr. Boris Golec's message in March 2011.

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Urbarium for neighboring manor of Kostel accomplished in 1494. The dis- tracted copyist continued the data of Upper Office of Gottscheerland Urbarium with Urbarium of Inner Carniola manor of Prem in such a way that none of the treated dominion lands did not get any separate title which could refer the later reader! Although the Upper Office of Gottscheerland Urbarium was listed in a book as the first before the Prem Urbarium, the copyist or one of his official collaborators figured that all book should be shelved under the title of Prem Manor. That erroneous classification remained for a half of millennium until Dr. Boris Golec in his Ph.D. work on the end of the second millennia noticed the grave error and later passed the information to his wife and to the author of those lines!2 The Gottscheerland and Prem were connected just by their common Habsburg owner and therefore it is hard to understand why those Urbari- ums were united without any demarcation line. According to the opinion of Dr. Boris Golec communicated on March 3, 2011 the wrong binding was produced in Inner Austrian Camera where the copyist of the Vice-royal Office of Ljubljana committed the mistake. It is certainly the high time to repair that grave error committed against the unsuspecting grandchildren of the primary Gottsche- erland settlers and to treat the Upper Office of Gottscheerland Urbarium with modern historiography tools.

Mixing of Gottscheerland with Prem

Besides the Urbarium mixed with the Upper Office of Gottscheerland in the same box of Archive of Slovenian Republic we could find two other Urbariums for Prem manor, both dated before the year 1501. Next there is the Urbarium for Prem Manor dated in 1548, and after it the Reformed Urbarium for Prem Manor dated in 1574. Between the Urbariums we could find several Vice-Royal letters considering the Prem Manor. It is sorry to say that none of those documents had the addition Lower Office of Gottscheerland Urbarium which we are still searching for. The Urbarium for Upper Office of Gottscheerland ended on the pages 8v–9r, that means just on one of the three binding points of the document made each time with four leather straps just before the middle binding on the

2 Boris Golec, Družba v mestih in trgih trgih Dolenjske in Notranjske od poznega srednjega veka do srede 18. century, doktorska disertacija (Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta, 1999) (hereinafter: Golec, Družba v mestih in trgih trgih); Boris Golec, "Senožeče in Prem – nenavadni trški naselbini na t. i. Kraških gospostvih", Kronika 54 (2006): 365–384, 380 (hereinafter: Golec, "Senožeče in Prem"); Lilijana Žnidaršič Golec, Danijela Čargo Juričić, Vodnik po urbarjih Arhiva Republike Slovenije (Ljubljana: Arhiv Republike Slovenije, 2009), 123, 124, 224 (hereinafter: Žnidaršič Golec, Čargo Juričić, Vodnik po urbarjih ARS).

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pages 10v–11r and the similar binding on the pages 14v–15r. Therefore the folio with the Urbariums for Upper Office of Gottscheerland on the pagev 8 just continues under the binding into the folio with a page 13r containing the last taxes of the Prem Manor subjects from the village Petellinach (Petelinje). The village of Petelinje of those times had 13 hides in 1494 and 1498 on the North of Pivka (Šempeter on Kras, St. Peter in Karst), which was considerably smaller in that era.3 The copyist continued the listing of taxes of Prem Manor subjects towards the South op to the village Körittnik (Koritnice) whit the single hide belonging to the Prem Manor.4 The notes on the page 9r is similar as the continuation of the handwriting on the page 8v considering the ink, handwriting, and contents. On the page 9r the copyist just listed the tenants of the gardens and fields which were common for a town like Gottschee. The page 13r continues with the somewhat intended records on Prem Manor Subject Taxes. As the continuation it is different enough of the previous listings of the subjects from the village Petellinach (Petelinje) with the piles of listed duties 5–7 lines long which ended with the listings of Money Taxes because in the continuation it has 3 shorter notes written in 3 and 2 lines. The listing of the last 7 Gottschee Town tax payers and their field and gar- den rents continues in the eight lines on the page 9r. Next on the same page we read the data of the four mills auff Grosser Wasser in five lines. After that the Urbarium without any warning continues with the Urbariums for the Prem Manor village Palitschach (Palčje on the East of Pivka in those times called Šempeter na Krasu, that is St. Peter on Karst), the greatest settlement besides Gottschee Town listed in that book. The village of Palitschach (Palčje) had a half of hide more four years later. In Palitschach (Palčje) and in villages listed in the continuation the subjects mostly did not have their family names noted until the sole hide of the village Körittnik (Koritnice) belonging to the Prem Manor.5 All those places were identical with the villages belonging to the Prem Manor which partly covered several square kilometers around the today town of Ilirska Bistrica.6 Ilirska Bistrica (Fewstricz) was documented for the first time in 1300, and already in the first half of 15th century it hosted several saws and

3 Milko Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji Slovenskega primorja (Ljubljana: Akademija znanosti in umetnosti, 1954), 92, 204, 242 (hereinafter: Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo); www2. arnes.si/~ospivka/Krpan/Petel.htm 4 Arhiv Republike Slovenije / Archives of the Republic of Slovenia (hereinafter: ARS), Urbarium Prem 1494, AS 1, Viceroy Office for Carniola, box 102, fasc. I/58, Litera P – VI, 1a, 14v. 5 ARS, Urbarium Prem 1494, ibidem, 14v; Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji slovenskega primorja, 241, 247. 6 In 1498, Ilirska Bistrica (Fewstricz) with 10.5 hides belonged to the Postojna Manor, as did the other 8 hides of the village Koritnice (Korittnigkh), villages Bača, Zarečice, Zemona, and Vrbovo in Mayoralty of Knežak on Upper Pivka River (Grauen Prunn supp) which had 22.5 hides (Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji slovenskega primorja, 235–236).

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Fifth page of Gotts- chee Urbarium (Urb- ariums for Upp-er Office of Gottsch- eerland 1494, folio 3r)

mils. After 1472 the Prem Manor was a Habsburg property of the pledged lords von Raunach. The water seal of the Gottscheerland-Prem Urbarium is clearly observable on 20th folio with a number 20 noted just on a lower part of the sheet of paper which begins with a note about the Gottscheerland village Mitterdorff (Stara Cerkev) on the very beginning of the Urbarium. The page 20 in vertically parted with water lines into 7 parts. The ultimate left part is somewhat shorter, but the 4th and 5th parts are broader with the watermark of anchor turned upside down. The anchored watermarks were very common for the papers of Venice provenience in those times when the Italian paper covered most of the needs on

15 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

the South of the lands using German writing.7 Bellow the surrounded anchor there was a six-pointed star with four time smaller radius. It is oblivious that all other folios had the same watermarks although it is harder to recognize them under the manuscript except the 19th folio which was recorded just on one side down to two thirds and shows the anchor very clearly. It is oblivious that the Urbariums for Upper Office of Gottscheerland and Prem were not wrongly bind, but the scribe or his copyist from the years 1494–1501 committed the error while letting one Urbarium to continue into another. The Urbariums for Upper Office of Gottscheerland was obliviously put somewhere else beyond our present knowledge.

Family Names in Urbarium for Upper Office of Gottscheerland in 1494

The only family names common for Urbariums of Upper Office of Gottsche- erland (1494) and the (Gottschee) Rieg Office (1498) were those connected with professions as: Suppan, Schuester, Schneider, Schmidt, Kramer, or Hueter (Huetter, Klobučar). On the other hand in the Urbariums for Upper Office of Gottscheerland we could not find the family name Žagarjev Sagar( ) meaning Saw-Worker, probably because of the lack of the waters suitable for powering of saws in the area of Upper Office of Gottscheerland. Those craftsman, traders, and officials were not necessary related to each other, and there is no indication that the inner migrations of the half of a century ago settled Gottscheers mostly did not began yet during the early years of the separate rule of Maximilian I. Only the landlord Georg Turn (Thurn) and most of all his son-in-law Johann (Ivan) Ungnad began to settle less attractive parts of Gottscheerland with the inner migrations to make the manor more profitable. Before 1494 in just proclaimed city of Gottschee one Italian was settled according to his last name, but among the citizens of those times nobody wear the family names Slovenian (Windish), Serbian, or Croatian (Hrovat). On the other side, there was a subject called Windish in Kerndorf (Mlaka), Vlah in (Gottschee) Rieg, and Krabat in Morobitz (Borovec). The Knight-Kosezi hides noted in Urbarium for Prem manor in 1498 in the villages Petelinje, Šempeter (today Pivka) and other villages of Prem manor were not listed in Gottscheer- land, and in Gottscheerland there were no settlers called Turk, Skok, Hrovatin or Bezjak (Besiagk, Bosiagkh) from the group who escaped to Habsburg mon-

7 Matjaž Bizjak, Ratio facta est. Gospodarska struktura in poslovanje poznosrednjeveških gospostev na Slovenskem (Ljubljana: Zgodovinski inštitut Milka Kosa ZRC SAZU, 2003), 281 (hereinafter: Bizjak, Ratio facta est).

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Tenth page of Gott- schee Tax Register (Tax Register of Upper Gottscheerland 1494, folio 5v)

archy after the fall of Bosnia in 1465. In the Gottscheerland there was certainly nobody called Kotschewer or Gottschewer although the people with such family names were noted in Zagorje on Pivka River or in Rakek.8 In both Gottscheerland offices, (Gottscheer) Rieg and Upper Gottscheer- land Office, the half-hides prevailed and they were just occasionally inhabited with more than single family. Besides the part of hide in (Gottscheer) Rieg office also the taxes were listed. The comparable data are now also available from the Urbariums of Upper Gottscheerland Office, which makes the data comparable with each other. Some interesting economic comparison is expected to follow between Gottscheerland and nearby manors.

8 Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji slovenskega primorja, 92–93, 96–97, 248.

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In 1494, fifty-three persons (and their families) paid taxes for rented fields and/or gardens in the town of Gottschee. Also some nobles were among them including Michl Preinperger, the lord of the castle Kostel and proposed brother of the Ljubljana Mayor. In Gottschee Town also Hanss Gruber and the ancestor of later Lutheran Preachers Ziegelfest rented some land. The Marolt family of those times lived in villages Kleč and Stari Log few kilometers North of Gottschee Town.9 Several other later famous families farmed in 1494 and 1498 the rural part of Gottscheerland, among them the pioneers of Ljubljana brewery Kostlers in (Gottschee) Rieg, Nieder Tieffenbach (Dolenja Briga), and Morobitz (Borovec), and Sweigls in Mrauen (Morava), and Handlern (Primoži). Verderbers, the ances- tors of later barons Erberg, were in 1574 still in Graflinden (Knežja Lipa)10 which belonged to the Lower Gottscheerland Office, but the Urbarium for that part of Gottscheerland for the late 15th century is not yet on record.

Table 1: Family Tree of Praunspergers (Pranberger, Braunsberger)11 12

Lenart Praunsperger († before 1512), wholesaler of citrus fruit, fish, and cloth from the Friuli Noble family called after the castle Prampero (Pramberg)12; Ljubljana City Judge 1497/98, 1500 with a preserved silver seal in City Museum of Ljubljana; mayor 1506/07 & Ana († after December 24, 1519) ↓ 1. Franz († 1519) merchant 3. Georg (Jurij, † 1553), canon in Ljubljana 1505–1534 4. Sigismund? 5. Katarina & (January/February 1508) Francisek de Lanthieri 6. Wilhelm Praunsperger (* before 1499; † late March /early April 1589), between the years 1581–1587 he defended the Protestants in Carniolan Diet. Ljubljana mayor between St. Margaret's day 1588 and St. Margaret's day 1589, Viceroy, lord of the castles Mala vas, Novi grad in Peščenik (Turn near Višnja gora), and Ponoviče. In his library he had Plutarch, Homer, Horace, Luther's Fasted, and the Slovene Gospel with interpretation of Sebastijan Krelj. && (1587) Estera Baroness Egkh→1. (1) Krištof, lord of the castle Mala vas (1562); (2) Barbara & Feliks Nikolič from Kozljak (Waxenstein) in Istra, the son of Josef or Philip and the noble Wernegkh 2. Mihael Pranberger (Michl, * around 1470; † before 1528) & Helena (* around 1470; † 1500) the daughter of Martin Schnitzenbaum, the landlord of Ig, and the widow of Janez Matschrolla (Macarola) who owned Matschrolla Manor near today Ivančna gorica ↓ Walpurga & Jois von Matschrolla of Matschrolla Manor && (around 1514) Mang Langenmantl (* around 1490; † 1538)

9 In Urbarium the Vipava Manor (1499) we find Benedikh, Jacob, and Venedikh Marolt in Zemoni near Vipava who were renting grassland in Vipava Market. In 1523 Vurban Marolt paid 54 schilling of hunting tax to the Gorica Manor for a village Gojače in Supp Batuje in Vipava Volley. Pawl Maroltitsch farmed in a hide of Matenja Vas South of Postojna according to Postojna Urbarium issued around 1400. In 1498 Jacob Marallt farmed of former mayor's hide in Knežak belonging to Postojna Manor (Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji slovenskega primorja, 191, 199, 235, 259, 264–265). 10 Peter Wolsegger, "Das Urbarium der Herrschaft Gottschee vom Jahre 1574", MMK 3 (1890), 140–183 & MMK 4 (1891), 13–45 (hereinafter: Wolsegger, "Das Urbarium der Herrschaft Gottschee"). 11 Majda Smole, Graščine na nekdanjem Kranjskem (Ljubljana: DZS, 1982), 237, 283, 328, 663 (hereinafter: Smole, Graščine). 12 In hung of cannabis.

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On three hide of the (Gottscheer) Rieg Office several widows without family names farmed in 1498. They were the only Gottscheerins known with their Christian names before 16th century. If we add the Upper Gottscheerland Office we got altogether five Gottscheerland farms managed by widows (Mala gora, Gottenitz (Gotenica), Gorenje (Obrer), two in Gottschen (Koče)) or the sons of widows (two in (Gottscheer) Rieg). That is almost all we know about the Gottscheerins from the late 15th century. They were called Nesa, which meant Agnes from Obrer (Gorenje), Nesa from Gottenitz (Gotenice), and Nesa and Gratha (Greta, Margareta) from Gottschen (Koče). Compared with the bap- tisms in Kostel in 18th century with the Christian name Maria prevailing, the Northern Kostelian neighbors, Gottscheerins obliviously used much broader range of Christian names. Most of all they loved to be Nesa. Gottscheer way of shortening the Christian names was not far from the Slovenian one. In the late 15th century the set of family names of two offices of Gottschee Manor lists many still recognizable families. The most frequent "family names" were four titles of their pater familias activities: Suppan (11 families), Schuester (9), Schmidt (5), and Kramar (4). In Upper Gottscheer Office the scribe noted just one Suppan which took place in Mitterdorf (Stara Cerkv), but in (Gott- scheer) Rieg Office there were 9 mayors listed and their official duty was -prob ably also their family name. Just one of mayors carried the separate Family Name (Gsell) in Gerovo in 1498. The other branches of Gsell's family lived in the area of Nesseltall (Koprivnik) and Puchl (Hriba) in Tschermoschnitz (Mosche, Črmošnjice) area in 1574. In Altlag (Stari Log) the scribe noted the old mayor who was probably previously in charge. Among the family names which certainly survived next centuries Plesse (6 times, Pleše), Stamphel (5 times), and Zappa (Zappe, 3) prevailed in 1494/1498. The families Plesse and Stamphel are still very frequent around, including the Croatian side of Kolpa River. In 1498 the frequency of the family name Plesse in the area of (Gottscheer) Rieg office don't surprise us when we know how important that family name became in Delnice town and other in Gorski Kotar in next generations. In 1494/1498 the Zappa (Zappe, Zapa) family lived in (Gottscheer) Rieg, in Gottschee town, and as much as three families in Klindorf. In 156413 Mathe Zappe was still in (Gottscheer) Rieg, and in 1574 Ambtman Zape who had a son in Gottenitz replaced Mathe. In 1574 we find Peter Zappa v Gottschee. Later the Family name Zappa disappeared from Gottscheerland and therefore the modern Gottscheers do not mention it among their Family Names. The family Zappa did not live in nearby areas of Polland Valley on Kolpa

13 ARS, AS 1, Viceroy Office for Carniola, fasc. I/46, lit. G, V/5, box 80, Urbarium Gottscheer 1564 = Urbarium manors Gottschee for the year 1564; ARS, AS 1, Viceroy Office for Carniola, fasc. I/46, lit. G, V/5, box 80, Urbarium of domain Gottschee for 1564.

19 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

river banks, Bela Krajina, Kostel, or Croatia. Three Gottscheerland families had the Family Names: Heferle, Hueter (Slo- vene variant Kolobučar), Kren (Khren), Mavrin, Speckl, Surga (Žurga), Oster- man, and Kump. Two families got today reckonable family names: Činkl (Tschinkl), Thunc- kl (Činkl?), Losar, Janež (Janes), Kostler, Schneider, Durr(der), Plasman, Labi, Lagklsen-Lagker, Marolt, Kohamsth, Korcherlin, Losar, Herman, Sager, Schal- lauener, Pether, Schillshnen, Schilistreder, Schneider, Tomac (Thomec), Valler, Veber (Weber), and Činkole (Zingkale). Besides them there are several examples with two supposed relatives working on the same farm with the same family names Mentl, Muhič (Muhitz), Rabe, or Wetstk/Westh. Among 228 subjects of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office in 1498, the scribe noted nine of them with roommates. Just in one case the roommates had different family names, but were probably related by marriage. In 1494 Plasman rented the field and mill near Gottschee Town. In 1526 the Gottscheer vicar Nikolaj Plasman and town judge Leonard Graff mailed to Lju- bljana the goods gathered for defense against Turks.14 In 1650 after the death of Matheus Plasman his heritage was noted, and besides the Pusti Gradec manor near Dragatuš he also owned the house in his native Gottschee town. Before he became noble von Ostwindberg in 1630 his activities were not documented. Between the years 1641–1643 he rented the Gottscheer Viceroy Customs Office and he had many debtors.15 His sons Franc and Heinrich Plasman fought in Croatia and Styrian poet Johann von Kalchberg (* 1765; † 1827) wrote a poem praising them. In spite of their Gottscheer origin Franc Anton von Breck- erfeld (* 1740; † 1806) described brothers Plasmans as Croatian nobles16 which mirrors the relativity of Gottscheerland Germanisation. Among the single Family names of 1494–1498 several families are still recognizable in Gottscheerland and surroundings: Bezgar (Besgar), Bauer, Blaževič (Blasewitsch), Černe (2 Tschernne, 1 Tschein), Grdina (Gerrdina), Janež-Janeš, Juraj, Jurman (Jurmann), Knaus (Knaws), Hrovat (Krabat), Lenc- -Lenac (Lenntze), Mandl, Mrle (Merrle), Muhič, Nikl, Nojman (Noyman), Ogri- zek (Ogrisark), Ožanič (Osan), Osmak (Ossmack), Osterlin, Osmak, Osterman, Pogorelc (Pogarilitsch), Preklar, Kvaternik (Quaternick), Rupe, Žagar (Sager),

14 Izvestja muzejskega društva za Kranjsko (1895), 246–248. 15 Boris Golec, "Trgi, ki jih ni bilo? Prezrta trška naselja Bele Krajine in njen nikoli obstoječi trg", Kronika 58 (2010), No. 3, 593–630, 615 (hereinafter: Golec, "Trgi, ki jih ni bilo?"). 16 ARS, AS 730, Manor Lusthall (Dol), fasc. 123, Topography of Carniola I, pag. 215; Janez Vajkard Valvasor, Die Ehre deß Herzogthums Crain (Laybach, 1689), 11: 430–431; Golec, "Trgi, ki jih ni bilo?", 616; Boris Golec, Nedokončana kroatizacija delov Vzhodne Slovenije (Ljubljana: ZRC ZAZU, 2012), 22; Heinrich Georg Hoff, Historisch-statistisch-topographisches Gemaelde von Herzogthume Krain, und demselben einverleibten Istrien, Zweyter Theil (Laibach: Johann Retzer, 1808), 105–106.

20 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

Zbašnik (Swasthniekh), Šubic (Shubiz), Žnidar (Schneider), Turk (Turgk), Čin- kelj (Thunckl), Vec (Veck, Wetz), Volf (Wolffl), Butina (Wittani), Vukovič (Wuck- owetsch) and Vukošič (Wukosthitz). In 1498 the scribe of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office noted just 42 subjects just with their Christian names without family names. That was much less compared to Kostel in 1494, when almost three thirds of Kostel Manor subjects did not have family names noted. In 1498 the scribe noted other 9 subjects of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office just as the sons of a person noted just with Christian Names without family names. There was one single abandoned farm in (Gottscheer) Rieg Office and in Upper Gottscheerland Office. The scribe noted family name Plesse six times and in one single case for two subjects on the same farm. The family name Schuester was noted five times in Nieder Tieffenbach (Dolenja Briga) and most of all in Rieg. Four family names were noted three times (Schmidt, Štamfelj (Stampfl), Žurga (Surga), and other 6 two times (Huet(er), Kosler, Losar, Speck(l), Tomec-Tomac (Thomec, Thomel), Weber). Today quite frequent family names Marin(č) (two times), Marun (single), and Mavrin (single) could be of similar origin in Gottenitz (Gotenica) and Belica of the (Gottscheer) Rieg Office. In 1498 all (Gottscheer) Rieg Office had different family names: Almost half of them (54) were still there in 1564, 1574, and even today. Among them are easily recognizable family names Ahac, Bezgar, Bauer, Blaževič, Černe (Cherne), Grdina (Gerrdina), Janež-Janeš, Juraj, Jurman, Knavs (Knaws), Hrovat (Krabat), Lenc-Lenac (Lenntze), Mandl, Mrle (Merrle), Muhič, Nikl, Noj- man, Ogrizek, Osan(ič), Osterlin, Osmak, Osterman, Pogorelc (Pogarilitsch), Preklar, Kvaternik, Rupe, Žagar (Sager), Zbašnik (Swasthniekh), Šubic (Shubiz), Žnidar (Schneider), Turk (Turgk), Činkelj (Thunckl), Čermelj (Tschermel), Vec (Veck, Wetz), Volf (Wolffl), Wittani, Vukovič (Wuckowetsch), Vukošič (Wukos- thitz), and Činkole-Cingerle (Zungkale). Among the later most important family names in those areas in 1498 and 1574 Štimac/Štimec family was not noted and we could trace them only in Delnice town in 1649. Štimac later among others lived in Mirtoviči and in neighboring upriver village Grintovec in tight relation with their neighbors Kovačs and Gottscheers Stampfls. Štimac/Štimec kept their farm in Grintovec from 19th century until today.

Spoken Language

What do the Urbariums from the late 15th century tell us about the language use in their time Gottscheerland? The oldest documents about Gottscheerlander were issued in the time when the Counts of Ortenburg from the castle Orten- burg by Spittal in Carintia owned the Gottscheerland. The ascent of the Count of Ortenburg was straightforward after 12th century when one of them beca-

21 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

me the Aquilea Patriarch. In the year 1247 the Aquileia Patriarch Bertold gave the land between Ribnico and Kolpa River where previously Conrad Auersperg ruled to the father-in-law of Conrad. Conrad just passed away and his father- -in-law was the independent landlord Count Herman II of Ortenburg (* 1192; † 1256). In 13th and 14th century the Ortenburgs had the huge feudal domains in Carinthia and Carniola. They enlarged their property from Gottscheerland in the direction of Kolpa River.17 In the year 1263 the property was divided among the young Herman's sons Heinrich IV (* 1254; † 1271) and Friedrich I (* 1254; † 1304), when the woody and scarcely populated Gottscheerland devolved to Friedrich.18 It was certainly ton completely unpopulated, but there was such a huge need for the working hands that Friedrich's sons Meinhardt I and Otto V of Ortenburg (* 1292; † 1343) began to populate the Gottscheerland with their subjects from northern areas. After them Meinhardt's son Herman IV continued their efforts.19 Between the years 1339–1363 and even later in 15th century Otto V and his nephew Otto VI settled German and may be even some Slavic speaking subjects. They began to gather them from their manors in Carinthia and East Tyrol, and later from Bavaria and partly from Frankish area, Swabia,20 or even from Bohemia.21 Many Bohemians settled the economically prospe- rous neighborhood of Gottscheers up to the Carolina Road in Gorski Kotar.22 Between the years 1349–1400 the Counts of Ortenburg transported to Gott- scheerland the rebellious subjects from Thüringen wo were defeated in their war against the Emperor. Therefore just the very last Count of Ortenburg Frie- drich III finished the colonization of poem of Gottscheerland. The Gottscheer

17 Georg Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627 Feudal Domain on the Frontier of Empire (Denver: Gottscheer Heritage and Genealogy Association, 2001), 3 (hereinafter: Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627). 18 Ivan Simonič, "Zgodovina mesta Kočevje in Kočevske", in: 500 let mesta Kočevje (Kočevje, 1971), 5–51, 7; Adam Lucijan, "Donesek k zgodovini Ortenburžanov na Dolenjskem", Kronika 43 (1995), No. 3, 7–13, 8 (hereinafter: Lucijan, "Donesek k zgodovini Ortenburžanov na Dolenjskem"); France Martin Dolinar, Mitja Ferenc, Blaž Resman, Helena Seražin, Gojko Zupan, Sakralna dediščina na Kočevskem (Gottschee: Pokrajinski muzej, 2006), 28 (hereinafter: Dolinar, Ferenc, Resman, Seražin, Zupan, Sakralna dediščina); Josef Erker, "Geschichtiche Daten über die Stadt Gottschee", in: Jubilaums-Festbuch der Gottscheer 600-Jahrfester (Gottschee, 1930), 248–254 ( hereinafter: Erker, "Geschichtiche Daten"); Gottscheer Kalender (Gottschee, 1930), 98. 19 Marija Makarovič, Črmošnjiško-poljanska dolina in njeni ljudje Kočevarji staroselci in Slovenci iz preteklosti v sedanjost (Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU, 2005), 23 (hereinafter: Makarovič, Črmošnjiško- poljanska dolina). 20 Matjaž Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka v očeh njenih duhovnih pastir- jev", in: V objemu centuries, ed. Matjaž Ambrožič, Mitja Ferenc, Gojko Zupan (Ljubljana: Družina, 2007), 9–177, 11 (hereinafter: Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka"); Ludwig Kren, "Heimat Gottschee", in: Gottschee 1330–1941. Die ehemalige deutsche Sprachinsel (Weilheim: Oberbayern, 1990), 143–166, 152. 21 Kamnik and later Tschermoschnitz-Polland family name Dralka originated from Bohenia (Makarovič, Črmošnjiško-poljanska dolina, 308, 358). 22 Anton Burić, Povijesna antroponimija Gorskog kotara u Hrvatskoj. Goranska prezimena kroz povijest (Rijeka: Društvo za zaštitu prirodnekulturne in povijesne baštine Gorskog Kotara, 1979), 28.

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Counts Khisli attracted several better educated foreigners to Gottscheerland during the Thirty Years War when Carniola was a kind of peaceful asylum against the murdering in German Lands. Dr. Zmaga Kumer recognized in Slovenian variant of Margetica joined to the king Mathias the echo of the German ballade Geburt in Walde, which Gottscheerland colonists of Otto V and Otto VI of 14th century to today Slovene Lands.23 The Counts of Ortenburg preferred to bring to Kolpa River banks the farm- ers form Croatian and Slovenian settlement areas. The German colonists also settled the feuds of German Order of Knights, but far less in Kostel or Polland. The mills on the banks of Kolpa river in Žlebe, Grglji, or Bilpa were a part of German settlement in the area of the parish Mösel or her later succursal in Oberskrill (Zdihovo). Ivan Simonič (* July 7, 1905 Vinji vrh by Semič 5 km north of Črnomelj; † January 8, 1979 Ljubljana) on one side and Josef Obergföll (* 1853; † 1922)24 on opposite side loved to count the Gottscheerland family names, certainly mostly on the basis of Urbarium issued in the year 1574. They wished to find out which part of the population could have Slavic or Germanic origin. Their antagonism was certainly not without political arrow. With the analysis of Urbariums from the years 1494–1498 we are much closer to the primary migrations of Gott- scheers on the Ortenburg property because in the notes of those years we could even deal with some older subject who was a kid during the migration itself. In any case the Urbariums 1494/1498 brings the listings about grandchildren of the people whom Ortenburgs moved to Gottscheerland in the last two thirds of 14th century. The spirit of migration was therefore still alive in both Urba- riums for the years 1494/98, and also tio Kostel Urbarium for the year 1494. It could be probably felt also in Polland Urbarium or the Urbarium for Lower Office Gottscheerland from that era if we will find them somewhere in future. With those new data, how could we solve the old puzzle about the linguistic tendencies during the early Ortenburg mixing of subjects in Gottscheerland? In 1494 Fifty-five families of Gottschee town certainly did not confess exclusively German pedigree although even there the German-like Gottscheer- land dialect slowly became the common use, the lingua franca. There were also several Slavic and not German families settled in Southwest part of the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg, mostly in supp Gerovo or Osilnica. Even there we find the Germanic family names as Plesse or Stamfel, but German speaking population probably never prevailed on the banks of Kolpa or Čabranka River. That

23 Zmaga Kumer, Slovenska ljudska pesem (Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 2002), 148. 24 Josef Obergföll, Die Gottscheer Familiennamen, Festgabe zur Feier des 10jähr. Bestandes des k.k. Staatsgymnasiums zu Gottschee am 28. Oktober 1882 (Gottschee, 1882); Ivan Simonič, "Migracije na Kočevskem v luči priimkov", in: Srpski etnografski zbornik (Ljubljana, 1934), 106–135.

23 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

fact probably means that future Gottscheers did not migrate from the banks of the bigger or medium size rivers on the north. Therefore they did not like to settle on the banks of Kolpa River until they were forced to do so because they needed the mill and saws on the banks of Kolpa River.

Manager of Fridrihstein Piers, and the Early Attacks of the Hereditary Enemy Turks

Habsburgs kept Polland together with Gottscheerland for a century and a half as loaned Land-Prince manors. In the year 1457 the Emperor Friedrich III of Habsburg appointed Piers (Niklas Pyrsch) as lifelong manager of Friedrihstein to take care about the fortress. Niklas was Cilli feudal lord25 of Katarina, the widow of Principal-Count Ulrich of Cilli. On February 18, 1458 the Emperor gave Gottschee with the toll-office to the priest of the Styrian town of Laško (Tüffer) and Cilli Viceroy Georg Denstra. A half of a year later (November 24, 1459) the Emperor politely paid to the widow Katarina 100 Pound denarius for handling over the manor Gottschee. The Laško (Tüffer) priest was probably already in those times Friedrich Apprecher (Aprech). On Wednesday October 22, 1466 the Emperor Friedrich III granted to the Cilli Viceroy Friedrich Appre- cher (Aprech) the acceptance of all threee ofices of Gottscheerland manors. A year and a half later on February 16, 1468 the wrote to the Möttling Governor General Andreas Hohenwart about the managers of Gottschee Hans and Nik- las Apprecher (Aprech), and in the same time about Fröschn as the manager of (Gottscheer) Rieg.26 On October 20, 1468 the Emperor Frederick III from Graz ordered to his Gottscheerland manager Petritz to mail 200 fl to pay for the Habsburg castle Mehovo which Ludvik von Kozjak managed in 1472. On June 28, 1476 the Emperor in Viennese Neusadt gave to Caspar, Jörg, and Malchior Petritz the mining iron managing in Kostel, Osilnici, Osilnica waters, and other places. He allowed them to consolidate forges and blast-furnaces to guard them. He also allowed them to used forests, woods, stones, waters, bridges, and iron selling. The Emperor certainly planned to get some taxes from them later. Caspar Petri- tz eventually did not dig the fortune with ironworks because on April 2, 1479 he sold to the Emperor his house in Gottschee.27 After the sale Petritz' family

25 Ivan Jakič, Sto gradov na Slovenskem (Ljubljana: Prešernova družba, 2001), 46 (hereinafter: Jakič, Sto gradov na Slovenskem). 26 Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 5, 33–35. 27 Ibidem, 5, 34–36; Slavko Malnar, Povijest čabarskog kraja (Čabar: Matica Hrvatska ogranak Čabar, 2007), 44 (hereinafter: Malnar, Povijest čabarskog kraja).

24 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

was not very important in Gottscheerland. In the Upper Gottscheerland Urba- rium for the year 1494 the scribe wrote der Petritze Hoffstat with the rent for a land amounting 26 ß in Gottschee town.28 From that note it is not quite clear if the land called Petritz' was still rented to one of Petritz, but it is highly probable. In any case the manufacture of Petrič (Petritz) reflects the beginning of the organized ironworks in Gottscheerland, on Kolpa and Čabranka Rivers banks. The Baron Ungnad later continued Petritz' ironworks business and the enter- prise was on its peak during the Čabar ironworks of Zrinjski in 17th century. On January 14, 1614 the subjects of Mösel in their request for the Zieglfest's commission mentioned the "Peterlein's mine" near the hill called Alble (Aibel).29 The village Ajbelj in Kostel on the border with the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg was certainly other location because Mösel belonged to the Lower Office of Gott- scheerland. In 1469 the Turks followed the battle cries of 80 years old "Wolf of the Chris- tians", the Bosnian Pasha Weih-beg. They attacked Gottscheerland for the first time, ribbed the Market and deserted the surroundings.30 Therefore the Gott- scheers build and fortified Gottschee on the safer right bank of Rinse (Rinža) River and added a canal to the meander.31 The Emperor Friedrich III already on Friday after Easter in the year 1471 elevated the area court of Friedrichstein into the oldest Carniolan town of the new (military) type32 for three years with a fee of 32 ducats per year. The Emperor confirmed the decision in 1493.33 The elevation did not help a lot because Turks as much as three times attacked Gottschee in 1471. On January 15, 1479 the well-natured Emperor Friedrich III exempted from tolls and customs the Gottschee City to within a radius of six miles.34 After Gottschee in 1470-s the new military cities became Krško, Lož (March 8, 1477), Višnja gora, and Radovljica. Besides those the Carniolan and Littoral urban rights had old Istria towns, Novo mesto after the year 1365; Kranj (1050/1065), Ljubljana (1112/1125), Stara Loka (973), and Gorica (1001).35

28 ARS, AS 1, Viceroy Office for Carniola, box 102, fasc. I/58, Litera P – VI, 1a, 8v, Urbarium Gottscheer Upper Office 1494. 29 Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 159. 30 Milko Kos, Srednjeveški rokopisi v Sloveniji v Sloveniji (Ljubljana: Umetnostno-zgodovinsko društvo, 1931), 42. 31 Erker, "Geschichtiche Daten", 98. 32 Andrej Nared, Dežela – knez – stanovi: oblikovanje kranjskih deželnih stanov in zborov do in the years 1518 (Ljubljana: ARS & ZRC SAZU, 2009), 171 (hereinafter: Nared, Dežela – knez – stanovi). 33 Ivan Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje (zemljepis in zgodovina)", in: Kočevski zbornik. Razprave o Kočevski in njenih ljudeh, ed. Ivan Simonič (Ljubljana: Vodstvo Družbe sv. Cirila in Metoda, 1939), 70 (hereinafter: Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje"; Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 6. 34 Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka", 17. 35 Andrej Nared, "Recenzija: Miha Kosi: Zgodnja zgodovina srednjeveških mest na Slovenskem. Primerjalna študija o neagrarnih naselbinskih središčih od zgodnjega srednjega veka do 13. stoletja (Ljubljana: Založba ZRC SAZU, 2009), 176 strani", Kronika 57 (2009), No. 3, 563–566, 564; Miha Kosi,

25 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

Martolosen were a constant treat for the subjects on the banks of Kolpa River and in Gottscheerland. The Martolosen even gave their name to a place in Gottscheerland.36 In the year 1501 the city of Gottschee for the sake of pover- ty still had only half-built city walls. Therefore the Emperor Maximilian mis- sed their payment obligations for one year.37 In the year 1532, the authorities ordered to fire the bonfire warnings in places where they shoot mortars. Both means of signaling over Turkish threads since then have not been spatially separated in the castle of Friedrichstein. To meet the urgent needs of heavy circumstances the Emperor Friedrich III Habsburg issued the order on October 23, 1492 in Linz. He let all his subjects from Gottscheerland Land Office to trade freely in Croatia and elsewhere. Until the withdrawal they were allowed to sell their stock, canvas, and other items which they plant and grow themselves. With the conformations of the years 1571, 1596, 1774 in 1780 that nice measure became the basis for the small trade also in Ribnica and Kostel where the clever tradesman pretender to be more or less Gottscheers and in that way they even compete with the citizens of Gottschee .38 Under the Emperor Friedrich III the manager of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office, Gottscheerland manor, Pollan, and Planina was Balthasar Wagen. During Wagen's managing of the Office (Gottscheer) Rieg on April 30, 1478 the Emper- or acquitted the Office (Gottscheer) Rieg of al taxes due to bad times.39 That situation was like modern "recession", but the modern rulers do not copy the customs of nice Emperor. In the same year the Emperor sharply wrote to the Gottscheerland judge and his counsel to pay annual taxes in the amount of 1700 gld. Gottscheers supposedly badly reproached the Emperor's Trieste captain Nikolas Ravbar who came to tax receivables. The Gottscheer judge did not pay his debts anyway, therefore he was dismissed and Piers got his job. For that high office he was willing to pay 32 Hungarian golden coins. The problems with tax payment ceased and in 1478 the Emperor ordered the Carniolan Viceroy to deliver the powder to Gottscheers for their deffence against the dangerous Ivan

Zgodnja zgodovina srednjeveških mest na Slovenskem. Primerjalna študija o neagrarnih naselbinskih središčih od zgodnjega srednjega veka do 13. stoletja (Ljubljana: Založba ZRC SAZU, 2009), 64. 36 Anton Prelesnik, Vodni viri na Kočevskem (Ljubljana: Društvo Kočevarjev staroselcev, 2007). 37 Nared, Dežela – knez – stanovi, 176; Golec, Družba v mestih in trgih, 144. 38 Adolf Hauffen, Die deutsche Sprachinsel Gottschee (Graz: k.k. Universitäts-Buchdruckerei und Verlags- Buchhandlung "Styria", 1895), 28; Jože Šorn, Začetki industrije na Slovenskem (Maribor: Obzorja, 1984), 41; Božo Otorepec, "Doneski k zgodovini Ribnice in okolice v srednjem veku", Kronika 30 (1982): 79–86, 83; Anton Skubic, Zgodovina Ribnice in Ribniške pokrajine (Buenos Aires, 1976) (hereinafter: Skubic, Zgodovina Ribnice); Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje", 70 with errors. 39 Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje", 68, 69; Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 5, 36.

26 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

Frankopan.40 On May 30, 1478 Nikolas's nephew Sigmund Piers became the manager of Friedrichstein and he even got a post of Gottscheerland provincial judge. In the same year he became the leaseholder of provincial court in the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg for 60 Pound denarius, Governor General of Möt- tling, and the landlord of Ribnica together with his son Johann. Between the years 1478–1493 he leased the Ribnica manor to the Cilli Governor General Andreas von Hohenwart.41 On August 25, 1503 the king Maximilian allowed the oldest Sigmund's son Michael Piers to become the manager of Friedrich- stein. Michael shared his power with his elderly father who lived at last for next three years.42 Differently from the nearby manor of Kostel and usual habits in Carniola the Habsburgs sometimes leased the Friedrichstein separately from the other parts of the manor Gottschee. In the times where the Urbariums of the years 1494 and 1498 were issued, the leaseholder of Friedrihstein was Michael von Piers († after 1506) after the year 1475/78. In those times the leaseholder of Gottscheerland was the Governor General of Trieste, Postojna, Duino, and Fiume-Rijeka Gasper von Ravbar (Rauber, Raubar, † 1497) between the years 1491–1497. In the same time he was the landlord in Postojna after the year 1490 and the leaseholder of Kostel after the year 1493. After Gasper's death his sons Johann, Erasmus, and the Trieste captain Nikolas inherited the pledge assets.43 Erasmus von Ravbar was an Uskok captain in the year 1531. He was the leaseholder of Planina by Rakek in the year 1556.44 In the years 1466 and 1491 the Ravbar passed the leasehold right of Gottscheerland to Friedrich von Apprecher,45 and in the year 1497 to Wilhelm von Auersperg ("the wealthy", † October 10, 1506), the Imperial adviser, Carniola Governor General (January 14, 1483–1501), and Land in provincial viceroy (1489–1497) who managed the Land-Prince's properties.46 In that way the Auersperg family ruled the Gott- scheerland in three intervals: before the Counts of Ortenburg and before Thurn

40 Peter Wolsegger, "Zur Geschichte der Stadt Gottschee bis zum Jahre 1493", G. Kal. (1923): 29–39, 36; Viktor Steska, "Kočevje", Dom in svet 9 (1896): 116–119, 182–184, 210–213, 243–245, 278–282, 183 (hereinafter: Steska, "Kočevje"). 41 Smole, Graščine, 421. 42 Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 5, 39, 161–162; Georg Widmer, "Bausteine zur Geschichte des Gottscheerländchens", in: Gottscheer Kalender (Gottschee, 1934), 43–54 (hereinafter: Widmer, "Bausteine zur Geschichte des Gottscheerländchens"). , 45; Skubic, Zgodovina Ribnice, 343; Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje", 75. 43 Nared, Dežela – knez – stanovi, 162. 44 Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje", 69. 45 Jakič, Sto gradov na Slovenskem, 46; Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 5. 46 Miha Preinfalk, Auerspergi po sledeh mogočnega tura (Ljubljana: Zgodovinski inštitut Milka Kosa ZRC SAZU, 2005), 74, 509; Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje", 75.

27 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

as leaseholders, and in three centuries before the 2nd World War as owners. The managers of Gottscheerland during the early independent reign of Maximilian I are unknown. Later manager was Georg (Jurij) Stržen, who certainly managed it pretty bad considering the violent death he and the landlord Thurn suffered from the Gottscheerland subjects in the year 1515.47

Church Regulations under Habsburgs

The early Gottscheerland parishes belonged to the archdeaconry of Sloveni- an Mark or Krajina (Carniola). The oldest Ortenburg parish south of Ljubljana was in Ribnica as the longtime centre for secular and ecclesiastical supply of all Province. On September 1, 1339 the Aquileia Patriarch Bernard permitted Otto V of Ortenburg (* 1292; † 1343), the son of Friedrich I, to install a priest in Mooswald chapel of St. Bartholomew in the area of later Gottschee. On May 1, 1363 the Aquileia Patriarch Ludwig II della Torre (* 1338; † 1365) in Udine let the Otto's nephew Otto VI of Ortenburg (* 1338; † January 29, 1374), the husband of Ana of Cilly, to propose for approval by the superior clergy priest in Ribnica in the Churches of Mooswald in Gottschee, Polland (Poljane), Kostel, Osilnica, and (Gottscheer) Rieg called Gottenitz in the document.48 The permit was not the document about the establishment of those parishes and certainly not on the erecting of their churches. In Stari trg near Polland the church worked at least a century before the issued document. Nesseltal (Koprivnik) got the parish in the year 1400, but Osilnica only in the year 1509. The parish of Gotenica was established only in the year 1845 and before the year 1786 it had no priest. Therefore Ludwig II certainly had in mind the nearby parish of (Gott- schee) Rieg where the priest Johannes Zink (Zengg, * Memmingen; † 1415), the former scribe Margaret Teck, tended the souls after the former priest Melchior left sometimes between the years 1375 and 1377.49 Zink had several children,50 but he was not involved in the famous Margaret's half of the apple because

47 http://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gottschee 48 Franc Schumi, "Die Ansiedlung in Gottschee", Archiv für Heimatskünde (1882): 30–31, 31; Steska, "Kočevje", 117–118; Jože Ožura, "Osilnica in dolina v preteklosti", Osilniška dolina (1995), No. 4, 9–11; (1995), No. 5, 11–12; (1996), No. 6, 10–11, 9; Widmer, Gottschee 1406–1627, 15; Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka", 12–13, 15–16; Lucijan, "Donesek k zgodovini Ortenburžanov na Dolenjskem", 12 (Otton VI of Ortenburg noted as Otto VII). 49 Zdravko Troha, Kočevski Nemci – partizani (Ljubljana: Slovensko kočevarsko društvo Peter Kosler, 2004) 17; Karl Julius Schröer, Wörterbuch der Mundart von Gottschee (Wien: kk. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, 1870), 16–17 (hereinafter: Schröer, Wörterbuch); Theodor Elze, "Gotschee und die Gotschewer", Jahresheft für Krainischen Landesmuseums 3 (1862): 1–66, 8. 50 Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka", 26; Steska, "Kočevje", 118–119; Skubic, Zgodovina Ribnice, 52, 632–633.

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13th page of Gottschee Urbariums of 1494 (Urbariums of Upper Gottscheerland 1494, folio 7r).

Zink died 3 years earlier. Zink's supposed great grandson Clement Zingkale was noted among the last subjects in (Gottscheer) Rieg where he cultivated a half of hide in 1498.51 Peter Zingkh had similar family name and farmed in the village of Reichenau (Rajhenau) of Upper Gottscheerland Office in 1494. Johannes Zink was almost the only one of the primary Swabian group of Gottscheer migrants whose destiny we could follow. Zink's nephew Burkard Zink (* 1396 Memmingen; † 1474/75 Augsburg) described Johannes' life. Burkard escaped from his stepmother's regime to his uncle in the year 1407,

51 ARS, AS 13, Commission for feudal affairs, box 23, 9, Urbarium for (Gottschee) Rieg and Sichelberg issued in year 1498=Urbarium Register des ambts Riegkh vnd Sichelberg gehorund, so von ro. ko. mt. reformieren vnd raten beritten vnd verschriben worden ist, anno etc.collationiert LXXXXVIII.

29 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

and studied in Reifnitz (Ribnica) for eight years.52 After the establishment of Ljubljana Diocese in the year 1461 the Gott- scheerland parishes even formally became a part of the Reifnitz (Ribnica) archdiocese,53 which worked until the year 1787. In the year 1751 the Pope abolished Aquileia patriarchate and its area inside the Habsburg heritage lands was traded to the Gorica Diocese with Gottscheerland parishes inside the Reif- nitz (Ribnica) archdiocese.54

Urbarium of Land-Prince's Manor Gottschee for the Upper Office (1494)

In 1498 the (Gottscheer) Rieg Office also included Osilnica and Gerovo, although the later went to Thurn's brother-in-law Croatian count Frankopan and later to Zrinjski. In Urbarium for the Office (Gottscheer) Rieg (1498) they later bound simultaneously made Urbarium for Sichelberg (Žumberk) which belonged to Carniola in those times. The same hand probably wrote both Urbariums before the year 1501 although Dušan Kos stated that they were not necessary written simultaneously. The Urbarium for other two offices of Gottscheerland's manors were considered lost for a long time although they were written in at least two copies.55 In Ph.D. dissertation of Dr. Boris Golec (1999) and again in 2009 during the restoration of Urbarium it was discovered that the Urbarium for Upper Gottscheer Office was written four years earlier (in 1494) together with the Urbarium for neighboring manor Kostel. The Urbarium for Upper Office Gottscheerland was erroneously put into the fascicles of manor Prem in such a way that the first 8 pages and the beginning of 9th noted Gottscheeeland and the continuation up to page 37 listed the villages of the manor Prem. In that way the most of the book dealt with Prem Manor. On the first eight partly damaged pages the scribe listed Gottscheerland settlements beginning with Mitterdorf (Stara Cerkev) through Klindorf (Klinja vas) and other villages of Upper Gottscheerland Office up to the town of Gott- schee.56 In 1494 among the villages we miss most of all Mooswald (Mahovnik),

52 Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka", 26; Schröer, Wörterbuch, 18. 53 Skubic, Zgodovina Ribnice, 97, 92; Ambrožič, "Pozabljena preteklost župnije Kočevska Reka", 18. 54 Dolinar, Ferenc, Resman, Seražin, Zupan, Sakralna dediščina, 11. 55 Ema Umek, "Reformirani urbarji deželnoknežjih gospostev na Kranjskem", Zgodovinski časopis 36 (1982): 311–320, 312, 313 (hereinafter: Umek, "Reformirani urbarji"); Dušan Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino in Žumberk (Ljubljana: SAZU, 1991), 20, 87 (hereinafter: Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino). 56 Žnidaršič Golec, Čargo Juričić, Vodnik po urbarjih ARS, 123, 124, 224; Golec, Družba v mestih in trgih; DR Boris Golec's email dated March 7, 2011; Golec, "Senožeče in Prem": 280; Kos, Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji Slovenskega Primorja, 240–250 (Prem).

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which in 1574 had as much as 10 hides which made it the biggest village of Upper Office Gottscheerland.57 It is not very probable that Mooswald (Mahovnik) village was not settled yet in 1494. There is some possibility that the taxes of subjects in Mooswald belonged to the parish and not to the manor, as was the case with the villages of Fara, Lipovac, and Sela inside Kostel Manor up to the late 17th century. There are also some chances that the Mooswald settlement, which was also the primary name of the location of church of Gottschee town in 14th century, was still noted as the part of city Gottschee settlement in 1494. The mills of manor Prem were listed only on page 18r,58 where just before that in the paragraph of Wine Rights (Weinrecht) the scribes directly stated that his listing considers the Manor Prem on the lower part of page 17v. On the page 18r three mills were listed, and on the page 9r four of them under the somewhat Gottscheer-sounding names of the fields and gardens renters. Therefore and because of the smooth continuation from the renters in the town of Gottschee we could fairly suggest that page 9r describes the mills on the Rieg rivedr which was named Grosser Wasser there. The Urbarium for Lower Office of manor Gottschee in 1494/98 z Khrapfenfeld (Dolga vas), Lienfeld (Livold), Zwisslern (Cvišlerji), Schalkendorf (Šalka vas), Mösel (Mozelj), and villages around Tschermoschnitz (Mosche, Črmošnjice) and Pollan (Poljan) on the other side of Horn (Rog) are not in the evidence yet.

Urbarium of Land-Prince's Manor Gottschee's Office (Gottscheer) Rieg (1498)59

The preserved Urbarium for Gottscheerland (1498) was written in German Gothic. The scribe used Roman numbers with a special annotation for ½ which was in noted nearly as the + sign in Gottscheer Urbariums for the years 1498 in 1568.60 The scribe used a paper of Italian provenience with a watermark with the encircled balance with radius of 4 cm. Urbarium of (Gottscheer) Rieg began with the folio 2 and runs up to the folio 25 which means the ending page 49.

57 Wolsegger, "Das Urbarium der Herrschaft Gottschee". 58 Kos, Srednjeveški Urbarji za Slovenijo, Urbarji Slovenskega primorja, 249. 59 ARS, AS 13, Commission for Feudal affairs, box 23, Urbarium Gottscheer Rieg 1498 = Urbarium Register des ambts Riegkh vnd Sichelberg (last two worlds noted with the different hand!) gehorund, so von ro.ko.mt.reformieren vnd raten beritten vnd verschriben worden ist, anno etc.collationiert LXXXXVIII. 60 ARS, Viceroy Office for Carniola, fasc. I/46, lit. G, V, box 80, Urbarium Gottscheer 1568 = Urbarium of manor Gottschee for the year 1568; cited in Umek, "Reformirani urbarji", 313–314, 316, and Makarovič, Črmošnjiško-poljanska dolina, 27–31).

31 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

Folios were sewn together and later they were connected to the Urbarium of manor Sichelberg (Žumberk) with 14 folios (seven sheets) with a different watermark showing anchor with two horns in a circle of radius 2 cm similar to a watermark paper surveyed for the Urbariums of Upper Gottscheerland. The cover of the booklet have been preserved in the same size as the foil, but the binding is already abated. The black ink title on the cover reads: "Rieck vnd Sichelberg, No 2". Before the first film there are two narrow disks where around the year 1500 the different hand with brighter ink specifically aggregated incomes of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office and separately for Sichelberg (Žumberk). Next they inserted the sheet with the rates of cash and cereals:

1 great measure (of wheat?) we could get in Möttling for 20 ß 1 ß (sold) is worth 2 Black Schillings (denarius) 120 ß is 1 lb (Venetian Libre) Rye is calculated at 3 denarius Oats is billing the half of the rye (that is 1.5 denarius).

The millet bucket was 4 denarius worth in the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg but the Malgarn (Mala Gora) in the Upper Office of Gottscheerlandhad unknown quantity of Millet per 6 ß,61 that was 12 Black Denarius. The Malgarn (Mala Gora) subjects probably paid 2 pouring of Millet per year if the Millet of the Malgarn (Mala Gora) was not better compared to the one of Rieg. In the year 1494 the Duty in Millet was completely converted into cash which probably means that the Malgarn (Mala Gora) subjects sowed the millet less and traded more on the basis of license of the Emperor Friedrich III issued on Octo- ber 23, 1492 just before the Urbarium (1494). In the Upper Office of the Gott- scheerland the lowered tow was worth 7/20 ß because 20 lowered tows appre- ciated 7 ß in Mitterdorf (Stara Cerkev) or Gottnitz (Gotenica). Tree chickens in (Gottscheer) Rieg allied two ß, as did 16 eggs or one lowered tow. Apparently ß went for 2/3 pennies because a penny was 3 black denarius worth. Let us add that the original entire hide in Gottscheer Polland inside the Lower Office of Gottscheerland measured around 50 ha.62 In Kotschen (Koče) inside the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg the entire hide had 61.4 ha.63 According to other sources the entire hide comprised 17 acres, and just a half of it or even

61 Urbarium Gottscheer Upper Office 1494, 4v. 62 Makarovič, Črmošnjiško-poljanska dolina, 25, 413. 63 Ivan Kordiš, Irena Škufca, Vasilij Melik, Peter Kozler in prvi zemljevid Slovenian ozemlja: "Po hribih, po dolih razširjen njih rod" (Gottschee: Muzej, 1996), 13 /hereinafter. Kordiš, Škufca, Melik, Peter Kozler).

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just 3.5 ha were fields.64 The later is certainly too low account and may have been realized to the forest area. The Gottscheerland hides could not measure just 1 to 6 acres. The size broke were used by Austrian rate (Tagbau, 0.57554 ha), Bavarian rate (0.34 ha), English measures (0.40477 ha), or other. So scarce metered area was certainly too small to survive on Gottscheerland hide which in the year 1574 nourished at an average of eighteen people. The few abbreviations were specific for the Land Registry Office of (Gott- scheer) Reka. The Winds up on the left f the word meant the ending "er", a straight line over the work meant "e" or "n". Urbarium for (Gottscheer) Rieg for the year 1498 was firstly published in its entirety from the pen of the writer of these lines in the year 2009. Malnar,65 Simonič,66 Kos,67 and Makarovič68 processed the individual surnames noted in the year 1498.

The Taxes in (Gottscheer) Rieg (Hinterland) and Upper (Ober) Gottscheerland Office

We could compare the economy of Gottscheerland's manors for the years 1494/1499 with the simultaneous economies of the similar Carniolan German settlers in Feichting (Bitnje) inside the Freising manor of Škofja Loka,69 the economy of other Carniolan Manors,70 or the economy of Habsburg monarchy as a whole,71 or even other parts of Europe.72

64 Widmer, "Bausteine zur Geschichte des Gottscheerländchens", 48, 49, 54. 65 Stanislav Južnič, Dvig iz pragozda in zaton vanj: Razvoj Kočevske in sosednjih dolin (Osilniška, Dragarska, Poljanska) (1498–2009) (Fara, 2009); Malnar, Povijest čabarskog kraja, 25. 66 Simonič, "Kočevsko ozemlje", 71. 67 Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 20–21; Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv Wien (hereinafter: HHStA), FAA VIII. Gottschee A 15/nr. 28–48 fach 2: 21 Gottschee Urbariums 1550–1757: No. 28/1550, 29/1574, 30/1580, 32/1582, 33/1582, 34/1595, 36/1596. 68 Makarovič, Črmošnjiško-poljanska dolina, 25. 69 Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 179. 70 Ibidem, 259. 71 Ibidem, 261. 72 Ibidem, 263.

33 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

Table 2: Values of agricultural products in grams of silver according to Dušan Kos73

Article Grams of silver

100 litters of wheat 49

100 litters Oats 24

100 litters Millet 36

Sheep 15.5

Chicken 3.4

100 eggs 3

Kilograms of Tow 4.4

Table 3: Taxes of Kostelians and Gottscheers in the years 1494 and 1498 747576

Kostel Kostel Gottscheer Upper Office Rieg TAXES Gottscheerland 1494 157074 1494/98 1494 1498

Black Schillings 15076 17782

gld:kr:den 92:54:0 48:20669:160 47:19320:128 1:1349:32

Contribution 0 0 0 0 0

Pigs 62 66 12 0 12

Sheep 62 66 0 0 0

Barrels of wine75 66 67 0 0 0

Buckets of millet76 198 246 118.6+169 ß 169 ß 118.6

Buckets of grain (wheat) 0 0 229.6 156 73.6

Buckets of oats 0 0 500.6 414 86.6

Eggs 610 726 825 106 719

Chickens77 0 0 619 353 266

73 Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 21. The forint and of the agricultural products worth in grams of silver were considerably lower in contemporaneous researches compared to Kos values (Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 89, 267–269). 74 (ARS, Viceroy Office for Carniola, fasc. I/48, lit.G. XVI/3, box 83, Graffenweriher vel Costler Urbariumialia, Rubrica Cammerale et Urbariumiale, 1570. 77 pages of unpaged Urbarium and the listing of documents collection on 13 ages. 75 Small bucket with a volume of 56.6 liters. 76 Buckets with a volume of 60.56 liters.

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Cargos of woods 0 880 0 0 0

To w 78 0 0 2701 2120 581

Beehives 0 0 0 0 0

Cargos of hay 19 0 0 0 0

Table 4: Sum of Taxes for All Manor Kostel in the year 1494 according to Kos' valuations79 7778

Duty Quantity g of silver for piece Together g silver

ALL TOGETHER 7538 ß-7740 ß80 (8841) 0.309 2410–2329

Pigs 62–67 (66) 15.5 961–1038

Sheep 62–6781 (66) 15.5 961–1038

Millet 198 buckets82 (246) 0.36 g/l 5494–4317

610 eggs83 (634) 0.03 18.3

Suma 94 (tithe Jakšiči)84 0.7 65.8

27 FanfHand85 0.7 18.9

Fishing (Stelnik) 40012 0.7 140

TOGETHER "TITHE" 311 224.7

Cargos of hay 1913 8 152

TOGETHER 10121–10294

77 In the years 1467 the chicken on the property of Krka was valued 3 dw (of Viennese currency: Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 89, 104) or 0.375 g of silver. In Bled in the year 1464 chicken was paid two or three Aquileia ß, and 10 eggs went for one Aquileia ß. The sheep was 14 ß in the Škofja Loka manor in the year 1476 (Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 104), and 28 Aquileia ß in the year 1464 (Matjaž Bizjak, Urbarji briksenske škofije. Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo 5 (Ljubljana: Zgodovinski inštitut Milka Kosa ZRC SAZU, 2006), 74 (hereinafter: Bizjak, Urbarji briksenske škofije)). Lowered Tow was sold for 26 g of silver. 4.4 g of silver was a bill for 1 kg of tow because the Lowered Tow had 28 g and čehulja 280 g as the usual way of linking. The pound had a mass of 560 g (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 175; Bizjak, Urbarji briksenske škofije, 70). 0.5 gld was a price for 100 liters of wheat (Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 103), therefore 0.14 g of silver was paid for 1 liter of wheat. The bucket had 60.56 liters, but kobal and quar- tals were used in Sichelberg (Žumberk) in the year 1498 and in Möttling manor (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 171). 0.36 g of silver was paid for 1 liter of millet, and on the other side 0.2 gld was a price for 100 liters of Oats of Millet between the years 1493–1500 in Škofja Loka manor (Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 103). In the year 1494 13 ß had around 4 g of silver, and in the year 1578 nearly 50% less (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 167). In the year 1484 they began to coin goldinars which were in 1517 already very rare for the price 1 gld = 60 kr = 240 white denarius, and 1 gld = 90 ß = 180 Black Denarius; 1 lb = 120 ß = 240 Black Denarius. In 1494, the Viennese white denarius was worth 0.00313 fl, and in the years 1498 just 0.00303 fl (Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 84, 267–269). The Carniolian value was used after the year 1460 for: 1 ß North Italian = 2 black denarius = 2.36 Viennese white denarius. In the late 15th century 1 ß was over 2.6 Viennese white denarius (Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 84, 267). . 78 In hung of cannabis.

35 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

79 8081828384858687

79 Duty quantities of Kostelian subjects in the years 1494 were tabled in grams of silver. Where ever it was possible the prices for particular duties were taken from Urbarium of the nearby manor of Polland issued in the year 1576 (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 142–143, 167). In most cases of Urbarium of manor Kostel (1494) the cash units for tithe, freight, customs, or wine taxes (Weinfart) were noted in ß, but they also used other units: 1 mark ß = 160 ß (two times in Banja Loka (Urbarium Kostel 1494 = Vermercht das Urbarium Register zum Costel, num.2, 1494 (AS 1, Viceroy Office for Carniola, fasc.I/48, lit.G. XVI/4)./ Vermercht das Vrbar register zum Costel, num. 2. 1494. AS 1, Viceroy Office for Carniola, fasc.I/48, lit.G. XVI/4, p.13) and Vrh, on single occasion in Zapuže and for Tithe (Urbarium Kostel 1494, 24); 1 lb ß (pound ß) = 120 ß (Potok, Vrh); gld (goldinar) and mark schilling (mark denarius) on listing of customs (Urbarium Kostel 1494, 18). After the reforms of the Emperor Maximilian they used the following system: 1 goldinar (Slb gld (silver fl) = 60 kreuzers (kr) = 180 black den (pfennig, dinar, denarius) = 240 white den. They also used other units: 1 libra (Venetian libernik, pfund) = 13.33 kr Carniolan value (crainische wehrung); 1 sold (ß, solidus, schilling) = 2 black denarius (pfennig); 1 libra (libernik) = 19.995 ß; 1 thaler (tl) = Pound sold = 240 ß = 480 black denarius (pfennig); Rheinisch gulden (rh fl); Italian Lira; crown ( = 2 fl); groš=Groschen ( = 12 kr) and Golden ducat (= 2 gld 40 kr). 1 ß = 2/3 kr; 90 ß = 1 gld (Bizjak, Urbarji briksenske škofije, 72, 91; Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 165 put it somewhat different: 1 goldinar (gulden)= 96 solds). The bucket of Millet could was probably measured in Ljubljana unit from the early 16th century (40 l) or with a Möttling unit from the years 1594 (60.56 l, Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 168, 170). In calculating for Urbarium of manor Kostel (1494) we used the later Möttling unit. We were unable to use some special duties: "Suma 94 Furl" in the village Jakšiči, "27 FanfHand" in Banja Loka. While converting those numbers into grams of silver we added those dities to the tithe. 80 Besides duties for farms and mills also all the freighting was added. Zins (lawsuit cash, Tithe) was lb denarius worth (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 165) in 98 ß (solds, Urbarium Kostel 1494, 25). Altogether it was noted 7538 solds, but the exact sum was for 3% higher: 6570 solds Tithe + 1170 solds freight = 7740 solds = 64 lb den and 60 ß. The tithe also contained 128 ß of duties of eleven mills, but four of them dod not have noted duties in the Urbarium. The "Wine Tax" worth altogether 60 ß was paid just in Kostel villages Kaptol, Briga, and Puc. 81 The right sum was 67. 82 The right sum was 252 of buckets with a volumes of 60.56 l (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 168). 83 600 eggs and 10 eggs, therefore altogether 610 eggs. One f the rare exact calculations in Urbarium of Kostel in 1494. 84 Suma 94 "furl" (Urbarium Kostel 1494, p.25); the tithe was noted with the similar sign on all 19 pages of listing. Just in the village Am Pergt (Jakšiči) with 3 Mills it had 94 units also noted in the final sum. The duty was noted on the main page of the Urbarium near the notes on mills (Urbarium Kostel 1494, 7). 85 The number 27 was in Urbarium noted just without unit as "FanfHand", noted just for the last farm in Banja Loka (Urbarium Kostel 1494, 13), where the extra salary of 12 ß for the guide (Suma HuetterFass) was noted, also for chickens ("HendelFuss") 12 ß. 86 The Urbarium summed just 200 fishes, but the millers in Stelnik village had alone 400 fishes (Urbarium Kostel 1494, 17, 18). 87 9 cargoes were noted in villages of Naverchy, probably the modern village Gotenc. Other hay for manors were collected in villages: Hrib, Jakšiči, Potok, Tišenpolj, Padovo, and Dren (2 cargoes). One harnesses cart carried 220 kg, and two harnesses cart twice as much (Urbarium Kostel 1494; Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 175).

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Table 5: Taxes of Gottscheers in 2 of altogether 3 offices in the years 1494 and 1498 88

Number of g of silver for Together g of Duty units unit silver 8191.281(lb je ALL TOGETHER in cash (gld:ß:den) 48:20669:160 0.30988 120 ß)

Sheep 12 15.5 186

Oats 30316.336 0.24 7275.92

Wheat in liters 13904.576 0.49 6813.24

Millet in liters and ß 7182.416+169 ß 0.36 2637.891

Eggs 825 0.03 24.75

Tow in kg (26 g; 4.4 g of silver for kg of Tow) 70.226 4.4 309

Chickens 619 3.4 2104.6

ALL TOGETHER 27542.682

Together cash Taxes Gottschee town (gld:ß:den) 47: 1762: 15 2289.5355 (lb je 120 ß) Together cash Taxes: both offices without the town Gottschee 1:18907:145 5901.7455 Together cash Taxes of office (Gottscheer) Rieg 1: 1349: 32 458.865

Table 6: Taxes of the subjects of Office (Gottscheer) Rieg in the years 1498

g of silver for Together g of Duty Number of units unit silver

ALL TOGETHER in cash (gld:ß:den) 1:1349:32 0.309 458.865

Pigs 0 0 0

Sheep 12 15.5 186

Oats 5244.496 0.24 1258.68

Wheat in liters 4457.216 0.49 2184.036

Millet in liters & ß 7182.416 0.36 2585.67

Eggs 190 0.03 5.7 Tow in kg (Lowered = 26 g; 4.4 g of silver for kg of Tow) 15.106266 4.4 66.47

Chickens 266 3.4 904.4

ALL TOGETHER 7649.821

88 Value of unit in grams of silver: 0,309 g of silver za ß; 1 gld = 90 ß = 180 Black Denarius; 1 lb = 120 ß = 240 Black Denarius. Med letoma 1472–1518 je 1 ß veljal 2 črna denariča (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 167). For manors Sichelberg (Žumberk) (1498), Kamnik (1477–1494), Auersperg=Turjak (1485–1510), or NVR (German Knight Order, 1490) was stated: 1 tl, or lb den = 120 sold (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 165).

37 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

Table 7: Comparison with neighboring manors of the same era89 90

Rieg & Upper Upper Gottscheer MANOR Kostel Sichelberg Kostel Kostel Polland Office Gottsc. Gotts. Rieg

1494 1498 1494/98 1494 1498 1528/3815 1570 1576 All Cash income (g of silver) 2329 303 8191.281 458.865 2732 2859 229.6*60.56= 73.6*60.56= wheat (l) 0 2543 13904.576 4457.216 848 3226 169 ß+118.6*60.56= 118.6*60.56= Millet (l) 11991 2543 7182.4+169 ß 7182.416 14898 3531 500.6*60.56= 86.6*60.56= Oats (l) 0 2786 30316.336 5244.496 295 11416

Sheep 1038 0 12 12 934 0 pigs 1038 15 66 14

Other cattle 0 0 581 2

Wine (l) 0 197–262 1340 23847

Eggs 610 108 825 190 634 190 Tithe (days per hide) 321 0 0 746

Freight 1170 ß 0 0 746

Hay wagons 19 0 0 112

Firewood carts 0 0 880 0 2701*0.026 g= 581*0.026 g= Tow (kg) ? 0 70.226 15.106 2.5 22

Chickens 0 80 619 266 15 365.5 242 rye .40 162 Others cakes cakes

Together kg of silver 10.1 27.5 19.9 7.6 10.7 10.6

89 Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 158–159. Škofja Loka manor had in the year 1464 the whole income of 10.9 kg of silver, and the Provost's manor in the year 1458 just 2.3 kg of silver (Bizjak, Urbarji briksenske škofije, 89, 176). The realized Urbarium incomes of Auersperg manor per year in the years 1503/1504 were approximately 960 Pound or 700 ducats. The yearly income of Freising Škofja Loka manor with nearly 1200 hides was 2115 Ducats (83.5 kg of silver) the end of 15th century. From around 1000 hides of Gornji Grad manor the Diocese of Ljubljana got 1750 Ducats (69.1 kg of silver) per year. From the mid-14th century until the end of 15th century the Ducat contained 3.52 g of gold which was 39.49 g of silver because the gold was 11.22 times more expensive compared to silver (Bizjak, Urbarji briksenske škofije, 145; Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 93). 90 (ARS, Vic. box 75, fasc.I/43, Lit. C, Urbarium zur Costel Geraut Graffenwardt an der Kullp Mang Langemantl. Urbarium for Kostel from first half of the 16th century, later wrongly dated with the year 1603.

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Table 8: Comparison with the incomes of manors Škofja Loka per hide in the years 149491 92

g of silver MANOR Together hub per hide

Škofja Loka 1494 83 kg of silver near 1200 70

Kostel 1494 10.1 kg of silver 74 136 Upper Office Gottschee 1494 7.6 kg of silver 61+town Town Gottschee 1494 2.3 kg of silver Upper Office Gottschee without town 1494 5.3 kg of silver 61 87 (Gottscheer) Rieg 1498 19.9 kg of silver 154.5 129 All Gottscheerland in the year 1786 542.492

The manor Škofja Loka brought to its feudal lords considerably less income per hide compared to Gottscheerland or even compared to Kostel Manor. That fact does not necessary mean that the Škofja Loka subjects were poorer. It is more probably to consider that the owners of Škofja Loka did not exploit their subjects that much. The income of Škofja Loka manor was almost twice lower per hide, which nicely illustrates the troubles of Gottscheerlander and Koste- lian subjects. The exploration of Kostelian and Gottscheerland subjects did not lower in next centuries and stimulated the revolts in that era.

Table 9: The contents of (Gottscheer) Rieg Office in the year 1498

Supp Settlements Hides Double hides Single hides Half hides

Rieg 20 98.5 0 19 159

Osilnica 11 32 1 27 6

Gerovo 7 24 0 20 8

TOGETHER 38 154.5 1 66 173

91 Bizjak, Ratio facta est, 84, 276. 92 Smole, Graščine, 221.

39 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

For transparency and performance of the modern reader we translated the Taxes into the grams of silver.93 In 1498 the Supp (Gottscheer) Rieg had already much more divided hides compared to considerably smaller supp along the Kolpa river inside the same Rieg Office in supp Gerovo and Osilnica. That probably means that the feudal division of the Office (Gottscheer) Rieg began few generations earlier. In the years 1574 the circumstances also changed in Osilnica area where subjects kept whole hides just in smaller villages as were Bezgovica or Grintovec. Although the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg had twice as much hides compared to Upper Office of Gottscheerland, the Upper Office Gottscheerland gave to the landlord's treasury four times more cash or tow. The differences in duties in oats were even greater, but in the other kinds of grain the Upper Office Gottscheerland subjects gave "just" twice as much as their neighbors from the office of (Gottscheer) Reka. The only duties, which was harder for the Office of (Gottscheer) Rieg compared to Upper Office Gottscheerland were eggs and sheep. The main part of duties in cash charged the renters of fields and gardens in the city of Gottschee. They paid for them much more than other Gottscheers for their whole hides. The ground in town areas was obliviously more expensive compared to the rural ones even centuries ago. It is also fair to suppose that some fields and gardens in Gottschee City were not small at all.

Table 10: Supp (Gottscheer) Rieg in the years 1498

village, hides Lowered Tithe Chickens Eggs B u c k e t s o f (1498/1574), Hub tow (ß:den) page, subject (equivalent in ß) Wheat Oats Millet

Reka (Riegkh 14/14)

3 Mathe Kramer 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Petter Blew 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Steffann Lesar 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1 4 Caspar Tschine (Černe?) 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Peter son of Paul 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Maras Blesche 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

93 1 Slb gld (silver goldinar) = 60 kr = 19.4 g of silver (Kos, Urbarji za Belo krajino, 167). The value of measure Weinfart is not quite clear. In the Kostel Urbarium for the year 1494 it was noted in ß, and in the years 1570 just without the measure. It could be a bucket of wine with a value of several tens of l.

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Caspar Kecherlin 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

5 Cristann Speckl 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Mathe Kocherlin 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Stefann Heberlin 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Thomas Jurman 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

6 Michel Schuester 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Son of Caspar Frawenn 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Peter Tschape 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Mathe Schuester 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

7 Veidl Schuester 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Thome Schuester 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Brogsche Thomel 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Hannse Sweiger 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

8 Melcher Frostl 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Maxl Weber 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1 Hannss Gosler (Kostler) 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Michel Pauelj (Bauer) 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

9 Cristann's son widow 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Jury Speck 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1 Clement Zingkale (Činkale) 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

Steffann Losar 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

10 Steffann Hass 0.5 132:1 3(2) 8(1) 1(2) 0 0 1

SUM 14 19 tl 30 ß 70 210 14 28

41 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

Table 11: Gottenitz (Gotenica) in 149894

Lowered Village, hides (1498/1574), Tithe Chickens Eggs B u c k e t o f Hub tow page, subject (ß:den) (equivalent in ß per piece) Wheat Oats Millet

Gotenica (Gotinz 12/12)

11 Jacob Suppann (mayor) 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Jurij Marun 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Gregor Knaws (Knaus) 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Gregor Lagkliner 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Jacob Schuester 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Paul by creek (Beum Prunn) 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Caspar by Liettl 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Jurij Marin 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Hannse Speckl 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Thomas Rek 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Thoman Hueter 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Michitsch Jorigl 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Jacob Marin 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Stefann Schmidt (Kovač) 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Petter son of Steffan 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Crisl Markitzenn 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Anndre Kramer 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Jury son of Jacob 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Michel son of Primos 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Andre Turgko 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Andre son of Mätla 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Nesa widow 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Mathis Swärschnickh 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

Matheus Schuester 0,5 149:1 3(2) 8(1) 20(8) 2:0 3:1 2:1

SUM 12 19 tl 96 ß 60 180 480 48 72:24 44:24

94 Each hide in Gottenitz (Gotenica) gives (also) 4 measure of the hide Tithe (Urbarium (Gottscheer) Rieg 1498, page 11).

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Table 12: Koče 149895

Village, hides (1498/1574), subject Hides Tithe in ß Page

Kötschen (Koče 5/5)

Micko 1,0 23 19

Nesa, widow 0,5 23

Hanse Kräl 0,5 23

Jacob 0,5 23

Mert Sibe 0,5 23

Nicklaws Sweiger (Švajger) 0,5 23

Anndre Kolianitsch 0,5 23

Casp, son of the one noted above 0,5 23

Gregor Klingk 0,5 23

Gratha, widow 0,5 23

SUM 5 1 tl 105 ß

Conclusion

The Urbariums for the years 1494 and 1498 are the oldest preserved notes on the common subjects of Gottscheerland because there is just a little hope to find the data about the century and a half older migrations o particular Gott- scheers. Therefore the notes of the years 1494 and 1498 are the keys for understanding of the genesis of German minority in modern Slovenia where the Gottscheers lived for more than six centuries and their preserved traces are of optimal importance for the modern descendants of Germans in Slovenia. Both considered documents tell us about the migrations which began to cause misunderstandings on German and on Slovene side after the Spring of Nations and Viennese March Revolution in the second half of 19th century. Under Hitler's pressure those frictions all but invalidated the German minority in Gottscheerland. Soon after the Gottscheers' settlement just before the here considered Urbariums, the fate brought a bad luck for the Princely Counts of

95 Kordiš, Škufca, Melik, Peter Kozler, 13.

43 S. Južnič: Gottscheers a Half of Millennia Ago

The beginning of tax records for Gotenica village in 1498 (Urbarium for (Gottschee) Rieg and Sichelberg issued in year 1498=Urbarium Register des ambts Riegkh vnd Sichelberg gehorund, so von ro. ko. mt. reformieren vnd raten beritten vnd verschriben worden ist, anno etc.collationiert LXXXXVIII (ARS, AS 13, Commission for feudal affairs, box 23).

Cilly. The modern Gottscheers in Slovenia nearly faced the similar sorrow during the Second World War: Yesterday, today, and never again!

44 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

Stanislav Južnič

KOČEVARJI PRED POL TISOČLETJA Kočevski Nemci in Slovenci leta 1494 in 1498

POVZETEK

Predstavljen je deželno-knežji urbar Kočevskega zgornjega urada iz leta 1494, ki smo ga vse predolgo imeli za izgubljenega zavoljo napake uradnikov, zagre- šene pred polovico stoletja. Dokument je podan v primerjavi s podobnima urbarjema za Urad Kočevska reka (1498) in za gospostvo Kostel (1494), ki sta zgodovinopiscem že dobro znana. Upoštevane so bile tudi ekonomske razmere v Kočevju v poznem 15. stoletju. Družinska imena nekdanjih Kočevarjev je avtor, medtem ko je skušal ugotoviti, do katere mere je bilo zgodnje naseljevanje Kočevja s strani nemškega ali vsaj delno slovanskega ljudstva, povezal s kasnejšimi družinami iz tega in okoliških krajev. Prvi urbar za tretji del nekdanjega Kočevja, torej nižje-koče- vskega urada, še danes ni odkrit. Zaradi tega je slika zgodnjega Kočevja še danes nepopolna, ampak nam ta raziskava nudi velik korak naprej v primerjavi z razi- skavami, ki so bile osnovane predvsem na reformiranem urbarju iz 1574. Podatki o Kočevju v letu 1494 in zlasti urbar o prebivalcih Kočevja, ki so tedaj prejeli pravice mesta, nam omogočajo, da raziščemo nastajanje vojaških mest na turški meji tik pred začetkom protestantizma. Sočasno nam urbarji med leti 1494 in 1498 nudijo možnost raziskovati začetke reformacije, ki je enega izmed svojih centrov razvilo ravno v Kočevju pod vodstvom barona Ivana Ungnada. Kočevska reformacija je bila pogosto zanemarjena zaradi predloga nacionalističnih vidikov kranjskega protestantizma. Sočasno je urbar iz leta 1494 zrcalo ekonomskega položaja Kočevja tik pred začetkom velikega upora, ko je bil ustreljen Ungnadov tast, kočevski zemljiški gospod Thurn.

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UDK 929Tappeiner A.:94(497.412)"18" 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja (1810–1868)

Roman Mirnik

Profesor zgodovine Prva gimnazija Maribor Trg generala Maistra 1, SI – 2000 Maribor e-pošta: [email protected]

Izvleček: V prvem delu razprave je avtor raziskal mladost oz. gimnazijska in nato učna leta Andreasa Tappeinerja. V drugem delu avtor raziskuje delovanje Andreasa Tappeinerja kot uspešnega mladega poslovneža, ki si je ustvaril družino, se začasno preselil v Lovrenc na Pohorju in se začel ukvarjati tudi s politiko. Postal je član mariborskega mestnega odbora, nato lovrenški župan. V tretjem delu avtor raziskuje Tappeinerjevo politično pot po vrnitvi v Maribor. Leta 1861 je bil prvič in nato še večkrat zapored izvoljen za poslanca štajerskega deželnega zbora, takoj za tem pa tudi za mariborskega župana. Za mesto je veliko storil na komunalnem in socialnem področju, njegov največji dosežek pa je bil ustanovitev Mestne hranilnice leta 1865. Kot deželni poslanec je Tappeiner nastopal v glavnem pri razpravah o občinah in njihovi ureditvi. Mariborčani so mu izkazali naklonjenost in spoštovanje tudi ob smrti.

Ključne besede: Andreas Tappeiner (1810–1868), Maribor, pivovarstvo, Lovrenc na Pohorju, župan, mariborski občinski statut, štajerski deželni zbor, deželni poslanec

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 47–74, 99 cit., 8 slik Jezik: slovenski (izvleček slovenski in angleški, povzetek angleški)

47 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

Družina Tappeiner, Andreasova* mladost in šolanje1

Andreas Tappeiner, mariborski industrialec, župan in mestni zastopnik oz. poslanec v štajerskem deželnem zboru v Gradcu, se je rodil 30. novembra 1810 v Mariboru, kjer je 29. februarja 1868 tudi umrl. Njegov oče Johann, pivovar in gostilničar, se je leta 1801 priselil iz Goldraina na južnem Tirolskem.2 Iz dveh delno ohranjenih dokumentov, ki jih hrani Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor v osebnem fondu Andreasa Tappeinerja, izvemo, da je bil Johann pred tem šest mesecev v vojaški službi. Po poklicu je bil mesar, zaposlen pa je bil pri 14. infante- rijskem regimentu Klebeck. Veljal je za pridnega, delavnega in poštenega. Po sklepu generalnega armadnega komandanta je bilo to delovno mesto ukinje- no in po odloku visokega vojaškega urada je bil 30. aprila odpuščen iz voja- ške službe, kar je 7. maja potrdil tudi komandant omenjenega regimenta.3 Iz drugega ohranjenega dokumenta, datiranega istega dne, izvemo, da je ob njegovem odhodu vojska njegove konje prodala, Johannu pa je izplačala odško- dnino v naturi.4 Iz dokumentov ni razvidno, ali je Johann vseh šest mesecev služboval v Mariboru. V primeru da je, bi to pomenilo, da je živel v mestu že od začetka novembra 1800. Vsekakor pa je v mestu ostal po odpustu iz voja- ške službe. Leta 1804 se je tedaj 34-letni Johann poročil s 26-letno Konstancijo (Konstantino) Gerl.5 V njunem zakonu se je rodilo sedem otrok. Najstarejša je bila Konstancija,6 sledili so ji bratje Joseph Dominkus,7 Johannes,8 njemu pa je sledil Andreas (glej opombo št. 20). V naslednjih letih so se rodili še Franciscus

* Za obsežne in izčrpne prevode rokopisne in tiskane gotice arhivskega gradiva iz osebnega fonda Andreasa Tappeinerja, fonda Mestne občine Maribor ter Marburger Zeitung se iskreno zahvaljujem germanistki, gospe Metki Vrbnjak. Za pomoč in dobrohotne nasvete pri iskanju arhivskega gradiva se zahvaljujem gospodu Leopoldu Mikcu Avberšku, arhivskemu svetovalcu in višjemu bibliotekarju, ter gospe Sabini Lešnik, arhivski strokovni delavki Pokrajinskega arhiva Maribor. Za pomoč pri iskanju podatkov iz matičnih knjig krstov, porok in umrlih mariborskih župnij se zahvaljujem gospodu Gregorju Škafarju in gospodu Igorju Filipiču, arhivistoma Nadškofijskega arhiva Maribor. Gospodu Vladu Tapajnerju, daljnemu potomcu rodbine Tappeiner, pa se zahvaljujem za fotokopije družinske- ga grba in listine, ki potrjuje vrednost grba.

2 Andreas Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, Druck von Eduard Janschitz (Marburg, 1868), 4 (dalje, Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken). 3 Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor (dalje: PAM), SI_PAM/1541, fond Tappeiner Andrej 1800–1836, AŠ 1, dok. 3492 (dalje: fond Tappeiner). 4 PAM, fond Tappeiner, dok. 3493. 5 Nadškofijski arhiv Maribor (dalje: NŠAM), NŠAM_župnija Maribor – Sv. Janez Krstnik, Matične knjige, Poročna knjiga I., 9. 4. 1804, 282 (dalje: Matične knjige). 6 NŠAM, Matične knjige, župnija Maribor – Sv. Marija, Krstna knjiga II., 1800/1816, 16. 2. 1807, 53. 7 Prav tam, 23. 2. 1808, 59. 8 Prav tam, 6. 6. 1809, 70.

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de Paula,9 sestra Cecilia10 in še najmlajši, brat Anton.11 Vsi otroci so bili krščeni v cerkvi sv. Marije v mariborskem Graškem predmestju. Zanimivo je, da je bil krstni boter vseh Tappeinerjevih otrok družinski prijatelj in pekovski mojster Dominik Bancalary. Leta 1819 je mati Konstancija umrla12 in oče Johann se je leta 1823 ponovno poročil z Emerentio Hafenauer iz Magdalenskega predmestja.13 Družina Tappeiner je bila kasneje sorodstveno povezana z znano rodbino Nasko, kajti Alojz Nasko, lastnik štirih usnjarn in frajovža v fVetrinjski ulici, se je poročil z Andreasovo sestro.14 Tappeinerjevi so živeli v Graškem predmestju, kasnejši Tegetthoffstrasse (današnja Partizanska cesta 3, kjer je danes Modna hiša). Tu je imel Johann od leta 1818 pivovarno,15 ki jo je Andreas Tappeiner leta 1861 prodal Thomasu Götzu iz Wirttemberga. Leta 1820 je Johann dobil meščansko pravico. 30. maja leta 1822 je naslovil na cesarja Franca II. dopis v zvezi z željo po uveljavitvi plemiškega naziva. Žal Johannov dopis16 ni ohranjen v celoti, zaradi česar ni možno natančno osve- tliti utemeljenosti njegovih argumentov. Uvodoma se je skliceval na diplomo oz. plemiški naziv in seveda grb, ki naj bi bil na osnovi ustreznega glasovanja o predloženih ustreznih prilogah, listinah B, C in D, podeljen 28. aprila 1594 v Innsbrucku Gregorju Tappeinerju in njegovemu sinu Johannu ter njunim dedi- čem "na vse večne čase". Pisal je, da je bil zavrnjen, ko je skušal uveljaviti plemi- ški naziv in iz tega izhajajoče pravice pri c. kr. guberniji Tirolska in Vorarlberg v Innsbrucku. Svoje plemiške pravice je lahko utemeljeval samo z enostavnim privilegijem družinskega grba. V dopisu je nadalje spomnil na pravico predni- kov Gregorja in Johanna ter njunih potomcev in dedičev do svobodnega upra- vljanja s podeljenim grbom, ob tem pa se je skliceval na člen A//. Kot zakonite- mu potomcu in s tem upravičencu uporabe plemiškega grba se mu zdi zavrni- tev takšne pravice nesprejemljiva, še posebej zato, ker je bila visoka čast rodbini Tappeiner v preteklosti vendarle že podeljena. Ob očitkih, da grb morda ni plemiški, je opozoril na notranjost grba in listino, ki jo je leta 1574 izdal nad- vojvoda Ferdinand Tirolski in s katero se vrednost grba potrjuje. Opozoril je na največjo dragocenost samega grba – da se lahko kot potomec enači z vsemi, ki imajo "grbe in fevde avstrijske v rimskem cesarstvu". Kot dokaz je navedel tudi to, da so morali predniki pri podelitvi plemiških pravic plačati 20 zlatih mark

9 Prav tam, 28. 2. 1813, 105. 10 Prav tam, 19. 1. 1815, 122. 11 Prav tam, 5. 3. 1816, 131. 12 Prav tam, župnija Maribor – Sv. Janez Krstnik, Knjiga umrlih II., 1. 3. 1819, 58. 13 Prav tam, župnija Maribor – Sv. Magdalena, Poročna knjiga I., 1788/1838, 23. 11. 1823, 104. 14 Antoša Leskovec, "Razvoj gospodarstva v Mariboru 1752–1941", v: Maribor skozi stoletja, Razprave I. (Maribor: Založba Obzorja, 1991), 339 (dalje: Leskovec, "Razvoj gospodarstva"). 15 Leskovec, "Razvoj gospodarstva", 316. 16 PAM, fond Tappeiner, dok. 3483.

49 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

Kopija Tappeinerje- vega grba iz leta 1754 (Zasebni arhiv Vlada Tapajnerja)

za vsako motnjo pri izvrševanju teh pravic. Na očitke, da je plemiški naziv izgu- bljen, je odgovoril, da je v tem primeru pač potrebno upoštevati njihov naziv iz prvotnega obdobja, kar se da ugotoviti v arhivih avstrijske monarhije. Po končani osnovni oz. okrožni glavni šoli v Mariboru je Andreas šolanje nadaljeval na gimnaziji (tedaj šestrazredni), ki je bila na današnji Koroški cesti 1, kjer sta danes Nadškofijski ordinat in Nadškofijski arhiv Maribor. Vpisal se je leta 1821, v enajstem letu starosti. Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor (v nadaljevanju PAM) hrani osebni fond Andreasa Tappeinerja, v katerem se nahajajo tudi njegova gimnazijska spričevala. V Mariboru je obiskoval prvi gramatični razred ter dosegel odličen učni uspeh (prima ad. eminentiam) pri vseh petih predmetih, in sicer verouku, latinščini, zemljepisu in zgodovini, aritmetiki ter nravstveni oz. moralni vzgoji (a morumculturi). V naslednjem šolskem letu (1822/23) je šolanje nadaljeval na gimnaziji v Šentapavlu v Labotski dolini na Koroškem (S. Pauli in valle Lavantina), kjer je dokončal drugi, tretji in četrti gramatični razred oz. nižjo gimnazijo ter prvi in drugi humanistični razred oz. višjo gimnazijo. Tudi tam je dosegel odličen učni uspeh pri vseh predmetih v vseh letnikih. Med predmeti, ki se jih je učil, se je v drugem razredu pojavila namesto aritmetike matematika, v tretjem razredu (v šol. letu 1823/24) pa se je učil šest predme-

50 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

Kopija Tappeinerje- vega grba na listini nadvojvode Ferdi- nanda Tiro-lskega, ki grb potrjuje, iz leta 1754 (zasebni arhiv Vlada Tapajnerja)

tov, pojavila se je namreč še grščina, namesto matematike pa zopet aritmetika. V četrtem razredu je bil predmetnik enak kot v tretjem, v prvem humanistič- nem oz. petem razredu v šolskem letu 1825/26 je bil nov predmet stilistika in interpretacija (ex auctorum interpretatione et stylo), ponovno pa se je namesto aritmetike pojavil izraz matematika. Nato se je vrnil v Maribor in je leta 1827* na tukajšnji gimnaziji z odliko opravil tudi šesti oz. drugi humanistični razred. Predmetnik je bil enak kot v prejšnjem razredu.17 Nato se je Andreas odločil za obrtno dejavnost. V Slovenski Bistrici (tedaj Windischfeistritz) se je pri mojstru Franzu Kohlmannu izučil za lectarja (medi- čarja). Po končani vajeniški dobi je prejel pomočniško potrdilo, ki je veljalo do končne potrditve medičarskega ceha. 5. julija 1829 je svoje znanje dokazal pred

17 *Tappeiner je v že zgoraj citirani knjižici o svojem življenju in delu (zagotovo jo je dokončal nekdo drug, morda sam založnik Eduard Janschitz, kajti ob koncu je tudi zapis o njegovi smrti ter žalujoči ženi oz. vdovi ter otrokoma) sicer navedel, da je končal gimnazijo, torej tedaj šesti oz. drugi humani- stični (višji) razred gimnazije leta 1826, vendar pa sem v njegovem osebnem fondu v PAM ob pregledu vseh njegovih gimnazijskih spričeval opazil, da se je ob pisanju svojih spominov očitno zmotil, saj je končal gimnazijo leta 1827 – spričevalo šestega, zadnjega letnika je namreč datirano tega leta. PAM, fond Tappeiner, Gimnazijska spričevala.

51 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

zastopniki ceha pod vodstvom cehovskega komisarja v Gradcu, pri čemer ga je s pohvalo podprl tudi mojster Kohlmann. S tem je zaključil vajeniško dobo. Ceh medičarjev je njegovo spričevalo oz. listino potrdil s pripombo, da je kandidat dobro izučen medičar, priznan in povsod dobrodošel.18 Mojster Kohlmann mu je na osnovi tega izdal spričevalo, ki je datirano s 23. avgustom istega leta. V spričevalu je Kohlmann navedel, da se je Andreas pri njem dve leti in pol učil ter bil nato po izpitu zaposlen še kot pomočnik. Ves čas je bil miren, urejen in delaven. Mojster mu je tako zaupal, da je namesto njega prodajal na sejmih, tam zasluženi denar pa mu je vedno pošteno in pravočasno izročil. Kohlmann se je čutil dolžnega, da mu je izdal to spričevalo ter ga priporočil pri vseh mojstrih medičarskega ceha.19 Po treh letih obrtniškega poklica je odšel na Dunaj, kjer naj bi se "pripravil na življenje, ki ga čaka".20 V začetku leta 1830 je prejel krstni list, ki ga je potreboval za pridobitev potovalne knjižice.21 24. februarja 1830 je dobil potovalno knjižico oz. wanderbuch (potovalne knjižice so v tistem času dobivali pomočniki in delavci namesto potnih listov). Dokument22 je bil izdan na osnovi patenta z dne 24. februarja 1827, št. 6. Vseboval je rojstne podatke, kraj bivanja, starost, poklic (medičarski in pivovarski pomočnik), stan (tedaj še samski) in veroizpoved. Temu pa so sledile telesne značilnosti. Tako izvemo, da je bil vitke postave, podolgovatega in bledega obraza, sivih oči, proporcionalnega oz. skladnega nosu ter ust. Kakšnih posebnosti ni bilo opaziti. Sledil je lastno- ročni podpis in spodaj pripomba, da vsi uradi znotraj in zunaj države omogo- čajo pokazatelju nemoteno potovanje ter morebitno pomoč, vendar pa tudi morebitni izgon. Dokument je bil veljaven leto dni. Zanimiv je tudi izvleček iz okrožnice c. kr. štajer. gubernije z dne 13. decembra 1828, kjer je zapisano, da stane izdelava knjižice 15 krajcerjev, prav toliko pa tudi taksa. Ob nastopu službe jo mora imetnik predati v varstvo delodajalcu. Ko delodajalec delavca zaposli, se morata skupaj oglasiti pri krajevni oblasti, kjer se vpiše, da je sprejet na delovno mesto, če ga delodajalec ugodno oceni (zvest, miren, delaven). Če delodajalec pomočnika odpusti, se vpišeta samo datum nastopa in prenehanja zaposlitve. Če delavec potuje po državi ali pa izven nje, mora seveda upoštevati veljavnost dokumenta. V knjižici je bil zabeležen tudi čas bivanja na določenih krajih. V primeru, da v knjižici zmanjka prostora za vpisovanje, oblasti izdajo drugo, vendar z izrecno pripombo, da le-ta predstavlja nadaljevanje prejšnje. V primeru, da pomočnik ali delavec knjižico izgubi, mora to takoj sporočiti obla-

18 Prav tam, dok. 3490. 19 Prav tam, dok. 3487. 20 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 4. 21 PAM, fond Tappeiner, dok. 3485. 22 Prav tam, Potovalna knjižica.

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Notranja naslona stran knjižice o življenju in delu mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja, ki je izš- la po njegovi smrti leta 1868 (Andreas Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, Druck von Eduard Janschitz (Marburg, 1868))

stnim organom, ki izvedejo preiskavo o tem, kako je bila izgubljena, kje, kdaj, in tudi o tem, če je prijavitelj knjižico sploh imel. Šele nato potrdijo izgubo in izdajo novo knjižico, ampak s pripombo, da gre za dvojnik. Na koncu je sledila še sankcija v zvezi s ponarejanjem. Če kdo potovalno knjižico ponaredi, odgovarja na osnovi 178. in 181. člena kazenskega zakonika. Iz knjižice je tako raz-

53 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

vidno, kam in kdaj je Andreas potoval. Od 10. do 31. marca 1830 je bil v Gradcu pri sorodnikih, od koder je pot nadaljeval in bil opažen v St. Pöltnu. Od tod je odšel na Dunaj, kamor je prispel 5. aprila, da bi si poiskal zaposlitev. Na Dunaju se je zadržal do 25. oktobra, ko se je ponovno odpravil v Gradec. Nato je prepo- toval celotno Štajersko, vendar se je v začetku leta 1831 na očetovo željo23 vrnil v Maribor. Oče je v času njegove odsotnosti namreč postal zakupnik davka na potrošnjo in je želel Andreasa uvesti v to dejavnost. Andreas se je očetu pridružil in se pri tem dobro izkazal.

Andreas Tappeiner postane pivovar ter član mariborskega meščanskega odbora, nato lastnik steklarne v Lovrencu na Pohorju in tamkajšnji župan

Andreasovo marljivost je oče nagradil in mu leta 1834 kupil (kasnejšo Tscheli- gijevo) pivovarno v Mariboru. S tem si je Andreas zagotovil samostojnost. Istega leta se je tudi poročil z Mario Schachner iz Hausmannstettna, manjšega kraja jugovzhodno od Gradca.24 Najverjetneje sta se tam tudi poročila, saj v poroč- nih knjigah mariborskih župnij o njuni poroki ni podatkov. V zakonu sta se jima rodila sin Emerich 25 in hčerka Pauline.26 Leta 1835 je oče Johann umrl. Andreasa, ki že nekaj časa ni bil zadovoljen s svojim dotedanjim življenjem, je ta žalosten dogodek navdal z željo po drugačnem načinu življenja. Resno je začel premišljevati o prodaji pivovarne in o tem, da bi se posvetil drugim rečem. Poseben dogodek v njegovem življenju se je zgodil 18. septembra leta 1836. Takrat je prejel meščanske pravice c. kr. okrožnega deželnoknežjega mesta Maribor. V listini, ki jo je podpisal mestni župan Anton Gamilschegg, je bila ta čast potrjena s strani župana in mestnih svetnikov. Pri razlagi svoje odločitve so se sklicevali na to, da je bil Andrej uspešen pivovarniški mojster in posestnik ter človek častivrednega vedenja. Ob slovesnosti je Andreas častno prisegel po predpisani prisegi in bil nato vpisan v knjigo meščanov z vsemi meščanskimi častmi, pravicami, svoboščinami in meščanskimi prednostmi tega mesta ter tudi z veljavno magistratno zaščito.27 Leta 1841 je Andreas uresničil svoje želje, ki so se pojavile še pred očetovo smrtjo, ob njegovi smrti pa še bolj. Opustil je pivovarno v Mariboru in kupil v

23 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 5 24 Prav tam. 25 NŠAM, Matične knjige, župnija Maribor, Sv. Janez Krstnik, Krstna knjiga VI., 1834/1859, 28. 12. 1837, 32. 26 Prav tam, 19. 5. 1841, 57. 27 PAM, fond Tappeiner, dok. 3489.

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Lovrencu na Pohorju steklarno "Max Andreesche" ter se tja tudi preselil.28 V tej dejavnosti je bil zelo ambiciozen in uspešen, pa tudi delavci so ga spoštovali in mu zaupali. Ravno odnos z delavci mu je utrl pot k tamkajšnjemu političnemu delovanju. Postal je član lovrenškega upravnega odbora in nato občinski predstojnik. Še preden se je preselil v Lovrenc, je bil Andreas tudi član mariborskega meščanskega odbora in zaradi njegovega odhoda ter smrti drugega odbornika Ivana Bayerja so bile leta 1847 izvedene v Mariboru volitve za nove odbornike.29 Kmalu je bil deležen še ene politične funkcije. V začetku junija 1848 so potekale poslanske volitve v (začasni) štajerski deželni zbor v Gradcu, in sicer po treh kurijah, prva kurija za posesti deželne deske, mestna kurija ter kmečka. V slednji sta bila izvoljena kot predstavnika oz. poslanca mariborskega volilnega okraja Fran Rottmann in premožni Josef Schmieder iz Koroškega predmestja, eden od njegovih namestnikov pa je bil tudi Andreas Tappeiner.30 V času od 21. avgusta 1850 do 17. februarja 1853 je bil Tappeiner v Lovren- cu župan.31 Po njegovem mnenju je ta dejavnost odločilno vplivala na njegovo kasnejšo javno delovanje. V času svojega mandata je uspel znižati doklade na direktne obresti z 40 % v letu 1851 na 30 % v naslednjem letu in celo na 15 % v letu 1853. Uspelo mu je tudi tisto, kar so okrajni sodniki in davčni uradniki v Lovrencu že od nekdaj želeli urediti, namreč samostojno poslopje za urado- vanje okrajnega sodišča in davčnega urada. Pri tem je bil tako uspešen, da so bili stroški poravnani z občinskimi dobički, torej niso obremenjevali občine. Izdelal je tudi načrt izgradnje ubožnice, s čimer se je revnim ljudem zelo priku- pil. Zaslužen je bil tudi za gradnjo občinske ceste, za katero je denarna sredstva prispeval tudi sam. Leta 1853 je Andreas Tappeiner steklarno prodal in se ponovno preselil v Maribor, kjer si je v tedanjem Graškem predmestju (kasnejša Tegetthofstrasse, današnja Partizanska cesta) št. 26 zgradil hišo (po podatkih iz Mrliške knjige, glej opombo št. 96).32 Naslednje leto je postavil novo pivovarno (sedanja dvo- rana Union v Prešernovi ulici), v kateri je bila klet za 2500 veder piva.33 V drugi polovici 50. let je kot izkušen in uspešen gospodarstvenik večkrat zastopal mesto na področju gospodarskih interesov. Tappeiner sicer ni imel "teoretične" izobrazbe, je pa imel veliko znanja, pridobljenega v vsakdanjem življenju in tudi

28 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 5. 29 Antoša Leskovec, "Zgodovina uprave v Mariboru 1752–1941", v: Maribor skozi stoletja, Razprave I. (Maribor: Založba Obzorja, 1991), 244 (dalje: Leskovec, "Zgodovina uprave"). 30 Antoša Leskovec, "Politični in kulturni razvoj Maribora 1752–1850", v: Maribor skozi stoletja, Razprave I. (Maribor: Založba Obzorja, 1991), 216 (dalje: Leskovec, "Politični in kulturni razvoj"). 31 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 6. 32 Prav tam, 7. 33 Franjo Baš, "Maribor v avstrijski ustavni dobi", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 38=NV 3 (1967): 192.

55 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

v stikih z "mojstri", od katerih se je veliko naučil. Pridobil si je "novinarske ele- mente", pa tudi "prirojenega talenta" pri javnem nastopanju mu ni manjkalo.34

Vloga in pomen Tappeinerja kot mariborskega župana

Z letom 1860 se je v Avstriji pričela ustavna doba z oktobrsko diplomo oz. s februarskim patentom (1861). Leta 1861 je Tappeiner pivovarno prodal Toma- žu Götzu iz Wirttemberga in se povsem posvetil politični karieri. 26. januarja leta 1861 je bil izvoljen kot zastopnik oz. poslanec mesta Maribor v štajerski deželni zbor v Gradcu (ponovno leta 1867, op. avtorja).35 Istega leta so bile v Mariboru prve (občinske) volitve po letu 1851. Volivci so bili razdeljeni na osnovi volilnega cenzusa glede na višino plačanega davka oz. glede na svoj služ- beni in poklicni status v tri volilne razrede z enim občinskim predstojnikom in njegovim namestnikom. Na teh volitvah je bil Andreas Tappeiner 10. marca 1861 izvoljen za župana, nato pa vnovič še v letih 1864 in 1867. Že na prvi seji občinskega odbora 7. aprila je proglasil mesto Maribor z Gra- škim, Koroškim in Magdalenskim predmestjem ter vasjo Melje za konstituirano celoto.36 Vsi sestavni deli so postali torej celota s skupnim občinskim odborom, ki so ga izvolili volivci s celotnega pripadajočega območja. Tako konstituira- na celota je bila zasnovana sicer že leta 1850, ko so 8. julija potekale volitve v občinske organe po odločbah novega zakona o občinah (z dne 17. marca 1849, ki je prinesel tudi predpisano formulacijo za prisego občinskega predstojnika in svetovalce), vendar tedaj še ni bila dokončno oblikovana. 5. marca 1862 je izšel nov zakon o občinah, s katerim so bile začrtane osnovne določbe za delovanje in organizacijo občin. Za Štajersko pa je izšel občinski red in občinski volilni red šele 2. maja 1864 in župan Tappeiner je pred tem, leta 1863, kot deželni poslanec v Gradcu predložil peticijo, s katero bi Maribor dobil lastni status, da ne bi bil "zgolj izvršni organ okrajnega urada, ampak teži v interesu države in deže- le za razširjenjem lastnega in prenesenega delokroga".37 V začetku leta 1866 je mesto dobilo svoj občinski statut in občinski volilni red takoj za Gradcem, kajti po poročilu deželnega odbora je bilo dovolj pomembno. S tem je mesto dobilo svojo samoupravo, saj mestni urad oz. magistrat ni bil več podrejen mariborske- mu okrajnemu uradu, kot glavnem organu tedanje lokalne uprave. Mariborski mestni urad oz. magistrat je s tem postal upravna oblast prve stopnje za mestno območje in je bil tako izvzet iz območja pristojnosti mariborskega okrajnega

34 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 8. 35 Prav tam. 36 Leskovec, "Zgodovina uprave", 257. 37 Prav tam, 258.

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urada. Najvišji organ mesta je bil tedaj občinski odbor. Leta 1853 je bilo obmo- čje starega mesta razdeljeno na mestne četrti (Grad, Drava, Mestna župnija, Trg), za njihove predstojnike pa so bili imenovani četrtni mojstri. Takšno ureditev je naslednjega leta potrdilo okrožje in zahtevalo, naj bodo četrtni mojstri imenovani tudi za predmestja. Leta 1864 so mestno območje zajemale četrti I– IV (notranje mesto). V. četrt je bilo Graško, VI. četrt Koroško in VII. Magdalen- sko predmestje.38 Od leta 1864 so po določbah posebnega deželnega zakona vsaka tri leta volili občinske odbore tudi v dvajsetih okoliških občinah. Nato so izvolili občinska predstojništva. Volilno pravico so imeli vsi, ki so imeli v obči- ni posest ali kakšno drugo zaposlitev, od katere so plačevali davke. Volivci so bili razvrščeni v dve ali tri skupine. V tem volilnem sistemu ni bilo odločilno to, da si v tej občini živel, temveč dejavnost, za katero si plačeval davek. Na ta način so si mnogi premožni Mariborčani v teh občinah pridobili močan vpliv, le občinski predstojniki niso mogli postati, ker tam niso (stalno) živeli.39 Mesta na Štajerskem (tudi Maribor) so imela, še posebej, če so bili meščani kot posestniki prisotni tudi v podeželskih občinah, prevladujočo vlogo v okrajnih zastopstvih, ki so sicer obstajala le na Štajerskem. Namen teh zastopstev je bil naslednji: skrb za gradnjo in vzdrževanje cest, za zadeve s področja zdravstva, za siromašne, za zatiranje beraštva in potepuštva, lahko pa so izvajali tudi akcije na podro- čju kmetijstva in ljudske vzgoje. Ob sprejetju zakona na osnovi mariborskega mestnega statuta (1866) so bila njihova območja dejansko politična območja. To so bili v bistvu "manjši" okraji iz let od 1854 do 1868, po tem letu pa so imeli območja sodnih okrajev.40 Volilno pravico v ta zastopstva so imele štiri skupine: veleposestniki, predstavniki industrije in trgovine, ki so plačevali visoke davke, mesta in trgi ter podeželske občine. Iz vsake skupine je bilo izvoljenih enako število članov v zastopstvo, po deset v Mariboru. Leta 1867 so potekale volitve v deželni zbor in v mariborsko okrajno zastopstvo. Pred deželnozborskimi volitvami je župan Tappeiner 12. januarja priredil volilni shod, katerega namen je bil uskladiti volilne predloge.41 Pogo- vora se je udeležilo 17 uglednih mož iz Maribora in okolice. Prišlo je do burne diskusije o tem, kdo naj bi bil primeren za kandidaturo. Med kandidati so bili poleg Tappeinerja še Friedrich Brandstetter, ki je kasneje kandidiral tudi kot zastopnik podeželskih občin na volitvah v okrajno zastopstvo, stotnik Konrad Seidl iz Kamnice, ki je kasneje prav tako kandidiral na volitvah za okrajno zastopstvo za zastopnike veleposestnikov, ter Feyrer. Tudi on je kandidiral (za zastopnika mesta) na volitvah v okrajno zastopstvo (za poslanca je sicer kan-

38 Prav tam, 259. 39 Prav tam, 260. 40 Prav tam, 261. 41 Marburger Zeitung, (1867), št. 8, 18. 1., 5.

57 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

didiral tudi Franz Wiesthaler, urednik Marburger Zeitung, ki pa se ni udeležil volilnega shoda). Med udeleženci je prišlo do nasprotovanj v zvezi s tem, kateri kandidat bi bil primeren za kandidaturo v kateri volilni skupini. Brandstetter je zahteval, da Tappeiner ne bi kandidiral v volilni skupini podeželskih občin, temveč bi to storil on, kajti v skupini veleposestnikov je sam že večkrat neuspe- šno kandidiral. Pojavili so se še drugi predlogi, namreč da bi Tappeiner kandidiral v skupini za mestno občino. Tappeiner je opozarjal, da bi se v tem primeru lahko zgodilo, da bi prišlo do prevelike razpršitve glasov "v dobro zastavljeni stvari", zato se je odločil po večkrat izraženi zahtevi prijateljev kandidirati v skupini za podeželske občine. Ob tem je spomnil navzoče na dejstvo, da verjame v podporo volivcev, kot je verjel že pred šestimi leti, ko je bil prvič izvoljen za deželnega poslanca. Po daljši diskusiji in različnih kombinacijah je Tappei- ner zahteval, da prisotni večinsko izglasujejo ustrezne sklepe. Ob tej priložnosti je Brandstetter označil shod za nekompetentnega za sprejetje kakršnega koli sklepa, po katerem bi bile podeželske občine slabše zastopane. Poudaril je, da bo uporabil vsa dovoljena sredstva za uveljavitev svoje kandidature ter shod vidno jezen zapustil.42 Shod je bil s tem dogodkom prekinjen, četudi formalno ni bil končan. Večina prisotnih je izrazila podporo Tappeinerju in Feyrerju. Na Brandstetterjev račun je bilo izrečenih še nekaj ostrih očitkov, ki so se nanašale na njegovo pomanjkljivo znanje slovenskega jezika, pa tudi na dejstvo, da se kot nadporočnik pri svoji starosti (35 let) ni udeležil dveh vojaških pohodov v preteklem letu, namreč vojn Avstrije z Italijo in Prusijo, ker naj bi špekulativno spremljal razvoj deželnega kmetijstva itd. 19. januarja je bil še en volilni shod, kjer je bil Tappeiner ponovno izvoljen za predsednika. Ob tej priložnosti se je stotnik Seidl odrekel kandidaturi za deželnega poslanca in predlagal za kandi- data Tappeinerja ter svojega prijatelja Brandstetterja.43 Tappeiner, ki je bil zagovornik izrazito zmernih liberalnih načel, je bil s tem seveda nasprotnik radikal- nih liberalcev in nacionalistov, kakršna sta bila Brandstetter in Seidl, nasprotoval pa je tudi levo usmerjenemu uredniku Marburger Zeitung Wiesthalerju. V narodnostnem vprašanju je zastopal patriarhalna načela o možnosti sožitja med Nemci in Slovenci, meščanstvo je štel za temelj države, moč države pa naj bi slonela na napredno usmerjenih občinah, ki naj bi skrbele za gospodarski napredek občanov.44 Tik pred volitvami (27. januarja) so bile izvedene posku- sne volitve, ki se jih je udeležilo 78 volilnih mož. Oddanih je bilo 63 volilnih lističev. Tappeiner je dobil 45 glasov, Brandstetter in Wiesthaler pa 9. Volitev, ki so bile 30. januarja 1867, se je udeležilo 486 volivcev. Za deželnozborskega

42 Prav tam. 43 Marburger Zeitung, (1867), št. 9, 20. 1., 3. 44 Bogo Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas", v: Slovenski biografski leksikon, 12. zvezek, uredila Alfonz Gspan in Fran Petre (Ljubljana, 1980), 8 (dalje: Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas").

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Portret Andreasa Tappeinerja (Andreas Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, Druck von Eduard Janschitz (Marburg, 1868))

poslanca za mesto Maribor so izvolili Andreasa Tappeinerja.45 Na prvih volitvah v okrajno zastopstvo, ki so bile po skupinah od konca februarja do 15. marca 1867,46 je bilo izvoljenih devet mariborskih meščanov v skupini mest in trgov, en zastopnik pa je bil iz Lovrenca na Pohorju. Zastopni- kov trgovine in industrije je bilo vseh deset iz Maribora, dva zastopnika sta bila

45 Marburger Zeitung, (1867), št. 13, 30. 1. , 4 46 Leskovec, "Zgodovina uprave", 261.

59 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

v skupini veleposestnikov – to sta bila župan Andreas Tappeiner in občinski svetovalec Alojz pl. Kriehuber. Andreas Tappeiner je bil mesec dni kasneje izvoljen za predstojnika okrajnega zastopa.47 Za namestnika je bil izvoljen stotnik Konrad Seidl, ki je bil hkrati tudi odbornik v okrajnem odboru. Na seji okrajnega zastopa48 je Seidl Tappeinerju očital, da kot njegov namestnik v okrajnem zastopstvu ne more storiti ničesar koristnega, kajti ta funkcija mu tega ne dopušča, bi pa lahko storil marsikaj, če bi bil namestnik okrajnega odbora. Skliceval se je na svoje izkušnje, ki si jih je pridobil kot dolgoletni občinski predstojnik, vendar je Tappeiner na ta položaj namesto Seidla postavil dr. Reiserja. Seidl je ponudil svoj odstop kot namestnik okrajnega zastopstva. Spraševal se je, kakšen razlog je imel Tappeiner, da je tako ravnal. Poudaril je, da sicer nima ničesar proti Tappeinerjevi odločitvi, vendar bi rad izvedel, kakšni nagibi so slednjega vodili pri odločitvi za dr. Reiserja. Seidl si je kot vzrok takšne odločitve razlagal tri možnosti: da ga župan ne mara, da je mnenja, da je nesposoben, ali pa dvomi v njegovo delovno zavzetost. Pripomnil je tudi, da mu do tedaj še nihče ni očital pomanjkanja delovne zagnanosti. Spraševal se je, če ni morda še kakšen drug razlog za takšno županovo ravnanje – če je, se seveda čuti globoko užaljenega. V takem primeru bi tudi izstopil iz okrajnega odbora in ostal le še član okrajnega zastopstva. Tappeiner se je v svojem odgovoru skliceval na 42. člen Zakona o okrajnem zastopstvu, po katerem je imel pravico odločati o tem, kdo bo namestnik okrajnega odbora. Skliceval se je na to, da je pač potreboval nekoga, ki je živel v Mariboru, medtem ko je Seidl bival v Kamnici. Kot načelnik je, kakor je zatrjeval, imel veliko opravka z različnimi ljudmi in v času odsotnosti ga pri tem lahko uspešno nadomešča le nekdo, ki je stalno prisoten v mestu. Stotnik Seidl si je premislil in ostal namestnik okrajnega zastopstva. Ob izvajanju mariborskega mestnega statuta pa se je kmalu pokazalo, da bi ga bilo potrebno spremeniti. Leta 1867 je bila sprejeta decembrska ustava, s katero je bilo potrebno uskladiti tudi občinski zakon. Pred zaključkom uskla- jevanja je Maribor predložil osnutek novega statuta in volilnega reda, ki ga je deželni zbor po določenih spremembah in dopolnilih sprejel leta 1870, cesar Franc Jožef pa sankcioniral decembra 1871.49 Drugi statut je bil nato v veljavi vse do razpada monarhije. Oglejmo si pomembnejše ustanove, ki so delovale v Mariboru v obdobju, ko je bil Tappeiner župan. Maribor je veljal za eno izmed tistih mest okrajnih sedežev, ki je imelo po letu 1850 največ uradov. V Gristmayerjevi stavbi nasproti kolodvora je bil poleg okrajnega glavarstva še sedež finančne direkcije, ki je bila edina civilna oblast mariborskega okrožja in s tem sploh celotne slovenske

47 Prav tam, 262. 48 Marburger Zeitung, (1867), št. 60, 19. 5., 3. 49 Leskovec, "Zgodovina uprave", 258.

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Štajerske, ki je opravljala svojo vlogo, ki jo je dobila že v obdobju prve admini- strativne ureditve države leta 1848, tudi še po letu 1860. Finančni direkciji je bilo podrejenih 18 davčnih uradov, tudi glavni davčni urad v Mariboru. Oblast je vsebovala tudi upravne organe za direktne davke pri vseh okrajnih glavar- stvih svojega območja. Politični okraji so bili hkrati kontrolni okraji finančne straže. Na čelu mariborskega je bil višji komisar I. razreda.50 V mestu sta delovala državni in "nedržavni" poštni urad. Državni poštni urad je bil v tedanji Poštni (sedanji Jurčičevi) ulici. Leta 1858 je dobil Maribor telegrafski urad.51 Od 60. let dalje je bilo mesto tudi sedež različnih uradov (gradbeni, sanitetni, veterinar- ski in gozdnogospodarski), katerih pristojnosti so obsegale območje več poli- tičnih okrajev, kajti po odpravi okrožnega urada je to vlogo prevzelo okrajno glavarstvo. Leta 1864 je bilo v mestu 112 uradnikov (brez učiteljev), večinoma Nemcev.52 Z naraščanjem uradov in nemškega uradništva se je utrjeval nemški videz mesta. Naraščalo je tudi število (v glavnem nemških) oficirjev, saj je nara- ščala tudi mariborska garnizija. Tu je bil že od leta 1817 47. linijski pešpolk. Leta 1856 je bila zgrajena kadetnica (mogočno poslopje v Magdalenskem predmestju). Leta 1867 se je v Mariboru nastanila tudi konjeniška enota (5. dragonski polk), ki je bila v lasti ruskega carja Nikolaja I. Vojašnico, ki je bila prav tako v Magdalenskem predmestju, je temu polku postavil grof Brandis, lastnik gospo- stva mariborskega gradu. Ob štabu tega polka je bil v mestu nastanjen tudi štab višje enote in sicer 3. konjeniške brigade. Ob uvedbi dualizma se je pojavil tudi domobranski bataljon št. 19, ki je imel svoj sedež v opuščenem Kirchnerjevem mlinu (odkupili so ga leta 1863) v Melju.53 Že v 50. letih, ko se je vrnil iz Lovrenca na Pohorju v Maribor, je kot gospodarstvenik storil za mesto veliko pomembnega. V času, ko je bil župan in zastopnik mesta v deželnem zboru, pa je Andreas Tappeiner za razvoj Maribora napravil še veliko več. Ko je iz zdravstvenih razlogov novembra leta 1867 odstopil kot mariborski župan, je na zadnji seji občinskega odbora 24. decembra podal zanimivo in izčrpno poročilo o svojem uspešnem delovanju. Izvedena je bila kana- lizacija mesta, prav tako je bilo izvedeno tudi tlakovanje glavnih ulic, in sicer Grassergasse (današnja Vetrinjska ulica), Draugasse (Dravska cesta), Schullgasse (današnja Ulica 10. oktobra), Brunngasse (danes Volkmerjev prehod), Weber- gasse (danes Tkalski prehod), Apothekergasse (današnja Lekarniška cesta), vzhodni del Glavnega trga, severni del Glavnega trga (današnji Slomškov trg) in delno tudi Tegetthofstrasse (današnja Partizanska cesta). V Herrnstrasse (dana- šnja Gosposka ulica) in Poststrasse (današnja Jurčičeva ulica) so pri tlakovanju

50 Prav tam, 264. 51 Prav tam. 52 Prav tam, 265. 53 Prav tam, 265.

61 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

pomagali tudi lastniki hiš. Vzrok za zamude pri tlakovanju drugih ulic je bil v primanjkovanju tlakovcev.54 K lepši podobi mesta so veliko prispevali lastniki hiš, brez katerih noben projekt ne bi mogel biti uresničen. Tappeiner je opozoril na to, da je bilo ravno vprašanje sodelovanja meščanov pri takšnih projektih v preteklosti pogosto predmet razprav med mestnimi oblastmi in občinskim zastopstvom.55 Zgrajenih je bilo 85 novih zgradb, izmed teh kar 25 pomembnih. Mesto je kupilo zemljišča za svojo širitev. Nastal je današnji Trg svobode (tedaj Sophien platz op. p.), poleg tega pa še nove ulice v središču mesta, in sicer Kaiserstrasse (danes Krekova ulica) ter Neugasse (danes Gledališka ulica), del Mühlgasse (danes ulica Ob bregu) v Graškem predmestju pa je bil reguliran in razširjen. Zgrajena je bila tudi nova stranska ulica iz glavne ulice do Delavnic Južne železnice v Magdalenskem predmestju.56 Zaradi večje varnosti so uvedli ulično razsvetljavo s petrolejkami, ki so svetile do polnoči.57 Petrolejsko razsvetljavo so napeljali tudi v nekaj stranskih ulic; v Magdalenskem predmestju je bil zgrajen javni vodnjak, medtem ko je bila v Koroškem predmestju omogočena uporaba dveh že obstoječih. Leta 1846 je bila železniška proga Dunaj–Trst, ki jo je gradila družba Südbahn (Južna železnica), speljana do Maribora. Družba je leta 1863 v Magdalenskem predmestju (ob studenškem oz. koroškem kolodvoru, op. avtorja) zgradila Delavnice Južne železnice Delavnice so bile prvo industrijsko podjetje izven ožjega mesta in do konca druge svetovne vojne največje v Mariboru. Za to lokacijo so se odločili, ker je bilo mesto približno enako odda- ljeno od končnih postaj prog, ki so se tu stikale: Dunaj in Trst, Beljak in Budim- pešta. Delavnice so zgradili na tej lokaciji, ne pa ob Glavnem kolodvoru, ker bi bilo tam obratovanje zaradi potnikov in strank moteno. Število zaposlenih je v kasnejšem času presegalo 1000. Že takoj po ustanovitvi podjetja je družba zgradila t. i. malo kolonijo za 48 družin, kasneje pa še novo kolonijo z 28 hišami.58 Leta 1846 je bil ob prihodu železnice zgrajen lesen most, v letih 1864/66 pa je bil zgrajen nov kovinski železniški most, ki je prejšnjega nadomestil. Izgradnjo novega mostu je poleg mestne občine finančno podprla tudi družba "Südbahn" (Južna železnica, op. avtorja).59 Delavnice Južne železnice so pospešile razvoj tako Magdalenskega predmestja kot mesta nasploh. Prebivalstvo je naraslo od 7.572 po štetju leta 1857 na 12.670 po štetju leta 1867. V mestu je bilo storjenih mnogo različnih del in obstajale so številne dejavnosti, skupno 150. Tedaj se je

54 PAM; SI_PAM/0005, AŠ 22, fond Mestna občina Maribor, Poročilo župana Tappeinerja o delu v letih 1859/67, 9 (dalje: fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo). 55 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 9. 56 Prav tam. 57 Prav tam, 11. 58 Leskovec, "Razvoj gospodarstva", 341, 342. 59 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 10.

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Železničarska delavska kolonija ob Delavnicah Južne železnice, ki so bile zgrajene leta 1863 na Studencih v Magdalenskem predmestju (PAM, Zbirka fotografij in razglednic, inv. 2911)

v mestu hitro razmahnila tudi obrt. Od nastanka samostojnega gremijskega statuta se je obrtna dejavnost povečala na 118 svobodnih in 31 koncesijskih obrti. Tappeiner je ugotavljal, da je prešla mestna občina v nek nov stadij, ki jo pribli- žuje stadiju velemesta.60 Tudi finančno stanje mesta se je izboljšalo, kajti občin- ski proračun se je že v letu 1861 povzpel z 28.000 na 48.600 forintov. Leta 1863 je bil vpeljan tudi davek na pse, ki je občini letno prinesel 800 goldinarjev.61 Tappeiner je tudi izrazito pospeševal šolstvo. V poročilu, spisanem ob koncu svojega županovanja, je opisal svoje delovanje v letih 1859–1867 (torej je zajel tudi dve leti svojega delovanja še pred nastopom županstva):

Pospeševanje pouka in sploh šolstva je najpomembnejša zahteva svobodnega napredka v občini, kar ima občinski odbor skrbno na očeh in izkoristi vsako priložnost, da izkoristi s pomembnimi žrtvami ugoden vpliv. Izdatki za učiteljstvo, njihove prejemke in zahteve šolstva znašajo okrog 7000 forintov.62

60 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 13, 14. 61 Prav tam, 14, 15. 62 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 5.

63 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

Podprl je uvedbo telovadbe v šolah. Najprej so vpeljali in štipendirali prosto delovno mesto, namenjeno telovadbi na mariborski trgovski šoli. Za poučeva- nje je v dogovoru s šolo poskrbelo eno izmed mariborskih športnih društev, ki je odstopilo tudi telovadno orodje.63 Poskrbel je tudi za izboljšanje plač mestnega učiteljstva. V šolah, ki jih je vzdrževala "konkurenca", tj. Cerkev (v predme- stjih), so zaradi prekoračitve stroškov, ki jih je prispevala občina, ukinili šolnino, povečalo se je število razredov in zaposlili so samostojne učitelje. Tappeiner je bil kot župan v času triletne "volilne periode" (v letih 1861–1864) tudi načelnik šolskega in cerkvenega odbora, vendar se zaradi zdravstvenih težav v tem času le-temu ni mogel zadostno posvečati.64 Za pouk deklet je bila ustanovljena šti- rirazredna mestna dekliška šola, ki je leta 1867 dobila še peti razred. Tappeiner je dosegel, da so na tej šoli poučevali ženska ročna dela.65 Občina je odkupila tudi zemljišče (blizu gledališča), na katerem je bilo nato zgrajeno šolsko poslopje. Tappeiner je podprl tudi mariborsko žensko društvo, da je lahko ustanovilo šolo za revnejša dekleta.66 Pomembne zasluge je imel župan tudi za nadaljnji razvoj tedanje nepo- polne nižje, dvorazredne mariborske realke (sedanje Prve gimnazije). Iskal je možnosti, da bi postala nižja realka samostojna popolna višja realka, s katere bi bil možen vpis v visoko tehnično šolo. Na seji mariborskega občinskega sveta 5. januarja 1863 so na Tappeinerjevo pobudo ustanovili poseben odbor, ki naj bi razpravljal o nadaljnji reorganizaciji realke.67 Prav tako na osnovi Tappeinerje- ve pobude je odbor 3. februarja istega leta poslal deželnemu odboru peticijo, v kateri je bilo navedeno, koliko sredstev bi lahko prispevala mariborska občina in koliko naj bi prispevala deželna vlada, da bi mesto dobilo popolno realko. Tappeiner je za tem projektom stal ves čas, kar štiri leta. Žal je bila ideja tedaj za državo predraga in ni bila realizirana.68 Mariborska občina, s Tappeinerjem na čelu, je bila pripravljena ustanovitev popolne višje realke tudi finančno podpreti. Pri deželnem odboru je Tappeiner vložil prošnjo za brezobrestni kredit. Odbor se je obveznosti sicer otepal in občina se je obrnila po pomoč tudi na finančno sekcijo deželne vlade, ki naj bi posredovala med občino in deželnim odborom, da bi se sklenil kompromis. Občina je ponudila gradbeno parcelo z vrtom, ki bi jo odkupila od lastnika grofa Brandisa (stavba kasnejše popolne realke in sedanje Prve gimnazije), ki je s tem soglašal, za 5000 goldinarjev. Za

63 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 11. 64 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 6. 65 Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas", 8. 66 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 11. 67 Viktor Vrbnjak, "Prva gimnazija Maribor od ustanovitve do lastne stavbe", v: Zbornik Prve gimnazije Maribor ob 150-letnici (Maribor: Prva gimnazija Maribor, 2000), 29. 68 Prav tam, 29.

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Mariborski kazino so slovesno odprli 16. januarja 1865, razglednica ok. 1900 (PAM, Zbirka fotografij in razglednic, inv. 2541)

postavitev šole in nadaljnje vzdrževanje pa bi letno odštela 2000 goldinarjev.69 Na izredni seji občinskega sveta70 22. septembra 1864 so razpravljali o naku- pu Brandisovega zemljišča, deželni odbor pa je v začetku oktobra istega leta sporočil občini, da njenih ponudb ne more sprejeti, ker bi bili gradbeni stro- ški desetkrat višji od ponujene vsote. Prizadevanja za nastanek popolne višje realke so se sicer nadaljevala, vendar do nastanka šole v času Tappeinerjevega življenja in delovanja ni prišlo. Na njegovo pobudo je bilo leta 1865 brez prispevka občine zgrajeno kazinsko poslopje, ki je bilo dozidano poslopju Slovanske čitalnice iz leta 1861, kjer se je začela dejavnost slovenskega ljubiteljskega gledališča, kasneje pa je tu nastalo SNG Maribor (tedanji Stolni trg, danes Slomškov trg 17). Bilo je shajali- šče bogatejših meščanov. V tistem času so morale občine prevzeti vso skrb za revne in Tappeiner je povečal kapital občinskega instituta za revne oz. ubožnice in kapital mestne hiralnice oz. meščanskega špitala, ki je znašal 14.990 forintov in 44 krajcarjev. Poskušal ga je še povišati na 17.282 forintov in 91 krajcarjev in s tem doseči, da

69 Prav tam, 32. 70 Prav tam, 32.

65 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

bi imela hiralnica 3650 forintov letnega dobička. To mu sicer ni uspelo, kljub temu pa je letni dobiček znašal 3.650 forintov in 27 krajcarjev. Za razna dela na stavbi hiralnice je občina letno prispevala 4000 forintov iz občinske blagajne.71 Bil je sposoben in skrben gospodarstvenik in uredil je slabo finančno stanje splošne bolnice. Le-ta je bila dolžna mestni občini že od leta 1861 kar 10.000 forintov, poleg tega so dobavitelji zdravil in drugih potrebnih stvari na plačilo storitev čakali tudi po več let. Po Tappeinerjevi iniciativi je bil povišan davek na oskrbo in izvedeni so bili razni varčni ukrepi, kar je privedlo do tega, da je bolnišnici uspelo povečati sredstva do te mere, da so lahko iz bolnišničnega fonda poravnali nastale dolgove.72 V Mariboru je delovalo v času Tappeinerje- vega županovanja tudi Bolniško podporno društvo. Na občnih zborih (gene- ralnih zborovanjih) društva, kot na primer v začetku leta 1866, ko se je zbralo okrog 200 članov, je bil Tappeiner glavni govornik in je zboru tudi predsedoval. Društvo je štelo 329 članov, in sicer 241 rednih ter 88 častnih.73 V času, ko je bil Tappeiner župan, so bila povečana gospodarska poslopja in magdalensko pokopališče, kjer sta bili zgrajeni tudi mrtvašnica in grobarjeva hiša. Z izredno varčnostjo mu je uspelo "poravnati občinske prispevke", ki so nastali leta 1859 ob preselitvi škofijskega sedeža iz Šentandraža v Labotski dolini v Maribor ter za izgradnjo kadetnice leta 1852 (dokončana je bila leta 1856, op. avtorja).74 Leta 1868 je preostali občinski dolg znašal le še 735 forintov.75 1866. leta se je Avstrija borila v vojni na dveh frontah (s Prusijo in z Italijo). V Gradcu kot deželnem središču je nastal pred vojno (vojni) centralni komite, ki je ustanovil štajerski ostrostrelski korpus. Načelnik komiteja, grof Strasol- do, je prosil župana Tappeinerja, naj tudi v Mariboru ustanovi podružnico. Ob koncu maja 1866 je bila ta res ustanovljena, štela je 16 članov, načeloval pa ji je grof Brandis. Njegov namestnik je bil baron Rast, blagajnik dr. Otmar Reiser, koncipient Marko pa je bil zapisnikar. Med člani podružnice so bili še nekateri pomembni možje, npr. predstojnik okrajnega zastopstva A. von Arailz, Alojz pl. Kriehuber, nadporočnik Friedrich Brandstätter, lekarnar in kasnejši župan Josef Bancalari, občinski odbornik Girstmaier in seveda Tappeiner. Maribor- ska podružnica je takoj izdala javni poziv za zbiranje prispevkov, prostovolj- cev itd.76 V tem času je šlo skozi Maribor okrog 190.680 vojakov in oficirjev z 21.134 konji. Vojsko je bilo potrebno začasno nastaniti in v ta namen so bile na Teznu postavljene vojaške barake (da ne bi navzočnost vojakov preveč

71 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 12. 72 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 8. 73 Marburger Zeitung, (1866), št. 3, 7. 1., 3. 74 Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas", 8. 75 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 12. 76 Marburger Zeitung, (1866), št. 65, 1. 6., 4.

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motila meščanskega vsakdanjika). To seveda ni zadoščalo in mnogo vojakov je bilo nastanjenih tudi v stanovanjih meščanov. Ljudje so se izkazali, saj kot stanodajalci za svoje "gostoljubje" niso dobili povrnjenih stroškov. Naslednje leto je občina odkupila že omenjeni nekdanji Kirchnerjev mlin v Melju in ga kasneje preuredila v vojašnico. Tu je bilo nameščenih 100 vojakov. V tem času se je priselilo v Maribor tudi veliko družin iz Italije oz. bivše Benečije. Ustano- vljen je bil patriotični podporni komite, ki je sprejel 2000 ranjenih vojakov in poskrbel za zdravniško pomoč na Glavnem kolodvoru. Ranjenim vojakom so pomagali tudi posamezniki, prostovoljci. Mestna občina je takšno humanitar- no dejavnost ves čas podpirala. Poravnala je tudi stroške zdravljenja vojakov v mestni bolnišnici. Četam, ki so šle skozi mesto, so nudili hrano in vino. Zara- di tega "lojalnega" dejanja je bilo 10. decembra 1866 občini izrečeno najvišje priznanje, Tappeinerju pa podeljeno in 2. januarja 1867 tudi svečano izročeno odlikovanje (viteški križec cesarja Franca Jožefa).77 Ob Tappeinerju so bili tedaj z zlatim križcem s krono odlikovani še predstojnik mariborskega okrajnega zastopstva A. von Arailz, grof Ferdinand Brandis in njegova soproga Zofija ter člani patriotičnega komiteja. Tappeiner je bil v času, ko mu je bilo dodeljeno to priznanje (10. decembra 1866), v deželnem zboru v Gradcu. Njegov namestnik (podžupan) Bancalari mu je 17. decembra po predlogu okrajnega zastopstva s telegrafom sporočil:

Reprezentanca /M/estne občine Maribor je počaščena, da vam je cesar podelil odlikovanje, za katero vam izrekamo čestitke iz globokega spoštovanja in ves- elega srca, da mož tako odličnih sposobnosti in ljubezni do domovine, stoji na njenem čelu. Visoko priznanje za resnične in prave zasluge od našega monarha je povzročilo najbolj veselo senzacijo v vsem mestu. Naj visoko spoštovani še dolgo deluje v korist in dobrobit someščanov.78

Tappeiner se je takoj odzval:

Spoštovanim članom občinske reprezentance in občinskemu uradništvu moja srčna zahvala za čestitke k odlikovanju, ki mi ga je uspelo dobiti samo s požrtvovalnostjo meščanov, sodelovanjem občinskega odbora in delovanjem občinskega urada.79

Odlikovanje so proslavili (kot je bilo napovedano v Marburger Zeitung) s slavnostnim kosilom 29. decembra. Za večer istega dne pa je bila napovedana

77 Prav tam, 13. 78 Marburger Zeitung, (1866), št. 151, 19. 12., 4. 79 Prav tam.

67 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

še svečana prireditev ob koncu leta (v Kazinski dvorani), ki naj bi se je udeležilo tudi moško pevsko društvo. Ob tej priložnosti je bila izražena tudi hudomušna pripomba, da bi bilo lepo, če bi se večerne slovesnosti udeležilo vsaj toliko ljudi kot kosila. V zvezi s tem se je celo pojavilo priporočilo, da bi bilo morda bolje izvesti večerno prireditev naslednji večer, kar pa se ni zgodilo.80 Za največjo Tappeinerjevo zaslugo (poleg že omenjenega sprejetja mestnega statuta 13. marca 1866) pa velja ustanovitev Mestne hranilnice (Marbur- ger Sparkasse) 2. januarja leta 1862. Bila je v pritličju mestnega magistrata na Rotovškem trgu vse do leta 1886, ko je bila zgrajena nova velika stavba na Stol- nem trgu (sedanji Slomškov trg, kje je danes Rektorat Univerze v Mariboru). Delovati je začela brez posebnega fonda, samo z garancijo občine, na osnovi zaupanja in bodrenja. V prvem letu delovanja je imela skoraj več kot milijon forintov denarnega prometa, tudi rezervni fond je presegel 38.000 forintov.81 Zanjo je Tappeiner izdelal statut, že ob ustanavljanju 1861 je bil izvoljen za predsednika odbora in tudi predsednika ravnateljstva, kar je ostal do smrti.82 Z nastankom hranilnice so lahko obrtniki in trgovci dobili ugodne oz. cenene kredite, prav to pa jih je privabljalo v mesto. Tudi Tappeiner je dotok obrtnikov pripisoval delovanju hranilnice. Za zaščito manjših obrtnikov je ustanovil "Aushilfskassenverein" (za pridobitev manjših, cenenih posojil). Za to ustanovo je leta 1863 izdelal tudi pravila, predsednik pa je bil v letih 1864–1868.83 Ob vseh teh aktivnostih je Tappeiner v korist razvoja Maribora prispeval tudi lastna denarna sredstva. Za dobrobit skupnosti je za izvedbo svojih načrtov iz lastnih virov investiral kar 10.000 forintov.84 S tem si je seveda še povečal priljubljenost in spoštovanje. Po sedmih letih, ko je bil trikrat izvoljen za mariborskega župana, je moral Tappeiner 14. novembra 1867 iz zdravstvenih razlogov odstopiti. Po lastni izja- vi ga je neprekinjeno naprezanje v občinskih zadevah tako močno izčrpalo, da je bilo zaradi tega načeto njegovo zdravje. Ob tej priložnosti je izrekel tudi zahvalo in priznanje članom občinskega odbora za dejavno in uspešno sodelovanje.85 Omenil je dvesto sej občinskega odbora, ki je sprejel več kot dva tisoč sklepov in deloval v petih sekcijah, in sicer: I. sekcija za občinske organizacijske in poslovne zadeve, za medobčinsko sodelovanje in povezovanje, za meščan- ske pravice ter za izdajanje različnih soglasij; II. sekcija za šolstvo in kulturo, zdravstvo, socialno skrbstvo (hiralnice); III. sekcija za nadzor financ, aprovizije;

80 Marburger Zeitung, (1866), št. 152, 21. 12., 4. 81 PAM, fond Mestna občina, Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 14. 82 Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas", 8. 83 Prav tam, 2. 84 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 8. 85 PAM, fond Mestna občina,Tappeinerjevo poročilo, 1, 2.

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Mestna hranilnica (Marburger Sparkasse) je bila ustanovljena 2. januarja 1862. Prostore je imela v pritličju mestnega magistrata na Rotovškem trgu vse do leta 1886, ko je bila zgrajena nova velika stavba na Stolnem trgu (sedanji Slomškov trg, kje je danes Rektorat Univerze v Mariboru), razglednica (PAM, Zbirka fotografij in razglednic, inv. 2708)

IV. sekcija za vojaške zadeve, policijo; V. sekcija za obrt in trgovino ter druge poslovne panoge.86 Poudaril je tudi, da je bilo veliko obravnav le ustnih, še zlasti po uvedbi lastnega občinskega statuta, kar je terjalo ogromno napora, ker je to delo opravljalo le šest uradnikov in en jurist oz. pravnik (ter seveda župan). Posebej pa je bil Tappeiner ponosen na občinski statut z dne 13. marca 1863.87

Tappeiner kot poslanec v deželnem zboru

Kot poslanec v štajerskem deželnem zboru se je Tappeiner redko oglašal, sodeloval je predvsem pri razpravah o občinah in njihovi ureditvi.88 Tako je ob neki priložnosti89 na seji deželnega zbora pri obravnavi občinskega nepremičnin- skega premoženja zastopal stališče, da se hiša oz. poslopje ne more prištevati kot glavnica občinskega premoženja, saj predstavlja le prehodno premoženje, ki ga je v določenih okoliščinah potrebno kupiti – če je hiša na neprimerni

86 Prav tam, 3. 87 Prav tam, 4. 88 Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas", 8 89 Stenographisches protokoll über die dritte sitzung des Steiermärkischen Landtages, 12. januar 1863, 69.

69 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

lokaciji, pa zanjo ni mogoče dobiti (ugodne) najemnine. Nadalje je Tappeiner v imenu mariborske občine predlagal, naj se v primerih, kadar je hiša prazna oz. brez hišnega lastnika, dovoli, da jo občina, potem ko poravna vse v tej zvezi nastale dolgove, tudi proda. Tappeinerjev predlog je bil enoglasno sprejet. Na isti seji je Tappeiner nastopil še ob eni priložnosti, ko je poslancu dr. Wasserfal- lu, ki je govoril o občinskem protokolu ob prodaji hiše oz. parcele, zastavil vpra- šanje, če je lahko tak protokol veljaven v primeru, ko sklep o prodaji sprejmejo le posamezniki, ali pa mora s tem soglašati in tak protokol podpisati tudi celotna "občinska reprezentanca".90 Dr. Wasserfall je menil, da mora vsa "občinska reprezentanca" zadevo podpisati, da se lahko sklene kupoprodajna pogodba z notarskimi dodatki. Tappeiner se je z odgovorom strinjal. Ob drugi priložnosti je Tappeiner deželnemu odboru predlagal, da bi lahko podobno, kot je to že bilo storjeno v primeru Gradca, po pravni poti razširili zakon o davčni olajšavi za novogradnje v mestih in trgih na Štajerskem. Na seji deželnega zbora91 je bilo na dnevnem redu poročilo deželnega odbora o tem predlogu. Člani odbora so bili sicer mnenja, da predlog ni pomemben za obravnavo na seji deželnega zbora, vendar je Tappeiner zadevo vendarle predstavil. Opozoril je na dejstvo, da s tem predlogom nikakor ni želel spodbujati vese- lja do gradnje hiš, s čimer bi bila kmetijstvu storjena velika škoda. Naraščanje novogradenj bi kmetijstvo namreč močno prizadelo, ker bi se mnogi ljudje s podeželja selili v mesta, kar bi povzročilo upadanje delovne sile na podeželju in naraščanje proletariata v mestih in trgih. Deželni zbor je pozval, naj odlo- či, ali bodo ta predlog predlagali za obravnavo v državnem zboru. Pričujoče je opozoril, da državni zakladnici oz. erarju nikakor ne bi škodovalo, pač pa prej koristilo, če bi se davčne olajšave izvajale na splošno, kajti tako bi gotovo nara- ščalo število novogradenj in le-te bi po preteku obdobja davčnih olajšav postale obdavčene. Avditorij je Tappeinerjev nastop nagradil s klici odobravanja. O Tappeinerjevem predlogu so razpravljali še drugi poslanci, ki so nasprotovali davčnim olajšavam, češ da so krivične. Poslanec Wannisch iz okraja Bruck na Muri, ki se v nekaterih pogledih s Tappeinerjem sicer ni strinjal, je zaradi prav- nega stališča in smotrnosti vendarle podprl predlog za obravnavo v državnem zboru – zadeva namareč državni zakon in se nanaša na vsa mesta in trge po vseh deželah. Tappeinerju je bil bolj naklonjen drugi poslanec, tj. dr. Hlubek iz okraja Irdning pri Lieznu.92 Izrazil je prepričanje, da bo Maribor čez nekaj desetletij enakovreden Gradcu. Opozoril je na lego mesta, ki je ugodnejša kot lega Gradca. Maribor naj bi postal štajerska citadela. Navedel je primer Drave, ki je plovna, pa železnico, ki teče v smereh od severa proti jugu ter z vzhoda proti

90 Prav tam, 70. 91 Prav tam, … zehnte sitzung ..., 4. februar 1863, 188. 92 Prav tam, 189.

70 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

zahodu. Tako je mesto povezano s skoraj vsemi deželami monarhije. Opozo- ril je tudi na pomen pohorskih glažut in lesa. Tretji poslanec, dr. Rechbauer iz Gradca, je Tappeinerjevemu predlogu nasprotoval in se s tem pridružil mnenju tistih, ki so menili, da so davčne olajšave za nepremičnine krivične. Na koncu razprave je ponovno nastopil Tappeiner,93 ki je opozoril na to, da je Gradec takrat, ko so vpeljali davek na najemnino (leta 1829), pridobil koristi glede davčnih obveznosti, ko pa je bil leta 1850 ta davek uveljavljen tudi v ostalih štajerskih mestih in trgih, je kazalo, da bodo koristi iste kot v Gradcu. Ob tem je poudaril, da na to ne gleda kot na poseben privilegij. Po zakonu, ki je veljal za ostala mesta in trge pa je hišni davek na najemnino za polovico stanovanja, ki se daje v najem in to je običaj v vsakem mestu in trgu. Zato, poudarja, je predlagal, da bi se davčne olajšave razširile tudi na ostala mesta in trge na Štajerskem.

Odziv Mariborčanov ob Tappeinerjevi smrti

Tappeiner je že leta 1866 resno zbolel. Spomladi naslednjega leta so mu zdravniki svetovali zdravljenje v zdravilišču Karlsbad (danes Karlovy Vary na Češkem),94 vendar mu zdravljenje ni pomagalo.* Ob vrnitvi je upal, da bo še nekaj časa živel, vendar je vedel, da se bo moral delu kmalu odpovedati. Novem- bra 1867 je odstopil kot župan, decembra istega leta pa kot okrajni predstojnik, kar je bilo na seji okrajnega zastopstva 10. decembra tudi sprejeto.95 Odstopil je tudi kot deželni poslanec (24. decembra). Zadnje dni svojega življenja, od 25. februarja 1868, je bil v bolnišnici, kjer je 29. februarja ob 7. uri zjutraj tudi umrl.96 Pogreb je bil 2. marca ob 16. uri. Pogrebni sprevod je potekal od hiše v Graškem predmestju 26, kasnejše Tegetthoffstrasse (danes Partizanska cesta), kjer je Andreas Tappeiner tudi stanoval,97 preko Grajskega trga skozi Graško in Poštno ulico (sedanja Jurčičeva) in nato po Gosposki ulici do Glavnega trga. Naprej je sprevod potekal po Koroški cesti ter se nadaljeval po Allegasse (dana- šnja Strossmaierjeva) do mestnega pokopališča, ki je bilo na mestu današnjega Ljudskega vrta. Pogreba naj bi se udeležilo približno 6000 ljudi, česa takega pa mesto do tedaj še ni doživelo.98 Na začetku sprevoda so bili mestni reveži, sle-

93 Prav tam, 194. 94 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 19. 95 *V nobenem izmed razpoložljivih virov, vključno z mrliško knjigo, ni zavedena bolezen, za katero je bolehal in kasneje tudi umrl. Zapisano je le, da je umrl po dolgi in težki bolezni. Marburger Zeitung, 1867, št. 148, 11. 12., 3. 96 Tappeiner, In seinem leben und wirken, 19. 97 NŠAL, Matične knjige, Sv. Marija, Mrliška knjiga III., 1845/1873, 29. 2. 1868, 347 (tam je naveden Tappeinerjev naslov). 98 Marburger Zeitung, 1868, št. 28, 4. 3. 3.

71 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

Kip Andreasa Tappeinerja, delo dunajskega akademskega kiparja Josefa Kassina, ki so ga odkrili 21. septembra 1904 na tedanjem Stolnem trgu (danes Slomškov trg), razglednica odposl. 1912 (PAM, Zbirka fotografij in razglednic, inv. 11632)

dili so jim oskrbovanci hiralnice, nato člani bolniškega društva, potem učenci predmestnih šol, učenke privatne in občinske dekliške šole, učenci glavne šole in realke, predstavniki mestne kapele, evangeličanske občine, dijaki gimnazije, teologi, lovci in moško pevsko društvo, 11 duhovnikov, žalujoči svojci, nato še občinski odbor z novim županom (prejšnjim namestnikom) Josephom Banca- larijem, zastopnik deželnega zbora, župani in občinski svetniki Ptuja, Slovenske Bistrice, Sv. Lovrenca, Lipnice... Sledili so še mestni uradniki, duhovščina, oficirji, kazinsko društvo, vodstvo hranilnice, številni izobraženci, trgovci, industrialci, uradniki Južne železnice, telovadna društva, žensko društvo itd. Urednik Marburger Zeitung Franz Wiesthaler, sicer Tappeinerjev politič- ni nasprotnik, je novico o njegovi smrti objavil v omenjenem časopisu šele na koncu redne rubrike o mariborskih novicah, kar je mnoge zelo vznejevoljilo. Prav tako jih je vznejevoljilo dejstvo, da je Wiesthaler poročilo o pogrebu podal kratko in suhoparno in spet na koncu rubrike.99 Poudaril je, da je bilo poročanje o Tappeinerjevi smrti obravnavano na koncu rubrike zaradi "sledljivosti časa", poročilo o pogrebu pa zaradi zahteve lastnikov časnika. Wiesthaler je poudaril,

99 Marburger Zeitung, 1868, št. 31, 3, 4.

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da nihče, ki je vedel, kakšen odnos je imel Tappeiner do Marburger Zeitunga, odkar je bil Wiesthaler urednik, ne more zanikati, da sta bila nasprotnika. Ob tem se je skliceval na poklicno dolžnost, ki mu je vseskozi narekovala, da je pisal o Tappeinerju kljub nasprotjem pošteno in resnično, ne pa čustveno vzneseno. Mariborčani so po Tappeinerju poimenovali tudi dva mestna trga. V letih 1876–1883 se je po njem imenoval sedanji Trg generala Maistra (Tappei- ner Platz), v letih 1899–1919 pa tudi sedanji Trg Borisa Kidriča. Spomin na tega zaslužnega moža sta ovekovečila tudi dva umetnika. Prvi doprsni kip je izdelal akademski kipar Franc Teichmeister, kamniti Tappeinerjev spomenik, ki so ga septembra 1904 odkrili na tedanjem mariborskem Stolnem trgu (današnji zahodni del Slomškovega trga pred stavbo tedanje Mestne hranilnice oz. sedanjega Rektorata mariborske univerze, kjer je park), pa je delo dunajskega akademskega kiparja Josef Kassina. Kip se danes nahaja v Pokrajinskem muzeju Maribor.100

Roman Mirnik

LIFE AND WORK OF ANDREAS TAPPEINER, MAYOR OF MARIBOR (1810–1868)

SUMMARY

The author's purpose was to research and evaluate the life and work of Andreas Tappeiner, who originated from a successful and distinguished Maribor family. The paper consists of five parts. Tappeiner's youth and education is presented in the first part, followed by his professional involvement in business and his stay in Lovrenc na Pohorju, where he served as mayor. Then we describe the most important part of his professional career when, after returning to Mari- bor, Tappeiner was consecutively elected mayor, and an account of his most

100 Teplý, "Tappeiner Andreas", 8.

73 R. Mirnik: Življenje in delo mariborskega župana Andreasa Tappeinerja

significan achievements for the city. His activities as a representative in the Styrian parliament are presented in the latter part, as well as the public's outstanding response to his death. Andreas Tappeiner was born in Maribor in 1810 to his father Johann, a well-known brewer from Goldrain in Tyrol, and his mother Konstancija (Kon- stantina). He was one of seven children in the family. He entered grammar school in Maribor, continued the second class in Šentpavel in Lavanttal, Carin- thia, and attended the last class again in Maribor. He was an excellent student, however, he chose to pursue his career as a tradesman. He was apprenticed in honey production in Slovenska Bistrica, and on finishing his training he set out to Vienna. He returned on his father's wish and was employed as his consump- tion tax lease assistant. Owing to his conscientiousness and diligence, Andreas's father bought him a brewery, which was the start of his successful business career as well as the beginning of his involvement in politics: he was elected member of Maribor town board. In spite of that he wished for a change so he sold the brewery and bought a glass factory in Lovrenc na Pohorju, where he moved and became a very popular and highly respectable mayor. Following Tappeiner's return to Maribor, he again devoted his time to brewing and politics. In 1861, he was selected mayor of Maribor. Due to his success and popularity he was re-elected twice. During his term of office the community statute was acquired. He provided for public utilities, the main roads were paved, a sewage system and the square Sophien platz were built. Soon after the establishment of the workshops of the Southern railway in the Magdalena suburb a workers' hous in gestate and a new iron bridge were built. Owing to him the authorities in creased the funds for the poor house and the hospice and improved the hospital's financial situation. Tappeiner was particularly well disposed to education. He took care for higher teachers' salaries and their employment, a 4-year school for girls was established, physical education was introduced in the school curriculum, and he also deserves credit for the development of lower secondary school into higher secondary school. He was rewarded with the Emperor Franz Joseph knight's crossforthe humane treat- ment of soldiers on their return from the war for Veneto. His most significant achievement was the establishment of the town savings bank. Andreas Tappeiner was also a representative in the Styrian parliament. He rarely spoke, mainly when discussing townships, their property and management. He also exerted his authority to ensure the funding for the building of a modern secondary school, now called Prva gimnazija Maribor. Such was his popularity with the towns people that around 6,000 people attended his funeral.

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UDK 070.489:94(497.411)"1848" 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

Odmevi revolucionarnih dogodkov 1848 v Prekmurju v slovenskem tisku

Darja Kerec

Dr., docentka Univerza v Ljubljani, Pedagoška fakulteta, Oddelek za razredni pouk Kardeljeva ploščad 16, SI – 1000 Ljubljana e-pošta: [email protected]

Izvleček: V članku je predstavljen pregled publicističnih odzivov oz. odmevov na dogodke v Prekmurju ali tik ob meji v revolucionarnem letu 1848. Prevratni dogodki so vplivali na odnose med Slovenci in Madžari v Prekmurju, na madžarske vojaške intervencije so se intenzivno odzivali Slovenci na desnem bregu Mure. Posebna pozornost se je namenjala tudi priljubljenemu banu Jelačiću in njegovemu pohodu na Ogrsko. Vzrok za prečkanje Drave (in ne Mure) je bil požig mostu čez Muro s strani madžarske narodne straže. Ključne besede: 1848, časopisi, Prekmurje, Josip Jelačić, most na Muri, Ogrsko

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 75–88, 67 cit. Jezik: slovenski (izvleček slovenski in angleški, povzetek angleški)

75 D. Kerec: Odmevi revolucionarnih dogodkov 1848 v Prekmurju ...

O revolucionarnih dogodkih in političnih spremembah v letih 1848 in 1849 zapisov v izvirnem prekmurskem tisku (beri: časopisju) ni. Lokalni zapisi iz srede 19. stoletja so se nanašali zgolj na pastoralo (prevodi in ponatisi evan- geličanskih ter katoliških verskih tekstov),1 o notranje- ali zunanjepolitičnem dogajanju pa se je bolj pisalo v osrednjih madžarskih in avstrijskih časopisih. Za (prvo) skromno izjemo lahko štejemo Kmetijske in rokodelske novice, ki v letih 1846–1847 med naročniki omenjajo Jožefa Košiča – župnika na Gornjem Seniku,2 avtorja leta 1848 v Sombotelu izdane knjige Zgodbe vogerszkoga krále- sztva, v kateri piše tudi o Prekmurcih oz. Prekmurju. Sámi publicistični prispevki pa so se redko, a vendarle pojavljali v osrednjih časnikih, ki so izhajali na Kranj- skem in Štajerskem. Nekaj teh prispevkov v obliki daljših zapisov ali pogosteje kratkih vesti iz let 1848–1849 je davnega leta 1957 zbral in kronološko popisal Miroslav Kokolj.3 Poročila o dogodkih na Madžarskem so se objavljala v širšem kontekstu (12 zahtev madžarskih izobražencev Pilvax-kör po združitvi Sed- mograške z Madžarsko v političnem in upravnem smislu,4 madžarski odzivi na imenovanje Josipa Jelačića za bana, reakcije na zahteve Srbov, Hrvatov, Slova- kov, zmrdovanje nad ilirizmom ipd.), obmejni dogodki tostran in onstran Mure pa največkrat v skupnih novicah pod t. i. rubriko ''Slovenske dežele''. Ločeno se je poročalo o dogodkih iz Slovenskih dežel, Hervaške in slavonske dežele ter Ogerske dežele. Četudi lahko o ''vseslovenskem'' védenju ter skrbi za Prekmurce v nacio- nalnem in političnem smislu govorimo šele od konca 19. stoletja, natančneje pa v letih pred koncem prve svetovne vojne, analiza časopisnih dopisov kaže, da so v uredništvih osrednjih slovenskih časnikov pogosto in željno objavljali poročila od ''Ogerskih Slovénov'' – tako, na primer, v Cigaletovi Sloveniji: "Lepo prosimo gospoda pisatelja [pisec Vlastimil z desnega brega Mure, op. D. K.], da bi nam tudi naprej na znanje dajal prihodne dogodbe v ti za Slavjanstvo toliko važni vojski."5 Obširneje je o Prekmurju oz. Slovencih na Ogrskem v letu 1849 pisal Peter Kozler v podlistku oz. štirih zaporednih člankih v časopisu Slovenija, in sicer o zaselkih v Zalski in Železni županiji ter verovanju prebivalcev,6 o pre-

1 O seznamu prekmurskih verskih tiskov med 1848–1850 glej: Ivan Škafar, Bibliografija prekmurskih tiskov od 1715 do 1919 (Ljubljana, 1978), 31–33. 2 Košič Jožef, fajmošter v Zgornjim Cemingi (Miroslav Kokolj, Prekmurje in Prekmurci v slovenskem periodičnem tisku. Bibliografski pregled od 1846 do 1945) (Murska Sobota, 1957) (dalje: Kokolj, Prekmurje in Prekmurci), 43. 3 Kokolj, Prekmurje in Prekmurci. 4 T. i. 12 točk. V prevodu: ''Kaj želi madžarski narod'' (László Göncz, Madžari. Kratka zgodovina Madžarov) (Murska Sobota, 2004) (dalje: Göncz, Madžari), 94, 96. 5 Slovenija, 15. 9. 1848, 87. 6 Prav tam, 13. 7. 1849, 224.

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kmurskih šegah in navadah,7 o jeziku in nabožni literaturi.8 Njegovo osnovno vodilo pa je bilo, da bralcem "poda mali prinesik k večji poznatnosti na Oger- skim živečih in s Slovenci v Štajerski in Ilirski živečimi sorodnih Slovencov".9 To je bilo pa tudi ''vse'' – želja po večji "poznatnosti" na Madžarskem živečih Slovencev; do natisnjenih pozivov k (politični) združitvi z desnega brega Mure za enkrat še ni prihajalo. Odmeve oz. odzive na revolucionarno leto in Prekmurje lahko razdelimo v tri sklope: v prvem so predstavljena nacionalna razmerja med Slovenci in Madžari v luči prevratnih dogodkov, v drugem odzivi na pohod bana Jelačića čez Dravo in požig mostu čez Muro, v zadnjem pa krajša poročila o dogodkih ob meji od oktobra dalje.

Nacionalna razmerja med Slovenci in Madžari v luči prevratnih dogodkov

Slovensko-hrvaška politična enotnost, kot so jo prikazovali v takratnem časo- pisju, je bazirala na željah o vseslovanstvu; na eni strani je šlo za željo po narodni svobodi ter individualnosti, Zedinjeni Sloveniji, celoviti Hrvaški, na drugi pa za povezovanje v politiki in predvsem jeziku. Izstopajoč je tudi t. i. Jelačićev kult pri Slovencih ter nabiranje pomoči za hrvaško vojsko v vojni proti Madžarom.10 Morda bi publicistične zapise o Slovencih v Prekmurju naivno pričakovali od takrat šele dvajsetletnega Božidarja Raiča ali v korelaciji s hrvaškim prebu- jenjem pri Ljudevitu Gaju ali Stanku Vrazu. Za razliko od osrednjih kranjskih listov je dolenjski Sloveniens Blatt le nekajkrat v letu 1848 poročal o dogodkih na Madžarskem in zgolj v povezavi s Srbi ali Hrvati. List je bil tiskan v nem- škem jeziku, a je podpiral zahteve Slovencev. O dogodkih ob meji (Drava in Mura) zasledimo en stavek 12. septembra, dan potem, ko je Jelačić vkorakal na Madžarsko.11 Da predstavljajo novice z Ogrskega v novomeškem časopisu zanemarljiv delež, ugotavlja tudi Marija Mojca Peternel.12 Štajerski nemški časo- pis Cillier Wochenblatt (Zeitung) je povzemal iz raznovrstnih časopisov, tako

7 Prav tam, 17. 7. 1849, 228. 8 Prav tam, 20. 7. 1849, 232. 9 Prav tam, 10. 7. 1849, 220. 10 O slovensko-hrvaških odnosih v časopisju v letih 1848–50 glej: Marko Zajc, Kje se slovensko neha in hrvaško začne: slovensko-hrvaška meja v 19. in na začetku 20. stoletja (Ljubljana, 2006), 86. O izraziti naklonjenosti Hrvatom in banu Jelačiću v štajerskih časopisih glej tudi: Marija Mojca Peternel, Cillier Wochenblatt (Zeitung): celjski nemški časopis iz leta 1848 (Celje, 2006) (dalje: Peternel, Cillier Wochenblatt), 83–84, 90. 11 Jelachich soll bereits in Großkanischa eingezogen sein. [Sloveniens Blatt, 12. 9. 1848, 44]. 12 Marija Mojca Peternel, Nemški časopisi na Slovenskem v revolucionarnem letu 1848: doktorska disertacija (Univerza v Ljubljani) (Ljubljana, 2004), 362.

77 D. Kerec: Odmevi revolucionarnih dogodkov 1848 v Prekmurju ...

nemških, italijanskih, hrvaških, čeških kot tudi madžarskih. Med temi je pred- njačil osrednji madžarski časopis Pesti Hirlap; po njem je novice povzemal tudi Laibacher Zeitung. Izhajal je od 2. 1. 1841 do 8. 7. 1849 (med 24. 1. 1849 in 24. 4. 1849 je prenehal izhajati).13 Celjske slovenske novine (od 3. oktobra 1848 dalje zgolj kot Celske novine) so pod rubriko ''Slovenske dežele'' 21. 7. 1848 objavile podporo neznanega pisca Slovencem onkraj Mure: "I mi Slovenje na Ogerskom, vaši pravi bratje, smo čuli, da ste se vi za svojo narodnost toliko jako vzdignoli." Od Hrvatov, ki jih imenuje plemenite viteške Hrvate, pa pričakuje "narodnoga osvobodjenja".14 Časopis Slovenija, prav tako v rubriki ''Slovenske dežele'', je avgusta istega leta objavil dopis S Prekmurskoga (Od Ogerskih Slovénov). V njem je Vlastimil, poročevalec dogodkov z območja ob meji, sporočil, da so novice o dogodkih izven madžarskega ozemlja nezaželene in da ni dovoljeno objavljati ničesar v zvezi s Slovani in njihovo podporo ''ogrskim Slovencem'': "/.../ slovstvo je daleko, če si kdo kaj pisati upa, toga odurijo. Bog nam pomozi ino Slavjanska sloga.''15 V isti številki Slovenije so poročali, da se v Pesther Zeitung jezijo zaradi bana Jela- čića in da bodo proti njegovemu imenovanju protestirali pred celim svetom. O napetih razmerah med Hrvati in Madžari je časopis Slovenija pisal deset dni kasneje: "V Radgono so že večkrat Magjari došli vpraševat, bi li smeli tam preko po Štajerskem na Horvate vihreti." Tudi odklonilno stališče katoliške, evangeličanske in judovske duhovščine do slovanskega upora je bilo zaznati:

Slovenci ino Horvati na Ogerskim se vsi do 50 leta morajo v orožji vaditi proti 'Ilircom', kakor pravijo. Duhovniki so jih iz prižnic spodbujevali: naj branijo domovino proti gerdim buntovnikom, naj branijo svoje žene, svoje otroke, katere bojo Ilirci vse pomorili, ino vse ljudi v Azijo spodili.16

Tudi Peter Kozler je junija 1849 pisal, da

so naši sosedi Slovenci na Vogerskem mirni, pa ne vsi – kteri so luteranske vere so za Košuta. Smešno je to luterani mislijo: Košut Košut bojuje za njihovo vero – kmeti menijo – Košut bojuje, da bodo prosti od desetine in robote – plemenitaši pravijo – zakaj bi kmeti z nami imeli enake pravice – Košut nam hoče naše stare pravice nazaj spraviti – madžarski človek že od nekda sme samo tisto misliti, kaj mu njegova gospoda pove. – Najvekši Košutovi pomagavci pa so Židovi.17

13 Cillier Wochenblatt, 26. 14 Celjske slovenske novine, 21. 7. 1848, 23. 15 Slovenija, 15. 8. 1848, 51. 16 Prav tam, 25. 8. 1848, 62. 17 Prav tam, 19. 6. 1849, 194.

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Judje – v tistem obdobju krivci za skoraj vse – pri slovenskih poročevalcih na splošno niso bili priljubljeni. Pisec Vlastimil je poročal, da so novice, ki sežejo od Prekmurja, največkrat zamudne, predvsem pa lažne: "/…/ kaj pa nam ljudje iz Prekomurskega povejo, so laži, katere tam in tudi pri nas Židovi raznašajo."18 O napačni naklonjenosti cankovskega župnika so v decembru 1848 poročale Celske novine:

Duhovni, akoprem rojeni Slovenci so Magjaroni. Berž, ko so naši odšli, je Cainko- vski plebanuš rekel, naj tega ne verjejo, Cesar samo hoče, desetino in roboto nazaj vpeljati – ali ljudstvo je pametnejše, eden mu v oči reče, zakaj pa tedaj Vi in grofi z Cesarjam ne držite, to bi Vam hasnilo.19

Na splošno so madžarski tiski odklonilnost do slovanskih zahtev pod- krepili z očitki o ilirizmu, Ilir(c)ih, Ilirskem kraljestvu. Vlastimil je za Slovenijo o madžarskem pretiravanju glede vojaške premoči napisal: "Tak je n. p. tukaj jedan [Madžar, op. D. K.] pravil, da so Iliri pri Kaniši 500 ljudi zgubili, padali so kot snopje na njivi, od Magjarov pa ni jedan ranjen."20 V obojestranskih očit- kih pa se je ''zemljepisni domet'' poročevalcev, piscev in tudi samega Jelačića pogosto končal ''tam nekje'' v Aziji ali Mongoliji. Tako naj bi ban junija 1848 na avdienci pri cesarju Ferdinandu v Innsbrucku izjavil, da "mora biti mongolstvo [madžarstvo, op. D. K.] do konca iztrebljeno".21

Odzivi na pohod bana Jelačića čez Dravo in požig mostu čez Muro

Pol leta po izbruhu revolucije na Dunaju in v Pešti, pet mesecev po sprejetju ''aprilskih zakonov'', štiri mesece od začetka podpisovanja peticije o združitvi Slovencev, tri mesece po praškem vseslovanskem kongresu ter slabega pol leta po sprejetju zemljiške odveze in na dan, ko je odstopila Batthyánijeva vlada (11. septembra 1848), je ban Jelačić s svojimi enotami prestopil Dravo. Prvotno je skušal akcijo začeti s prestopom reke Mure, a mu je to preprečil požig mostu.22 Hrvaškega bana je po eni strani vodila zvestoba do cesarske vladarske hiše, po drugi strani pa njegov lastni nacionalizem. 11. septembra 1848 je pod cesarsko zastavo, z okoli petintridesetisočglavo vojsko, proti polku narodne straže in

18 Prav tam, 3. 10. 1848, 106. 19 Celske novine, 20. 12. 1848, 103; Slovenija, 19. 12. 1848, 195. 20 Slovenija, 3. 10. 1848, 106. 21 Das Mongolenthum muss mit Stumpf und Stiel ausgerottet werden! (Gyula Illyés, Petöfi) (Ljubljana, 1960), 263. 22 Ivan Zelko, Zgodovina Prekmurja. Izbrane razprave in članki (Murska Sobota, 1996) (dalje: Zelko, Zgodovina Prekmurja), 317; Göncz, Madžari, 98.

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upornikom iz vrst ljudstva iz dveh smeri vdrl na Madžarsko na območju Zalske županije (pri Varaždinu in Legradu), da bi zasedel glavno mesto ter razgnal ogrsko vlado in skupščino.23 V Lendavi in Beltincih se kmalu po izbruhu revolucije na madžarskih tleh po vladnem pozivu za vzpostavitev rednih narodnih straž 16. maja 1848 orga- nizirajo prostovoljne narodne straže24 in vojaška služba. Ta del Zalske županije ni bil bojišče, ampak je imel pomembno vlogo vojaškega zaledja.25 Jelačićeve čete so torej skušale vdreti na Madžarsko pri Lendavi, a so lendavske oblasti zažgale in podrle most na Muri pri Murskem Središću (Medmurje). Vojaški nadzor nad diverzantsko akcijo je imel major Jenő Gyika,26 ki pa ni bil edini ''zaslu- žen'' zanjo. Sin šefa lendavske pošte Kálmán Dervarics (Dervarič), po poklicu pravnik, je bil leta 1848 star komaj 21 let. Dervarič je v svojih spominih zapisal, da je Gyika kot glavar okraja Lövő 9. aprila poročal o ustanovitvi vojaške enote v Dolnji Lendavi, kjer so bili en kapitan, dva poročnika, dva narednika, en zasta- vonoša in sto vitezov27 – a vsi še brez orožja. Že maja so v Zalski županiji po določbi o obveznem služenju sledili popisi pripadnikov narodnih straž; na dol- njelendavskem območju je bilo 477 pripadnikov. 78 odstotkov – z izjemo tistih s trga Dolnja Lendava – je bilo kmetov (predvsem majhni posestniki in osvo- bojeni tlačani).28 Poleti, v mesecu juliju, so zaradi nevarnosti vdora čet bana Jelačića v Medmurju in Prekmurju (od Čakovca do Dolnje Lendave in naprej do Letenya) nastanili pripadnike zalske narodne straže. Varovali so prehode na levem bregu Mure oziroma opravljali opazovalno službo.29 Gyika je kot okrajni glavar maja 1848 organiziral in dal popisati straže okraja Lövő (1018 mož), po posredovanju kraljevega poverjenika Lászlá Csányja pri predsedniku vlade

23 Források a Muravidék történetéhez. Szöveggyűjtemény. 1. kötet 871–1849. Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja: zbirka dokumentov. 1. zvezek 871–1849 (Szombathely – Zalaegerszeg, 2008) (dalje: Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja), 352. 24 Prostovoljci so se imenovali ''branitelji domovine'' (tudi domobranci; madž. Honvéd(ek); prim. Vilko Novak, Slovar stare knjižne prekmurščine (Ljubljana, 2006), 135: honved – pripadnik ogrskih delov vojske v Avstro-Ogrski, tudi pripadnik madžarske vojske. 25 András Molnár, Nemzetőrök, honvédek, hadmozdulatok: Lendva-vidék a szabadságharcban 1848– 1849. Narodne straže, vojska, vojaški premiki: območje Lendave v času revolucije in boja za svobodo 1848–1849 (Lendava, 2006) (dalje: Molnár, Nemzetőrök, honvédek, hadmozdulatok), 97. 26 Zelko (Zgodovina Prekmurja, 317) enači Jenőja Gyiko z beltinskim grofom Evgenom Gyiko. V tistem času se pojavljata dva: beltinski grof oz. veleposestnik György Gyika in njegov brat major Jenő. 27 "Kar zadeva stražo sem to, v pogledu pravočasnosti, ustanovil samo v mestu Dolnja Lendava, kjer sem postavil enoto iz sto policijskih vitezov [madž. rendőrségi közvitézeket] pod vodstvom 1 kapetana, 2 poročnikov, 2 narednikov in enega praporščaka; s pripombo, da se je uradništvo krajevne gosposke, vse do zadnjega, s tožilcem na čelu, v glavnem potegnilo nazaj in se ni pustilo uvrstiti med policijo, in ta umik uradništva ni vzbudil velikega navdušenja v policijskih vrstah. Oborožitve do zdaj še nimajo. Ustanovljene bodo še v krajih Lenti, Beltinci, in če bo mogoče, v Dobrovniku, Baksu in Zalalovő, števi- la vnaprej še ne morem vedeti." (Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja), 339. 28 Molnár, Nemzetőrök, honvédek, hadmozdulatok, 98. 29 Prav tam, 99.

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Lajosu Batthyányju pa je 21. julija postal major narodnih straž.30 Kraljevi poverjenik Csány je 10. septembra ukazal, da začneta združena bataljona iz Tapolce ter tisti pod vodstvom Gyike skupaj s prebivalci Dolnje Lendave rušiti most na Muri, in sicer tako, da se odstranijo deske ter prene- sejo na lendavsko stran, na drugi strani pri Murskem Središču pa se odžagajo nosilne grede. Po koncu nevarnosti naj bi most ponovno montirali. O hrambi odstranjenih delov mostu Gyika ni dobil sporočila (ali pa ga je dobil prepozno), zato je sledil požig mostu, kar je opisal tudi Dervarič. Dan prej je namreč mestni sodnik Dolnje Lendave János Faisztl s kolegi Gyiko prepričal, da je požig mostu v interesu varnosti trga Lendave in prebivalcev.31 Gospodom in Cerkvi, včasih tudi kralju, so bili praviloma podrejeni trgi (madž. mezővárosok, vásárhelyek). V pravnem smislu sta obstajali dve vrsti trgov: privilegirani, ki so imeli od kralja potrjene privilegije zemljiških gospodov, in dogovorni oz. kontraktualni, ki so po dovoljenju zemljiškega gospoda kolektivno odplačali oz. poravnali služno- sti ter so z izvoljenimi funkcionarji urejali skupne zadeve.32 V slednjem primeru je moral popustiti tudi grof Gyika. Iz bližnjih Petišovcev je dal pripeljati slamo, ki so jo prepojili s katranom in ovili okrog ograje mostu. Naslednji dan, ko so izvedeli, da je Jelačićeva vojska že v Medmurju (o tem je poročal tudi ljubljanski časopis),33 je Gyika ukazal most požgati. Iz spominov Dervariča:

11. septembra ob 6. uri zjutraj smo šli s celotno četo34 na vaje, a komaj smo se dobro ozrli naokoli, že je prišel kurir, ki je prinesel ukaz, naj naša četa popolnoma oborožena takoj odmaršira k mostu na Muri, ker je Jelačić z 20.000-glavo redno vojsko in 15.000 uporniki /s/ treh strani vdrl na Ogrsko. Mi smo torej z vsem skupaj odšli v tabor na bregu Mure in tam čakali na sovražnika.35 Major Gyika je danes36 zjutraj spet poslal pol čete v Medžimurje proti Čakovcu iz huzarskega polka, ki se je imenoval Miklos, v izvidnico z zapovedjo, naj z višavja na tej strani Szentilone37opazujejo sovražnikove premike, in če opazijo, da se sovražnik napo- ti po cesti proti Dolnji Lendavi, naj se z največjo hitrostjo umaknejo sem nazaj. Naši huzarji so se torej razporedili na tistem višavju in popoldne okrog dveh so

30 Prav tam, 99–100. 31 Prav tam, 100. 32 Antoša Leskovec, Aleksandra Serše, Vodnik po arhivskem gradivu o Prekmurju v Arhivu Železne župa- nije v Sombotelu (1849–1860). 1. del (Ljubljana, 2003), 10. 33 Ohne Widerstand, ohne daß ein Schuß gefallen wäre, passirten die Truppen Medjumurje … (Laibacher Zeitung, 19. 9. 1848, 610). 34 Gre za eno od čet narodne straže okraja Lovő (Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja, 352). 35 Prav tam, 352. 36 11. septembra 1848. 37 Sveta Jelena, zdaj Šenkovec.

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res opazili, da se je sovražnik napotil od Čakovca proti kraju Szentilona in proti jugu v smeri Belica, torej razdeljen na dva dela, in ko je ta prišel že blizu gostilni v Szentiloni, so naši huzarji, tako kot jim je bilo zapovedano, obrnili svoje konje in se zapodili nazaj v Mursko Središče. Bilo je okrog četrte ure popoldne, ko so se naši huzarji vrnili, in potem ko so povedali, da je sigurno, da je en del sovražnika krenil proti Dolnji Lendavi, je major Gyika tako, kot je dal obljubo mestu Dolnja Lendava, izdal povelje, naj zažgejo most na Muri.38

Natančno je opisano tudi, kako je ogenj zajel sam most:

Na bregu tostran Mure je poleg spodnje strani mostišča zagorel ogenj, ki ga je namreč prižgal stenj, in z njegovo pomočjo so zažgali slamnate vrvi, ki so bile na debelo namazane s katranom; takšen požig je bil narejen na obeh ograjah mostu na petih ali šestih mestih, tako je ogenj po celi dolžini obeh ograj naenkrat zagorel. Ogenj, ki ga je podpihoval zahodni veter, je kar požiral suhe plohe in grede; dim se je v gostih oblakih dvigal v vrtoglave višine, tako zelo, da se je videlo vse do Čakovca in do najbolj oddaljenih krajev, in tako je tudi Jelačićeva vojska lahko videla, da ji je pri Murskem Središču presekana pot na Madžarsko.39

S tem je bila zasedba Dolnje Lendave odložena zgolj za en dan, otežena pa je bila oskrba na obeh bregovih Mure. Komunikacija in transport sta bila odtlej možna zgolj z brodi. 15. septembra so vojaki položili orožje in se vrnili domov.40 Vest o Jelačićevem prestopu meje preko Drave (navaja se v mnogih monograf- skih delih predvsem madžarskih zgodovinarjev)41 ter požigu je segla tudi na Kranjsko, o tem je poročal Laibacher Zeitung,42 niso pa bili povsem prepričani, ali je bil most res požgan ali pa gre le za zavajajoče informacije.43 Časopisna poročanja o požigu mostu čez Muro so si sledila z nekajdnevnim ali celo tedenskim zamikom, a so si več ali manj podobna – poročali so o Jela-

38 Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja, 353. 39 Prav tam, 354. 40 Molnár, Nemzetőrök, honvédek, hadmozdulatok, 101. 41 Rudolf Kiszling, Die Revolution in Kaisertum Österreich 1848/49. I Band (Wien, 1948), 221: Die westliche Gruppe, 18.000 bis 20.000 mann aus dem eigentlichen Kroatien unter dem unmittelbaren Kommando des Banus, lagerte südlich Legrád, nahe der Einmündung der Mur in die Drau; prim. István Deák, Die rechtmässige Revolution. Lajos Kossuth und die Ungarn 1848–1849 (Budapest, 1989), 144– 145 in István Deák, The Lawful revolution: Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians 1848–1849 (London, 2001), 161–163. 42 Der Feind hat die Brücke über dic Mur bei Szerdahelly verbrannt, und alle Plätten abwärts dieses Flusses zerstört. (Laibacher Zeitung, 19. 9. 1848, 610). 43 Die »Agramer Zeitung" vom 14. Sept. berichtet aus W a r a s d i n , vom 12. d. M.: Heute ist das Hauptquartier über die D r a v e , und die Armee bereits über die Mur, und zwar ohne jeden Widerstand, – Jenes Gerücht, als hätten die Magyaren die Brücke über die Mur verbrannt, ist den neuesten Daten zu Folge falsch. (Laibacher Zeitung, 19. 9. 1848, 610).

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čićevem prečkanju Mure in kasnejši nastanitvi v Veliki Kaniži (tja je dospel 14. oz. 15. septembra):44 "Nach den neuesten Nachrichten haben die Croaten bereits die Mur überschritten /…/,45 /…/ hat das Groß der Armee die Mur überschritten, Letenye und Kanisa besetzt."46 V Sloveniji so pod naslovom Od Mure dne 13. kimovca objavili, da so

dne 10. t. m. Hervati 25,000 mož pri Varazdinu čez Dravo šli, in so obsedli otok, brez de bi bili le eno puško sprožili.– Madžari so se vmaknili v Veliko Kanišo, so pa pred most pri Szedarhely, kteri Ogersko s otokam zveže, poderli. Hervatje so se prepeljali brez zaderžka tudi čez Muro.47

Prihoda na madžarska tla so se razveselili tudi Jelačićevi vojaki: "Nekoliko banove vojske je 11. t. m. iz bližnjih hribov videti bilo, posebno pa na večer množina ognjov okoli katerih so vojaki sedé veselo popevali ilirsko 'Oj!' in druge slavjanske pesmi, da se je razlegalo daleč okoli do ogerskih bregov."48 Nekaj Madžarov je v strahu pred posledicami Jelačićevega pohoda preč- kalo mejo in se nastanilo na Štajerskem, velik del hrvaških vojakov pa se je po prečkanju meje nastanil tudi pri Murski Soboti in navezal stik s tamkajšnjimi Slovenci. Tudi veselje ob hrvaško-avstrijski premoči nad Madžari je bilo očitno:

Mnogo ogerskih rodovin, ki se v Radgono preseljujejo, je povedalo, de je pri Soboti, 3 ure od tukaj, vse polno Hervatov. Ogerski Slovenci se bratijo z Hervati. Bog daj srečo in blagoslov orožju hrabrih Hervatov, de Austrio rešijo in gizdavost in prevzetnost Madžarov kaznijo, ki hočejo vse druge narode v lepim Ogerskim zatreti in od Austrie se nezvesto odtergati. Štajerske meje so terdno obložene od avstrijanske vojašne.49

Ljudski glas z madžarske strani pa je sporočal obratno sliko – da je bil, na primer, Jelačić pri Kaniži zajet, v bistvu pa so njegovo vojsko 29. septembra v bitki blizu Pakozda ob jezeru Velence ustavili in ga tako prisilili v umik: "/…/ so Iliri pri Kaniši 500 ljudi zgubili, padali so kot snopje na njivi, od Magjarov pa ni jedan ranjen. Zarad tega že vsa vojska nazaj gre, ban Jelačič pa je vlovljen."50 Situacija se je po 15. septembru umirila, kljub temu pa je bila madžarska stran v

44 Cesarska vojska se je združila z banovo potem, ko je pri Kotoribi prečkala Muro (Laibacher Zeitung, 23. 9. 1848, 617; Laibacher Zeitung, 26. 9. 1848, 621). 45 Cillier Zeitung, 15. 9. 1848, 168. 46 Prav tam, 19. 9. 1848, 167. 47 Slovenija, 3. 10. 1848, 106. 48 Prav tam, 3. 10. 1848, 106. 49 Prav tam, 15. 9. 1848, 87. 50 Prav tam, 3. 10. 1848, 106.

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nenehni pripravljenosti. Časopis Slovenija je poročal, da se z madžarske strani tu in tam še slišijo posamezni streli: "Tukaj sem se je iz Ogerskiga streljanje iz topov slišalo 21. proti večeru, in 23. pred poldnevom, od kod pa in kaj je zna- menilo, še ne vemo."51

Poročila o dogodkih ob meji od oktobra dalje

Organizacija narodne straže je znova stekla v drugi polovici oktobra 1848, a tokrat z manj naklonjenosti domačinov. Brat majorja Gyike, beltinski grof György Gyika, ki je svojčas služil kot huzarski častnik v cesarsko-kraljevi vojski, je 1. novembra potarnal, da so okoliški prebivalci slovenskega rodu sovražno nastrojeni do madžarskih oblasti in bi veliko raje služili avstrijskemu cesarju. Tako so prebivalci Beltincev zavrnili služenje v enotah narodnih straž.52 Namestnik župana Zalske županije je v novembru odredil, da brode na Muri pri naseljih Ižakovci, Melinci, Dokležovje in Bistrica (na štajerski strani) varujejo pripadniki narodnih straž.53 8. novembra 1848 je prišlo do bitke pri Ormožu, ki jo je pisec v Sloveniji plastično opisal:

Bitva pri Ormužu 8. listopada. Osmi den tega mesca bil je strašen za vse Dravo- Slavjane. Že od jutra rana cul se je grom topov doli po dravskim Serdišu, ki je oznanil prihod okrutnih glavnih sovražnikov Slavjanskih, Madjarov, ki so bili čez Ormuž in Ptuj v Zagreb priti namenili. Ali vkanilo jih je! Od sedme do jednajste ure so vriskale kugle kot toča, so bučali topovi kot grom, vse vbogo ljudstvo izvan 'nemškutarjev' je pobegnulo iz mesta.54

So pa Madžari (poveljeval jim je Mór Perczel) za seboj pustili slab vtis, menda so jedli in pili in jemali, ne da bi plačali:

Ko je vidil sovražnik, de ga topovi dalje pustili niso, je navalil v zapušene stanja (izvzemši nemškutarske), vse: kar je boljšega in lepšega bilo, poropal, in za sabo kot tolovaj odnesel /.../ v školi, kjer so vojniki konak (kvartir) imeli, je bilo vse skervarjeno, vrata sposekane, in verlimu učitelju vse popleneno in pokvarjeno; in tako se je godilo tudi pri več drugih hišah.55

51 Prav tam, 3. 10. 1848, 107. 52 Molnár, Nemzetőrök, honvédek, hadmozdulatok, 101. 53 Prav tam, 101–102. 54 Slovenija, 21. 11. 1848, 162–163. 55 Prav tam.

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Prišlo je celo do uboja: "Na Humu (Kulmberg) je bila Marica Masten 18 let stara vstreljena, kakor bi djal, za igračo."56 Po boju so se Madžari umaknili proti Čakovcu. Zapisi in analize bitke se nekoliko razlikujejo, tako (na primer) naj bi boj trajal zgolj eno uro.57 Uspeh je bil Madžarom zagotovljen tudi zaradi spretno izpeljanega prihoda. 8. novembra 1848 so Madžari iznenada natihoma prestopili mejo. Bilo je deževno jesensko jutro, ko so se popolnoma mirno premikali skozi Središče. Kolesa na vozovih so imeli ovita s slamo, da se ne bi slišal ropot; za topovi so šle branjevke s svojimi krošnjami. Prve avstrijske straže so postrelili – na planoti med Ormožem in Veliko Nedeljo je imel avstrijski general Nugent svoje topove. Začelo se je močno streljanje najprej iz pušk in potem iz topov, pri čemer je od madžarske strani posebno škodo utrpela ormoška šola. Po streljanju so se Madžari popoldne umaknili in se mirno vrnili.58 Ko so se vračali, kot že omenjeno, so si marsikaj prisvojili – natančneje piše o tem Fran Kovačič po pričevanju stolnega pro- šta L. Herga, ki je pohod Madžarov še kot dijak filozofije iz Središča (ob Dravi) tudi sam doživel:

Vračajoč se Madžari skozi Središče, so zadnji oddelki tu in tam po hišah zahtevali jedi, kar so jim ljudje dali, vmes so tudi šiloma vzeli kako gos ali raco, hujše so delali v okolici. V neki hiši v Središču je vzel vojak lonec svinjske masti, v kateri je pa gospodar imel shranjenih 100 gld. srebra. Pogumen mož je šel za Madžari v Čakovec in res je našel na trgu vojaka, ki je ponujal na prodaj njegov lonec masti. Kupil ga je in vesel nesel svoj zaklad nazaj domov.59

A tudi nad Hrvati in Avstrijci so se pritoževali. Jelačićeve čete so šle septembra 1848 tudi mimo obmejnih krajev, ki so imeli pomembno obrambno vlogo pred vpadi z Zahoda – mimo Hodoša. Večji naval sovražne vojske je sledil v decembru, ko se je pri Hodošu ustavil avstrijski general irskega rodu Laval Nugent von Westmeath; domačini so bili ogorčeni nad navalom vojakov v njihove gostilne (posledica številnih vinogradov na Krplivniku). Prisiljeni so jih bili namestiti ter nahraniti.60 Celske novine so 15. novembra 1848 objavile

56 Prav tam. 57 8. novembra zjutraj je nad Ormož nenadoma udaril general Mór Perczel in potisnil šibke cesarske posadke proti Veliki Nedelji, na katero je potem od ormoške strani streljal s topovi celo uro. (Fran Kovačič, Pismo Perczelovo Središčanom l. 1848 [Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, Leto I.] (Maribor, 1904) (dalje: Kovačič, Pismo Perczelovo), 192; prim. Josip Apih, Slovenci in 1848. leto (Matica slovenska; Ljubljana, 1888), 217–218. 58 Kovačič, Pismo Perczelovo, 193. 59 Prav tam, 194. 60 Gyula Benczik, et al., Hodos és Kapornak története. Zgodovina Hodoša in Krplivnika (Lendava, 2005) (dalje: Benczik et al., Hodos és Kapornak története), 70.

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pismo Nugenta, ki je bil na štajersko-ogrski meji zadolžen za organizacijo t. i. Reservecorps, s katerim se je na Ogrskem uspešno bojeval konec leta 1848 (in v začetku leta 1849). Zahvalil se je za častno držo mesta Celja v težkih dneh:

/…/ v temu času se je mesto Cele z celim krogam vred tako častitlivo zaderžalo in je na znanje dalo zbudlivo razumnost za pravico lepi red, Cesarja in vstavo, tako da se je skazala njegovi narodni straži in vsim prebivavcam vesolna hvala od vsih dobromi- sljočih ino vsih prijatlov domovine ino prave vstavne svobodnosti.

V zahvalo je celjski gardi poslal 214 pušk.61 Decembra 1848 je Perczel svoj poveljniški štab premestil v Dolnjo Lenda- vo, od koder so pripadniki narodnih straž varovali dva broda: pri Murskem Sre- dišču in na Hotizi.62 47. vojaški bataljon, stacioniran v Dolnji Lendavi (od oktobra 1848 je spadal v sestav ogrskega vojaškega korpusa, ki ga je vodil general Perczel), je v naslednjih mesecih prejemal dnevna povelja. Eno bolj življenjskih (z datumom 5. december 1848) razkriva zapisnik o poveljih majorja Gyike (ta je ostal poveljujoči major vse do smrti 14. februarja 1849):

Jutri zjutraj ob 9. uri naj se iz vsake čete javi po en narednik zaradi prevze- ma potrebnih formul in se gospodom stotnikom zapove, da zdaj, ko gospod nadporočnik Spur ureja oskrbo s hrano, naj si nihče ne drzne brez njegove asig- nacije63 vzeti kruha; zavoljo redne oskrbe z njim morajo naredniki do jutri zjutraj predati podatke o zdajšnjem številu vojakov v četah.

Spur je prej bil inženirski pomočnik v Dolnji Lendavi, jeseni leta 1848 je postal poročnik omenjenega bataljona.64 8. januarja naslednje leto pa je morala od Dunaja poražena oblast Železne županije v naseljih Hodoš, Šalovci, Krplivnik in Kotormány pobrati orožje (skupno 11 pušk in 17 sulic),65 da bi preprečili oborožen odpor. Orožje so dostavili na županijsko upravo. Ogrska vojska je pod poveljstvom Perczela 20. decembra 1848 zapustila Dolnjo Lendavo in se prek Körmenda napotila v notranjost države. Iz smeri Radgone so se za njo podale enote cesarske vojske pod poveljstvom generala Nugenta. Skoraj stotisočglava cesarska vojska je zasedla Mursko Soboto, 24. decembra pa je že bil stacionirana v Körmendu. Grof Althan je še istega dne razglasil Železno županijo za okupirano in prebivalstvu naložil pla-

61 Peternel, Cillier Wochenblatt, 89. 62 Molnár, Nemzetőrök, honvédek, hadmozdulatok, 101–102. 63 Nakazila. 64 Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja, 356. 65 Benczik et al., Hodos és Kapornak története, 70.

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čilo dajatev oziroma kontrabucijo.66 Z umikom Perczelovega korpusa (konec decembra 1848) so bile na lenda- vskem območju vojaške operacije Madžarov sicer končane, a so od januarja do julija 1849 okupacijske formacije cesarske vojske, ki so prehajale območje in se za krajši ali daljši čas tukaj utaborile, vznemirjale in nadlegovale miroljubno prebivalstvo predvsem v Dolnji Lendavi. Medtem ko se je v osrčju Ogrskega, na glavnem vojaškem prizorišču, aprila 1849 kocka obrnila in so ogrski vojaki glavnino cesarske vojske pregnali proti Dunaju, pa so avstrijski odredi v zaho- dnem Prekdonavju pustošili po madžarskih naseljih, ki so bila zvesta ogrski revoluciji.67 V končni fazi se je madžarska narodna vstaja izkazala za neuspešno z vdajo 13. avgusta 1849 v Világosu (danes Şiria v Romuniji). V drugi polovici 19. stoletja so Madžari stopili v novo ero političnih bojev, Prekmurje pa je pri slovenskih časopisnih urednikih za nekaj desetletij "padlo v pozabo".

Darja Kerec

ECHOES OF THE REVOLUTIONARY EVENTS OF 1848 IN PREKMURJE IN THE SLOVENE PRESS

SUMMARY

Unlike the clerical press, all the daily press spoke of the revolutionary events unfolding in 1848-49. The articles were, in those days, often with several weeks delay and despite the fact that few Carniolans ever heard of Prekmurje, only of Hungary and the fact that Slovenes lived there, the then-employed journa- lists reported of the events on the left bank of Mura with great fervor. In 1849,

66 Viri za zgodovino Prekmurja, 357. 67 Prav tam, 359.

87 D. Kerec: Odmevi revolucionarnih dogodkov 1848 v Prekmurju ...

Peter Kozler reminded Slovenes via several articles in the newspaper Slovenija of their brethren in Prekmurje. Most of the articles from the first half of 1848 refer to the national relations between Slovenes and Hungarians in light of the subversive events in the country, which were often angrily written and did little to hide their hostility towards Hungarians and their suppression of the Slavs. In autumn 1848, they spoke of the march of ban Jelačić over the Drava river and the destruction of the bridge across the Mura at Mursko Središče, which was caused on the 11th of September by the border guard under the command of major Gyika. The defense of the border was organized across all of Zala Coun- ty (amongst the people helping to organize this were the inhabitants of Dol- nja Lendava). Because the leading figures in Dolnja Lendava believed that the approaching army of ban Jelačić spelled danger for the local populace, they convinced major Gyika to burn the bridge on Mura and, briefly, prevent Jelačić from marching over Hungarian territory on his way to Austria. As such, the ban was forced to cross the border at Drava with 35.000 soldiers and the rebels who joined them. Near the end of 1848 the Hungarians of Zala County, led by Mór Perczel, clashed with the imperial (Austrian) army at Ormož. Before abando- ning Ormož, they plundered its food and wine and even murdered a young girl. The events related to the Hungarians and the reports of these in the press were published not only to inform, but as propaganda against the Hungarians. Their surrender to Romania in August 1849 caused a several decay stop in publications speaking of Prekmurje and its Slovene inhabitants.

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UDK 94(436:497.11:497.15)".../1914" 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij pred 1. svetovno vojno

Igor Ivašković

Dr., asistent Univerza v Ljubljani Ekonomska fakulteta, Katedra za management in organizacijo Kardeljeva ploščad 19, SI – 1000 Ljubljana e-pošta: [email protected]

Izvleček: Prispevek prikazuje razlike v razumevanju ideje o ustanovitvi tretje enote v habsburški monarhiji pred 1. svetovno vojno. Avtor najprej podaja pregled okoliščin, ki so privedle do nastanka ideje preoblikovanja Avstro-Ogrske v habsburški politični misli, nakar analizira odzive političnih skupin, ki jih je koncept trializma obsegal in na koncu izpostavi svoje videnje razlogov za neuresničitev ideje. Avtor načrt trializma vidi kot poskus avstrijskega manevra s ciljem odpravljanja pomanjkljivosti dualistične državne ureditve in z ambicijo zmanjševanja politične moči Budimpešte. Vzroke za različne reakcije na idejo pri južnih Slovanih gre iskati v nasprotujočih si vizijah jugoslovanske državne tvorbe. Ideja tretje habsburške enote je posledično predstavljala okvir za bitko v politični vojni različnih konceptov jugoslovanstva. Neuspehu trializma je botrovalo pomanjkanje moči njenih snovalcev in prepočasno usklajevanje privržencev ideje, končno pa je vsako možnost njegove uresničitve zatrl izid 1. svetovne vojne.

Ključne besede: trializem, jugoslovanstvo, habsburška monarhija, Avstro-Ogrska, Kraljevina Srbija, aneksija Bosne in Hercegovine, balkanske vojne

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 2–3, str. 89–120, 58 cit., 5 slik Jezik: slovenski (izvleček slovenski in angleški, povzetek angleški)

89 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Uvod – okoliščine nastanka ideje

Avstro-Ogrska se je konec 19. stoletja soočala s številnimi problemi, med katerimi so nekateri implicirali tudi vprašanje samega obstoja države. Reforme biro- kratskega aparata v 19. stoletju še zdaleč niso bile zadostne za konkurenčno sodelovanje v ekonomski tekmi z industrijsko razvitejšimi velesilami.1 Pomanj- kanje strategije razvoja, neugodna gospodarska gibanja in nacionalna heterogenost so predstavljali dejavnike, ki so pomembno determinirali delovanje habsburške diplomacije. Slednja je še vedno zasledovala geopolitične metode zadovoljevanja državnih interesov, katerih cilj je bila podreditev čim širšega teritorija, ki bo istočasno lahko pokrival potrebe centralnega področja države. Vendar so bile notranje reforme prepočasne, kar je povečevalo madžarske pri- tiske za večjo ekonomsko in politično neodvisnost, čemur so sledili tudi manjši narodi v dualni monarhiji. Notranja šibkost je dodatno oteževala položaj Avstro-Ogrske v mednarodni skupnosti. Napeta situacija je leta 1906 povzročila t. i. carinsko vojno Avstro-Ogrske in Srbije, ki je imela veliko večje razsežnosti, saj je bila posredno v interesu tako Nemčiji kot Franciji.2 Sprti strani v carinski vojni sta imeli negati- ven trend v medsebojnih odnosih od vzpona Karađorđevićev na srbski prestol. Srbiji je v trenutku carinske vojne pomoč prišla s kar treh strani. Pričakovano je pariška diplomacija med prvimi podprla srbsko oblast s posojilom v znesku 240 milijonov francoskih frankov,3 kar je še povečalo njen vpliv na Srbijo in pripomoglo k njeni ekonomski emancipaciji od habsburške monarhije.4 Srbiji je svojo roko ponudila tudi Nemčija, ki je odprla trg za srbske dobrine ter tako onemogočila hude posledice, ki bi jih utegnila imeti avstro-ogrska blokada. Na habsburško monarhijo je torej prežal tudi njen na videz naravni zaveznik. Nemški nacionalizem je dejansko predstavljal latentno nevarnost, saj je težil k združitvi vseh Nemcev v eno državo, kar je Habsburžane oviralo na poti pribli- ževanja slovanskim emancipacijskim zahtevam in tako dodatno zožilo cesarski manevrski prostor. Podobno je delovala tudi Italija, sicer habsburška zaveznica od leta 1882, ki je vse bolj spodbujala iredentistične težnje avstro-ogrskih Itali-

1 Primerjaj Andrej Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu. Slovenska parlamentarna politika v Habsburški monarhiji 1897–1914 (Celje, 2001), 7 (dalje: Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu). 2 "Carinska vojna med Avstrijo in Srbijo se poostruje. Srbi mislijo naročiti topove na Francoskem, material za železnice v Nemčiji. Vse je vneto za boj proti Avstriji, katero zadene končno škoda. Vmes ima svoje roke tudi Nemčija, ki dela proti avstrijskem prometu na Balkanu." (Ivan Kavčič (ur.), "Razgled po svetu, Srbija", Soča, 31. januar 1906, št. 9, 4). 3 John R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as history. Twice there was a country (Cambrige, 2000), 85 (dalje: Lampe, Yugoslavia as history). 4 Primerjaj Đorđe Stanković, Nikola Pašić, saveznici i stvaranje Jugoslavije (Beograd, 1984), 24 (dalje: Stanković, Nikola Pašić, saveznici).

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janov. Na Dunaju nikakor niso smeli zanemariti ruske nevarnosti, ki je bila kljub porazu v vojni z Japonsko veliko večja od grožnje osmanskega imperija, ki se je v tem času ukvarjal z lastnim preživetjem. Z upadom moči Istanbula se je zasta- vljalo vprašanje, kdo in na kakšen način si bo prilastil ozemlja, ki jih sultan ne bo več sposoben obvladovati. V tem kontekstu je bilo za Habsburžane izrednega pomena slovansko vpra- šanje, saj so ravno južni Slovani poseljevali znaten del tega Balkana, ki je vse bolj postajal prostor, na katerem se bo odločila usoda Avstro-Ogrske. Habsbur- ški Slovani so sicer izkazovali precejšnjo stopnjo lojalnosti monarhu, a je bilo kljub temu čutiti pomanjkanje skupne identitete. V takšnih okoliščinah je bil obstoj Avstro-Ogrske pogojen s posredniško in odločevalno funkcijo v tedanji mednarodni skupnosti, a monarhija pravzaprav že od Metternicha ni premogla stratega, ki bi bil s predvidevanjem mednarodnih dogodkov sposoben graditi strateško prednost in zagotavljati razvoj države.

Habsburški načrti

Premik k aktivni politiki je zaznamovalo imenovanje Aloysa Lexa barona Aehrenthala na mesto zunanjega ministra v oktobru leta 1906. Ta karierni diplomat je kot ključ rešitve videl preurejanje monarhije v državo, v kateri bi tudi majhni narodi zadovoljili lastne nacionalne ambicije. To nikakor ni pomenilo, da Aehrenthalu ne moremo prilepiti oznake "velikoavstrijec", saj se je zavzemal za nekakšno vrsto federalne monarhije, pri čemer je kot vzor izpostavljal Združene države Amerike. S porazdelitvijo bremena, ki je do tedaj ležalo le na liniji Dunaj–Budimpešta, in z vključevanjem drugih politično-pravnih enot bi se vpliv Dunaja preko moderatorske vloge v državi zagotovo povečal.5 Z upo- števanjem te strategije je razumljiv Aehrenthalov prvi korak, ki je bil usmerjen k urejanju odnosov na slovanskem jugu monarhije. Silnice, ki so delovale k vno- vični združitvi Hrvaške, Slavonije in Dalmacije s središčem v Agramu (Zagre- bu), je Aehrenthal nameraval izkoristiti v prid predvidevani notranji reformi. S potencialnim priključevanjem okupirane Bosne in Hercegovine (BIH) k hrva- škemu troedinemu kraljestvu bi se lahko ustvarila tretja enota, ki na dolgi rok morda ne bi bila zadnja. Seveda je model izpeljave tega načrta zahteval upošte- vanje obstoječega političnega okvira. Z drugimi besedami – potrebno je bilo pripraviti načrt, s pomočjo katerega bodo na Aehrenthalov plan pristali tudi v Budimpešti. Slika 1

5 Primerjaj Solomon Wank, "Aehrenthal's Programme for the Constitutional Transformation of the Habsburg Monarchy: Three Secret "Mémoires", The Slavonic and East European Review 41 (1963), 97: 513–536 (dalje: Wank, "Aehrenthal's Programme").

91 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Aloys von Aehrenthal (1854–1912) (Encyc- lopedia Brita-nnica; www.britannica.c om/EBcheck- ed/topic/7055/ AloisGraf-Lexa-von- Aehrenthal)

5. oktobra 1908 je Avstro-Ogrska dokončno anektirala BiH in na trenutek se je zdelo, da bo Dunaj začel z odločnejšimi koraki ustvarjati nova razmerja na Balkanu in znotraj države. Vendar se radikalni obrat ni zgodil. BiH je sicer še od časa uprave Benjamina Kallaya (1882–1903) napredovala na industrij- skem področju, vendar je bila v tistem trenutku zaradi strukture prebivalstva in gospodarstva veliko bolj pomembna agrarna reforma, ki je doživela polom. Kljub nekaterim konstatacijam o izkoriščevalski vlogi Avstro-Ogrske v odnosu z BiH so dejanske številke odražale drugačno strategijo. Celoten prihodek iz tega nekdaj najbolj zahodnega dela Osmanskega cesarstva se je namreč pod avstro-ogrsko upravo (administracijo Ištvana Buriana v obdobju 1903–1912) porabil v sami BiH. Drugače je bilo na primer z enoto Hrvaška-Slavonija, čigar 55 % prihodka je bilo preneseno v Budimpešto.6 Kljub temu aneksija ni bila najbolje pripravljena, na kar kaže podatek, da je BiH dobila svojo ustavo šele leta

6 Lampe, Yugoslavia as history, 81.

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1910. Nepripravljenost na absorpcijo novega področja se je jasno odražala pri vprašanju pripadnosti BiH eni izmed polovic dualistične monarhije. Priklju- čevanje bodisi k avstrijskemu bodisi k ogrskemu delu bi predstavljalo rušenje notranjega ravnotežja. Po drugi strani se tudi delitev, po kateri bi Bosna pripa- dla Ogrski in Hercegovina Avstriji, ni zdela kot najbolj razumno dejanje. Aehrenthal si je v operativni fazi prizadeval za subdualistično rešitev. Nje- gov predlog iz leta 1907 je predvideval priključevanje BiH k Hrvaški skupaj z Dalmacijo, ki bi potem v celoti predstavljala poseben del znotraj ogrske polovi- ce države. Ohranil bi se torej subdualističen model, v katerem bi se združila vsa hrvaška ozemlja s centrom v Zagrebu v okvirih kraljestva Štefanove krone. V sklopu te zamisli Aehrenthala bi se ohranil avstrijski izhod na Jadransko morje, obenem pa bi začetno povečanje ogrskega dela privedlo državo do trializma, v katerem bi tretjo enoto predstavljala velika Hrvaška. Po Aehrenthalu to "/…/ na dolgi rok ne bo vodilo /h/ krepitvi madžarskega koncepta, temveč bo monarhijo privedlo do poti, ki je verjetno najbolj primerna za njen razvoj."7 V prvi fazi Aehrenthalovega načrta je bila torej primarnega pomena vzpostavitev stabilnih odnosov znotraj monarhije. Z novim subdualizmom bi na prvi pogled pridobila Madžarska, koncept pa bi zadovoljil tudi Hrvate. Vendar se upanje, da bo začasno povečan obseg ogrskega dela navdušil Budimpešto, ni uresničilo. Na madžarski strani je namreč že od samega začetka večina takšno idejo zavračala in zahtevala takojšnjo priključitev BiH k Ogrski, kar se je utemeljevalo z dej- stvom, da naj bi bil ogrski kralj od srednjega veka tudi kralj Rame.8 Aehrenthalo- vemu predlogu je bil sprva še najbolj naklonjen skupni finančni minister Ištvan Burian, vendar je kmalu tudi on spremenil svoje mnenje in je že aprila 1908 predložil cesarju spomenico, v kateri je predlagal skupno avstro-ogrsko upravo BiH. V skladu z Aehrenthalovimi razmišljanji je tretjo enoto habsburške monarhije načrtoval tudi prestolonaslednik Franc Ferdinand. Kot konservativec je zavračal predloge nemških liberalcev in nacionalistov. Nevarnost za habsbur- ško monarhijo je zaznaval v preveliki madžarski moči, zato je med nekaterimi sodobniki slovel kot hungarofob, pri Madžarom podrejenih narodih pa so ga imeli za svojega zaščitnika. Podobno kot pri Aehrenthalu je bila Ferdinandova vizija federacija, ki bi jo tvorile enote nacionalnega karakterja. Vitalne zadeve naj bi ostale v domeni avstrijskega centra, zaradi česar se ga je prejel sloves zagovornika t. i. centralnega federalizma. V skupini prestolonaslednikovih somišljenikov je izstopal knez Karl Schwarzenberg, ki je leta 1910 opredelil Ferdinandovo velikoavstrijsko idejo skozi federalistični načrt trializma:

7 Wank, "Aehrenthal's Programme": 521. 8 Primerjaj Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 76–77.

93 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Ne morem pa izreči besede trializem, ne da bi dodal, da bi bil za trialistično ureditev samo tedaj, če bi se istočasno pristopilo k strnitvi in izločitvi skupnih zadev iz različnih delov cesarstva in bi bile te istočasno združene v skupno telo in skupen organ. Kajti za trializem, kot ponovitev ali multiplikacijo dualizma, bi se jaz, čeprav sem federalist in avtonomist, nikoli ne zavzel. Toda za trializem, ki bi morebiti bil – in tako si ga jaz pravzaprav zamišljam – zlata pot med centraliz- mom in federalizmom, ko bi se skupne zadeve obravnavale skupno v enem telesu in to, kar tangira posamezne dežele, njihove notranje zadeve, /…/ lokalno upravo, federativno, za takšen trializem bi me lahko pridobili.9

Ferdinand je bil torej naklonjen trializmu le ob pogoju, da bi vse tri enote prenesle del suverenosti na avstrijski center. Prestolonaslednik je partnerja iskal med Hrvati, te naj bi s Habsburžani družila njuna skupna sovražnika – madžarski nacionalizem in velikosrbska ideja. Ferdinand je smatral, da Hrvaška, Slavonija, Dalmacija in BiH naravno pripadajo Hrvatom in da je slednje zaradi zaslug pri ohranjanju monarhije v 19. stoletju potrebno nagraditi z združevanjem pokrajin in večjo avtonomijo na račun Ogrske. Da je hrvaška enota med prioritetami, ko bo enkrat stopil na prestol, je zagotovil hrvaškemu plemiču Marku grofu Bombellesu: "Recite Vašim Hrvatom, da naj zmorejo še tokrat ohraniti svojo tradicionalno zvestobo. Takoj ko pridem na prestol, bom vso to krivico, ki se jim dogaja, poravnal."10 Njegov načrt je torej predvideval kreacijo tretje enote v obliki velike Hrvaške. Imenovala naj bi se Kraljevina Ilirija in bi obsegala slovenske ter hrvaške dežele z BiH, Vojvodina pa bi ostala v okviru Ogrske. Ilirija bi tako bistveno zmanjša- la srbske možnosti za posegom po teritoriju avstrijskega cesarstva. Ob pomoči Slovencev naj bi namreč Hrvati vplivali na Srbe v kraljevini kvečjemu v smeri, da bi tudi sami iskali rešitev znotraj federativnega cesarstva, saj so s Ferdinan- dovega vidika ravno Slovani v Avstro-Ogrski "kulturno daleč prekašali Srbe in Črnogorce".11 Sama Slovenija naj bi imela znotraj Ilirije status pokrajine, vanjo pa bi se poleg Kranjske uvrščali še Goriško-Gradiščanska, Trst s severno Istro, Koroška in Štajerska južno od reke Drave. Vizija belvederskega kroga torej ni bila le medla ideja, saj se je ureditev s tremi centri na Dunaju, v Budimpešti in v Zagrebu oblikovala do najmanjših detajlov.

9 Prav tam, 109–110. 10 Ivo Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje: prikaz cjelokupnog pitanja (Varaždin, 1990), 364 (dalje: Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje). 11 Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 116.

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Hrvaška nesoglasja

Trialistični načrti, ki so se snovali v Avstriji, na Hrvaškem niso bili sprejeti eno- značno. Večjo avtonomijo habsburških južnih Slovanov so sicer vse stranke načeloma pozdravljale, a sta se v Zagrebu oblikovali dve politični struji z različ- nimi vizijami. Reška in Zadrska resolucija sta namreč še nekaj let prej označili prevrat na hrvaškem političnem prizorišču, kot najmočnejša stranka pa se je izpostavila Hrvaško-srbska koalicija (HSK). Slednja je pri svojem prizadevanju za združevanje Hrvaške-Slavonije in Dalmacije ubrala drugačno pot, in sicer s povezovanjem s Srbi in z Madžari nasproti Avstrijcem. V tem kontekstu je sča- soma začela odstopati od ideje o hrvaški BiH, ki se je najprej po tiho, nato pa tudi vse bolj eksplicitno prepuščala Srbom. Frano Supilo, eden izmed nosilcev politike "novega kurza" pri Hrvatih, je tako v hrvaškem saboru 25. februarja 1907 govoril:

Od Sadove pa sve do danas upravljena je čitava politika obiju država (Austro- Ugarske i Njemačke) u pravcu, da se našoj Hrvatskoj uklone sve zapreke, koje su na putu velikom 'Drangu'. /…/ Kad smo toga sviestni, da je naš zadatak, da budemo Balkanu zaštitni bedem a ne most, preko kojeg će onamo prelaziti neprijateljski pohodi, računati nam je u prvom redu s našom srbskom braćom …Priznajući Srbe, mi smo ih ponovno pridobili za misao utjelovljenje Dalmaije. /…/ Ali ne znamo, što se zbiva s Bosnom i Hercegovinom. Te zemlje tvore danas tursku pokrajinu, i koliko god se mnogi trude, da to zabašure, ipak su to turske pokrajine i čitav i sviet takvima priznaje. I premda su Bosna i Hercegovina turske pokrajine pod suverenitetom sultana, ipak su predane Austro-Ugarskoj, da njima upravlja, i to samo na ograničeno vrieme, dok se prilike u njima ne srede. Ali Austro-Ugarska čini sve prije, nego li da ih sredi, te ih štoviše truje i hoće da na taj način stvori povoljan teren, na kome će nastupiti protiv Iztoka. I ako sreća dade, da Bosna i Hercegovina izađu iz okvira Monarhije, sasvim je prirodno, da će svaki pravi i pošteni Hrvat radije gledati, kako pripada bratskim Srbima, umjesto strancima, kad već ta Bosna ne može biti hrvatskom.12

Supilo je torej kot sovražnika nedvoumno označil Avstrijce oz. Nemce, isto- časno pa Hrvaško postavil na stran "Vzhoda", kar je predstavljalo dramatičen premik z vidika celotne hrvaške zgodovine. V pogojevanju bosansko-herce- govske "sreče" z izstopanjem iz Avstro-Ogrske in posledično s priključevanjem Srbiji pa se je močno odražal geostrateški načrt Kraljevine Srbije. Dominantna struja srbske politike, ki jo je predstavljal Pašić, je namreč ravno v hrvaško-srb-

12 Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje, 351.

95 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Frano Supilo (1870– 1917) (Leksikografski zavod Miroslav Krleža; enciklopedija.lzmk. hr)

skem sporazumu videla ključ za razvoj srbske vizije jugoslovanstva. Po Pašiću naj bi naravna posledica dogovora med Hrvati in Srbi bilo srbsko prevzemanje vodilnega položaja, saj so že imeli dve samostojni državi in so uspeli ohraniti več slovanskih lastnosti ter so bili deležni večje mednarodne podpore.13 Posle- dično ne preseneča dejstvo, da je zmaga HSK na volitvah februarja 1908, ko ji je uspelo doseči 56 od 88 mandatov, predstavljala odmevno novico v Srbiji. Pri- staši koalicije so to predstavljali kot začetek dokončne rešitve jugoslovanskega vprašanja na Zahodu. Obenem so panslavisti v časopisu Slovenski jug izkazovali

13 Stanković, Nikola Pašić, saveznici, 22–23.

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tudi upanje, da bo do podobnega političnega sporazuma prišlo tudi z Bolgari:

14. i 15. Februara srpsko-hrvatski narod je dao potpunoga dokaza o svojoj nacion- alnoj svesti i svojoj zrelosti da sam sobom upravlja, bez tuđinskih tutora… pobeda koalicije ima i jedan širi značaj. Naime njezina pobeda, pobeda je i Jugoslovenske Ideje u Hrvatskoj, ona je, još više, realni dokaz da Jugoslovenska Ideja nije prazna reč...već jedan stvarno izvodljiv program za svesnu nacionalnu politiku naših ple- mena. /…/ I onako isto kao što je ... moralo doći do sporazuma i izmirenja između Srba i Hrvata – jednog naroda sa dva imena, tako će jednog dana nesumnjivo /.../ morati doći do potpunog izmirenja i sporazuma između Srba i Bugara.14

V tem kontekstu je 31. maja 1908 panslovansko usmerjeno uredništvo časopisa objavilo članek v podporo združevanju troedine Kraljevine Hrvaške, Slavonije in Dalmacije:

U Dalmaciji živi ogromnom većinom srpsko-hrvatski narod, čijih 97% govore srpsko-hrvatskim jezikom. /…/ Po državno-pravnom položaju Dalmacija pripada jedino i samo zemljama krune Sv. Stevana, Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji. /…/ dužnost svih narodnih političara kako u Hrvatskoj tako i u Dalmaciji da rade na tome da se ova druga reinkorporira Hrvatskoj. To oni treba da rade već i po riječkoj rezoluciji. Spajanje Dalmacije sa Hrvatskom stvar je od velike važnosti. Time bi se sloga Srba i Hrvata zanavek uspostavila i na taj način jugoslovensko bi pitanje bilo uglavnom rešeno, to je naše duboko uverenje. /.../ Ovakav jugoslovenski program trebao bi da obeleži najčistije izražene demokratske stranke u svih jugoslovenskih naroda. To bi bio ujedno njihov program šire nacionalne politike, ili bolje reći program buduće politike jedne rase od Koruških planina, Jadrana, karpata do Crnog Mora i na jugu Soluna.15

Popolnoma drugačen je bil odziv pri Hrvatih v BiH, kjer so nasprotovali delu HSK, ki je to področje prepuščal srbskemu vplivu, in so že pred aneksijo svarili na nevarnost pripojitve k Srbiji. Niso simpatizirali niti z idejo o bosansko- -hercegovski avtonomiji, ki bi tako ostala prepuščena vse močnejšima Srbiji in Črni gori ter še vedno prisotnem Osmanskem cesarstvu. V programu Hrvaške narodne skupnosti v BIH so opredelili:

Bosanski Hrvati nastojat će podržavati najbolje odnose sa svojim pravoslavnim sugrađanima, koji se zovu Srbima, ali će pri tome neodstupno ostati na načelu

14 Jovo Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva između srpskog i hrvatskog nacionalizma 1918–1941 (Zrenjanin, 2004), 165–166 (dalje: Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva). 15 Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva, 166–167.

97 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

ravnopravnosti i uzajamnosti. No budući da bi ravnopravnost bila ozbiljno ugrožena, kad bi se Bosna i Hercegovina priklopile jednoj od postojećih balkanskih država, ne mogu bosanski Hrvati simpatizirati s nastojanjem pravoslavnog elementa, nego smatraju svojom dužnosšću spram samih sebe, da svim silama pobijaju ta nastojanja. Jednako zabacuju i misao o autonomiji Bosne i Hercego- vine u skladu s drugom točkom ovih punktacija.16

K takšnemu stališču so pritegnili celo precejšnje število muslimanov, že februarja leta 1908 pa so pri Aehrenthalu s tremi poslanci zahtevali pripojitev BiH k troedini Kraljevini Hrvaške, Slavonije in Dalmacije. Najmočnejša opozicijska stranka na Hrvaškem, Čista stranka prava (ČSP) Josipa Franka, je sicer z odprtimi rokami sprejela belvederski plan in je vso energijo usmerila k zagovarjanju trializma. Zavračali so sodelovanje s Srbi, katerih obstoj na Hrvaškem so v skladu s prepričanjem Anteja Starčevića povsem zanikali. Posebna srbska zavest med pravoslavnim prebivalstvom je bila po tem tolmačenju le posledica antihrvaške propagande.17 Vendar pravaši niso več imeli tiste moči kot nekoč. Pravaška večina se je namreč razdelila na tisti del, ki je sodeloval s HSK, in ostale, ki so bili proti koaliciji. Nato se je v začetku 1908 formirala še Starčevićeva stranka prava, ki je nasprotno od frankovcev prizna- vala obstoj Srbov na Hrvaškem. Še naprej je sicer zastopala tezo političnega naroda Hrvaške oz. tezo o Hrvatih kot edinih nosilcih državotvorne pravice, kar je impliciralo tezo, da Srbi na hrvaškem področju nimajo pravice priključe- vanja k Srbiji. Takšno neusklajenost opozicije je dopolnjevala vzhajajoča zvez- da hrvaške politike, tj. Stjepan Radić, ki je status Srbov po poreklu priznaval le pravoslavnim prebivalcem Srema,18 vendar se ni izkazal kot zanesljiv partner nobeni pravaški stranki. Navidezno stabilna večina HSK je v sebi skrivala dejstvo, da je znotraj koalicije prihajalo do številnih trenj, ki so bila posledica nasprotujočih si konceptov ureditve južnoslovanskega prostora. Sodelovanje znotraj HSK je prišlo pod vprašaj že v predaneksijskem obdobju. Hrvaška stranka prava (HSP), njena naj- močnejša članica, je namreč vodila pogovore z madžarskimi klerikalci, kar je bilo dočakano na nož s strani koalicijskih privržencev v Srbiji. To je pokazalo, da jugoslovanski koncept v HSK le ni bil jasno oblikovan in da je tudi znotraj hrva- ško-srbskega združenja obstajala politična volja, ki si je prizadevala za hrvaško emancipacijo brez zapletanja s Srbijo. V takšnih trenutkih je srbsko časopisje usulo plaz kritik na račun HSP:

16 Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje, 345. 17 Primerjaj z Ivo Banac, Nacionalno pitanje u Jugoslaviji: porijeklo, povijest, politika (Zagreb, 1988), 92. 18 Primerjaj Branka Boban, "Mladi Stjepan Radić o Srbima u Hrvatskoj i odnosima Hrvata i Srba," Radovi 28 (1995): 128–137.

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Ko pozna istoriju ove stranke, koja i danas naglašava svoj srbofobski program od g. 1894., /.../ ko zna da se ova stranka u svom proglasu od februara ove godine odrekla rečke rezolucije i povratila se državno pravnim utopijama hrv. državnog prava, ko zna za pregovore njenih prvaka sa članovima hriščansko socijalne stranke u Beču za Gross-Oesterreich – taj će odmah biti na čistu da se ova stranka opet vraća svojoj atavističkoj politici, verna programu svoga duhovnoga vođe Ante Starčevića. /…/ Ona je sada najjača stranka u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji i raspolaže sa 24 mandata. Ako se tome pribroji desetak frankovačkih otpadnika i tri člana seljačke stranke koji imaju zajednički veliko-hrvatski program.19

S približevanjem aneksije so se po začetni antigermanski retoriki začela intenzivirati obsojanja (veliko)hrvaške ideje v Srbiji, kar je pomenilo odstop od sukcesivnega pogleda na reševanje jugoslovanskega vprašanja in prvič tudi eksplicitno negiranje hrvaškega državnega prava. Za skupino jugoslovanskih nacionalistov v Srbiji se je tako germanstvu (kot največjemu sovražniku jugoslovanske ideje) pridružila še ideja velike Hrvaške. Zdelo se je, da so maske v HSK padle z aneksijo BiH, ki je povzročila še večjo radikalizacijo hrvaško-srbskih odnosov. Potrdila se je namreč domneva, da so nekateri hrvaški člani HSK kljub navideznemu prepuščanju BiH Srbom potihoma računali, da to vendarle ne bo potrebno, pri tem pa so se zanašali tudi na posredno pomoč Dunaja. Posamezni člani hrvaškega dela koalicije so začeli ponovno utemeljevati zgodovinsko in pravno pripadnost BiH k Hrvaški, kar je razburilo srbski del koalicije in celotno srbsko javnost. V Srbiji so časopisi tekmovali v tem, kateri bo bolj obsodil akt aneksije. Tudi v Slovenskem jugu so odprto napadli trialistične načrte v habsbur- ški monarhiji in grajali Hrvate, ki so podprli takšno politiko:

Politika trializma, kakva je danas kod Hrvata, nije politika sile nego molbi, politika koja traži odozgo kao poklon, milost ili nagradu, ostvarenje nečega što bi u zgodnoj prilici moglo doći samo kao rezultat svesti, snage i borbe naroda. /…/ Ni u unutarnjim, ni u spoljnimprilikama Monarhije ne nalazimo mi uslove za ostvarenje trializma. /…/ A kada bi i bilo uslova za trializam i kada bi došlo do njega, mi ne bi mogli biti s njime zadovoljni. Mi smo za potpunu samostalnost našeg naroda, za nezavisnost, njegovu i slobodu, suverenu, van svakog 'okvira'.20

Hrvaško-srbsko zavezništvo je kljub temu le uspelo prebroditi krizo. Leta 1910 so bile izvedene volitve, na katerih je koalicija vnovič uspela doseči izje- men rezultat. Opozicijski radićevci (9) in ČSP (14) so namreč skupaj dosegli le

19 Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva, 170. 20 Prav tam, 141.

99 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

23 od skupno 88 mest v hrvaškem saboru.21 Resolucionaška politika iz Reke in Zadra je preživela.

Slovenski upi in strahovi

V Slovenski ljudski stranki (SLS), najmočnejši politični skupini na Slovenskem, v času aneksije niso obstajale dileme glede pripadnosti BiH. Leta 1907 so se namreč dodatno okrepile vezi med hrvaškimi pravaši in slovenskimi katoli- škimi krogi. V tem kontekstu se je Slovence poskušalo priključiti Hrvatom in hrvaškemu državnemu pravu, ki so ga priznavali tako v Avstriji kot na Ogrskem. V skladu s to strategijo so delovali vsi vidni člani SLS, med drugimi tudi Janez Evangelist Krek, ki je 18. julija 1907 izjavil: "Imamo zapisane pravice, da smo s Hrvaško eno. In na podlagi teh pravic izjavljamo, da ne bo nikoli uspelo Sloven- ce odvrniti od varovanja pravic Hrvaške, Slavonije in Dalmacije."22 Naslanjanje na hrvaško državno pravo in zasledovanje pravaškega trialističnega koncepta se je v danem trenutku pravzaprav zdela edina strategija, ki lahko slovensko narodnostno ozemlje z mejo loči od Avstrije in ga tako zaščiti pred germanizacijo. Pričakovalo se je tudi, da bo uprava iz Zagreba zmanjšala vpliv italijanske iredente. Aneksija BiH je bila s slovenskega vidika zaznana kot priložnost za povečanje števila južnih Slovanov in krepitev njihovega položaja v habsburški monarhiji, s čimer bi tretja enota postala neizogibna. Krek je zato na zaseda- nju avstrijske in ogrske parlamentarne delegacije, 27. oktobra 1908, pozdravil "prvi korak k združenju vseh južnih Slovanov naše monarhije v državnopraven samostojen organizem pod žezlom habsburške dinastije".23 Ivan Šusteršič je s svojo izjavo stopil še korak dalje:

/.../ upam, da bo morda prišel čas, ko ne bodo samo Bolgari, ampak tudi nam še bolj sorodni Srbi na Balkanskem polotoku uvideli, da bi bila najboljše jamstvo za svoboden razvoj Jugoslovanov na Balkanskem polotoku balkanska federacija pod vodstvom naše monarhije.

Obenem je jasno opredelil tudi stališče glede usode BIH:

/…/ Činu z dne 5. oktobra bo v doglednem času moral z neizogibno silo slediti

21 Lampe, Yugoslavia as history, 79. 22 Janko Prunk, Cirila Toplak, Marjeta Hočevar, Parlamentarna izkušnja Slovencev (Ljubljana, 2006), 60–61 (dalje: Prunk, Toplak, Hočevar, Parlamentarna izkušnja). 23 Janko Prunk, Slovenski narodni programi: narodni programi v slovenski politični misli od 1848 do 1945 (Ljubljana, 1986), 27 (dalje: Prunk, Slovenski narodni programi).

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Ivan Šusteršič (1863– 1925) (Wikimedia commons; commons. wikimedia.org)

drugi čin: priklopitev Bosne in Hercegovine sosednim hrvatskim deželam. Potem pa se odpre perspektiva, da se tudi naše slovensko vprašanje definitivno reši pod žezlom habsburške monarhije.24

Odlašanje urejanja statusa BiH je povzročilo še intenzivnejše politično delovanje in lobiranje članov SLS, Šusteršič pa je 16. januarja 1909 v dunajskem parlamentu jasno poudaril mejo med pozitivnim in negativnim trializmom z vidika Slovencev:

/.../ treba tukaj ločiti ožji in širši trializem. Nemški politiki še niso prišli tako daleč, da bi uvideli potrebo širšega trializma, to je tistega, ki zahteva združitev vseh habsburških dežel od Trsta do Drine. /…/ To je drug trializem, kakor tisti, za

24 Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 81–83.

101 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

katerega se je izrekel voditelj krščansko-socijalne stranke in za katerega so vneti tudi nekateri zelo imenitni voditelji nemške liberalne stranke, namreč ožji trializem, ki se omejuje na Hrvatsko, Slavonijo, Dalmacijo, Bosno in Hercegovino. Ako bi se trializem na ta način izvršil, potem nam nič ne koristi, ravno nasprotno, potem nam je v škodo, ker bi se zopet en del južnega slovanstva, ki nam je sedaj v ojačenje in oporo v Avstriji, odtujil, odtrgal!25

Slovenski strahovi so bili upravičeni, saj so se nemškim liberalcem priklju- čili tudi nemški krščanski socialisti, ki jim je bil nemški dostop do Jadranskega morja vendarle bolj pomemben od slovenskega zavezništva. Junija 1909 je to povsem jasno opredelil avstrijski krščanski socialist dr. Miklas:

Če že pride do trializma, potem to na noben način ne sme biti mišljeno tako, da bi bile k trialistični velikohrvaški državi prištete tudi Kranjska, Primorska, južna Štajerska in tako dalje. Nasledek tega bi bil, da bi se resničnim nosilcem državne misli, ki na njih sloni moč cesarstva, to so alpske in sudetske dežele, zaprla pot k morju.26

Sledila je diplomatska ofenziva SLS, ki je bila sestavljena iz delovanja tako v parlamentu kot izven njega. V prvi vrsti je bil Šusteršič uspešen pri povezova- nju slovanskih političnih skupin. Januarja 1909 se je namreč okoli SLS najprej formiral Slovanski centrum, nato pa Slovanska unija, v kateri so bili pripadniki različnih ideologij in različnih narodnosti, s 125 predstavniki pa je postala največja skupina v državnem zboru. Šusteršič je s tem povečal svoj vpliv, kar je povzročilo njegov izbor za predsednika aneksijskega odseka. S tem je "dušev- ni oče"27 trialističnega gibanja med Slovenci dobil možnost aktivno oblikovati načrt reševanja južnoslovanskega vprašanja. Po drugi strani pa je pripravljal politični teren za obdobje po Francu Jožefu in je direktno lobiral pri prestolo- nasledniku Francu Ferdinandu:

Združitev jugoslovanskih dežel in pokrajin v tretje državnopravno telo v okviru monarhije je dinastična potreba, ker se tem potom ustvari uspešni protiutež zoper tri najnevarnejše sovražnike dinastije: proti mažarskemu šovinizmu, proti laški in srbski iredenti. Jugoslovanska država v okviru monarhije, obsezajoča Hrvatsko in Slavonijo, Bosno in Hercegovino, srbske pokrajine Ogrske, potem slovenske in hrvatske dežele Štajerske in Koroške, bi postavila od dne do dne naraščajoče jugoslovanske narodne struje v službo dinastične svetovne politike.

25 Prav tam, 83–84. 26 Prunk, Toplak, Hočevar, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 62. 27 Tako je Šusteršiča imenoval Fran Šuklje (Fran Šuklje, Sodobniki: mali in veliki (Ljubljana, 1933), 252).

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Habsburška jugoslovanska država bi bila sigurna podlaga prihodnje balkanske in jadranske politike monarhije. /…/ Velika habsburška jugoslovanska država bi male vlekla k sebi, medtem ko je sedanje razmerje obratno, ker pogosto male sosedne jugoslovanske države učinkujejo narodno-privlačno na jugoslovansko prebivalstvo monarhije.28

Razumljivo je, da se je vodja SLS v korespondenci z avstrijsko stranjo izo- gibal omenjanju ločevalne funkcije tretje enote med nemškim in slovenskim ozemljem in prenašal težišče na razpravo o zmanjševanju madžarske, italijanske in srbske moči. Temeljni element Šusteršičeve ideje tretje enote v habsburški monarhiji je bilo hrvaško državno pravo, kar je nedvomno izpostavljal ob vsaki priložnosti, tudi na shodu v Ljubljani 1909:

Hrvatje in mi smo v resnici bratje, mi smo en narod in, gospoda moja, ravno zadnji meseci našega parlamentarnega delovanja so pričali, da se mi Slovenci čutimo kot veja hrvatskega naroda, hrvatskega debla. Za hrvaško pravo smo šli v boj, ker smo si v svesti, da ako Slovenci hočemo igrati vlogo v svetovni zgodovini, je le to mogoče roko v roki, ramen ob ramenu s hrvatskim bratskim narodom. Naš ideal je, to znate vsi, da v tesni zvezi s Hrvati zasnujemo pod mogočnim žezlom habsburške vladarske rodbine veliko jugoslovansko državo od Soče do Drine od Mure in Drave do Jadranskega morja. Na to meri naš boj!29

Priznavanje hrvaškega državnega prava in vključevanje tako BiH kot Slo- vencev pod okrilje v sklopu habsburške monarhije je bila konstanta v Šuster- šičevi strategiji reševanja južnoslovanskega vprašanja. Pri tem mu v obdobju pred balkanskimi vojnami nihče v stranki ni nasprotoval. Vendar pa se misel o jugoslovanski državi ni pri vseh poslancih SLS ustavljala na Drini, temveč je segala mnogo dlje. 4. oktobra 1912 je tako Straža, časopis pod vplivom Antona Korošca, objavila:

Avstro-Ogrska je izmed evropskih velesil najbolj interesirana na razvoju balkanskih zadev in izmed avstrijskih narodov smo zopet mi Jugoslovani, ki zasledu- jemo z največjim zanimanjem dogodke na balkanskem polotoku. Saj je vendar balkansko vprašanje istovetno z jugoslovanskem. /…/ Ne samo za Avstrijo kot celoto, temveč specielno za nas avstrijske Jugoslovane je pot do Soluna nepre- cenljive važnosti. Mi hočemo živeti in se razvijati, a nikakor ne vegetirati. /…/

28 Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 117. 29 Ivan Šusteršič, "Govor načelnika S.L.S. dr. Ivana Šusteršiča", Slovenec, 19. julij 1909, št. 161, 1.

103 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Gregor Žerjav (1882– 1929) (Wikimedia commons; commons. wikimedia.org)

kakor je nujen predpogoj vsega naše delovanje, da se gibljejo naša stremljenja pod okriljem habsburškega orla, tako je predpogoj za krepak razvoj avstrijskega jugoslovanstva, da mu je pot od Ljubljane do Soluna odprta.30

30 Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 125.

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Za razliko od predstavnikov SLS, ki so poudarjali katoliško osnovo pove- zovanja južnih Slovanov in legitimnost habsburškega okvirja, so slovenski libe- ralni krogi vse bolj prevzemali antigermansko retoriko, ki jih je približevala srbskemu razumevanju jugoslovanstva. Slovenski liberalci sprva niso zavzeli enotnega stališča glede pripadnosti BiH. Postavljali so ga v kontekst hrvaškega kraljestva, po drugi strani pa so imeli tudi razumevanje za srbsko nezadovoljstvo. Goriški časopis Soča je 10. oktobra 1908 objavil:

Kam spada pravzaprav Bosna-Hercegovina? /…/ Mesto da bi se Bosno in Herce- govino z istočasno temeljito rešitvijo hrvatskega vprašanja zemljepisno in etnografično utelesilo hrvatskemu kraljestvu, se je ustvarilo državnopravni neutrum, ki se ne more dolgo ohraniti, ki krši pravice hrvatskega naroda, ovira še bolj kulturalni, politični in gospodarski razvoj ter utegne biti vzrokom novega velikega nezadovoljstva in zapletajev. Interpelantje vprašajo, kako zmorejo min- istri tako postopanje opravičiti in so pripravljeni, v interesu Bosne in Hercegovine ter monarhije same natančno proučevati bosansko vprašanje ter je spraviti v soglasje z nujno potrebno ureditvijo hrvatskih razmer.31

Dobra dva meseca pozneje je na dan prišel načrt Gregorja Žerjava, ki je predlagal ustanovitev federalne enote znotraj monarhije, ki bi jo sestavljale tri pokrajine, in sicer slovenska, hrvaška in srbska, pri čemer naj bi v vsaki bila tako kraljev namestnik kot tudi pokrajinska zbornica.32

Iz ozemlja, katero naj tvorijo del Koroške, Štajerske, Kranjska, Goriška, Gradiška, Trst z okolico, Istra, Hrvatska in Slavonija ter Dalmacija, Reka z okolico, Bosna in Hercegovina, naj se ustvari na podlagi državnopravnih titulov hrvaškega in ilir- skega kraljestva ter srbske vojvodine in prirodnega prava jugoslovansko kraljestvo v okviru habsburške monarhije. /…/ Jugoslovansko kraljestvo se razdeli v tri pokrajine, srbsko, hrvaško in slovensko. Takšno pokrajino tvori ozemlje, na katerem eno pleme kompaktno prebiva in katero imej ime v historiji utemeljeno. Slovenska pokrajina bi se imenovala kraljevina Ilirija, Hrvatska: Troedina kraljevina in srbska vojvodina in bosansko kraljestvo. Vsaka pokrajina bi imela svojega kraljevskega namestnika, svojo pokrajinsko vlado in pokrajinsko zbornico. Zagreb bi bil glavno mesto jugoslovanskega kraljestva, kjer bi bil sedež osrednje vlade, odgovorne osrednjemu parlamentu.33

31 Kavčič Ivan (ur.), "Na Balkanu", Soča, 10. oktober 1908, št. 118, 1. 32 Primerjaj Prunk, Slovenski narodni programi, 25–27. 33 Janko Pleterski, "Trializem pri Slovencih in jugoslovansko zedinjenje", Zgodovinski časopis 22 (1968), 1: 169–184.

105 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Žerjavov načrt je predvideval nujnost srbske federalne enote znotraj monarhije, ki ga teritorialno sicer ni natančno opredelil, a se iz opisa vidi, da se je nagibal k stališču o srbski Vojvodini in Bosni. Srbska pokrajina bi imela teritorialno diskontinuiteto, saj se Vojvodina in Bosna ne bi stikali. V Jugoslovanski socialno-demokratski stranki (JSDS) se s problematiko aneksije niso toliko intenzivno ukvarjali. Etbin Kristan je ideje, ki so prevlado- vale pri konservativcih in liberalcih, kritiziral predvsem z ideološkega stališča, saj je menil, da "za jugoslovanskega socialista Zedinjena Slovenija, hrvatsko državno pravo, planinsko hrvatstvo in druge enake izmišljotine ne morejo imeti nobenega pomena".34 S skepticizmom je sprejemal katoliško prilagajanje velikohrvaškemu konceptu, saj je menil, da bodo tako Srbi kot Slovenci prisiljeni postati Hrvati. Za Kristana in večino članov JSDS jugoslovansko vprašanje ni bilo

/…/ stvarno ali politično, ni ustanovitev jugoslovanske države, ni vprašanje karadjordjevićevske ali koburške dinastije, temveč je predvsem vprašanje skupnega jezika, skupne literature vseh jugoslovanov, ki so v sedanji razkosanosti na poti k svojemu lastnemu razvoju in napredku vesoljne kulture, ki pa bi jezikovno združeni lahko postali velevažen faktor kulture.35

JSDS je leta 1909 v svojem političnem programu poudarila združevanje vseh južnih Slovanov, ne glede na njihovo različnost glede imena, pisave, jezika in vere. Stranka je bila torej vsaj uradno usmerjena k jugoslovanski federalni enoti v okviru Avstrije, ki bi imela kulturno avtonomijo znotraj skupne drža- ve. Vendar tak koncept ni bil sprejet niti med vsemi simpatizerji socialnode- mokratske stranke, še bolj pomembno pa je dejstvo, da JSDS v tistem času ni bila zastopana niti v državnem niti v kakšnem od deželnih zborov, zato so bila mnenja njenih voditeljev bolj osamljene vizije političnih marginalcev kot glas relevantnega političnega predstavnika Slovencev.

Odziv Srbije

V Srbiji je aneksija BIH predstavljala dokončen padec vseh mask habsburške politike in potrditev strahov, da se veliki "Drang" ne bo ustavljal, dokler ne zadovolji dunajskih apetitov po popolni kontroli Balkana. Akt je za Srbe predstavljal vojno napoved, ki je visela v zraku vse od začetka gospodarskih sankcij.

34 Andrej Rahten, Zavezništva in delitve: razvoj slovensko-hrvaških političnih odnosov v habsburški monarhiji 1848–1918 (Ljubljana, 2005), 194 (dalje: Rahten, Zavezništva in delitve). 35 Rahten, Zavezništva in delitve, 195.

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Precejšen del javnosti je v emotivnih izbruhih zahteval novo srbsko vstajo. Med drugim je tudi jugoslovansko usmerjeni Slovenski jug 27. septembra 1908 zapisal:

Vojna Avstriji, čim prej vojna z Avstrijo, za vsako ceno vojna z Avstrijo! Naša jugoslovanska propaganda je danes resnično revolucionarna. Niso več potrebne besede, temveč pogum in kri, veliko poguma in veliko krvi za eno veliko zgodovinsko delo južnih Slovanov. Združite se južni Slovani v vojni proti Avstriji.36

Nasprotno so se diplomatski predstavniki Kraljevine Srbije branili radikal- nih izstopanj.37 Na srbskem dvoru so se namreč zavedali, da jim razmere v mednarodnih odnosih (še) niso naklonjene. Za razliko od Osmanskega cesarstva v 19. stoletju je bila Avstro-Ogrska sposobna bistveno hitrejše vojaške mobiliza- cije, vojna pa v tedanjih razmerjih moči za Srbijo ni bila dobra opcija. Zahodni zavezniki je namreč niso bili pripravljeni podpreti, še manj pa je lahko računala na pomoč izčrpane Rusije. Za srbskega kralja torej ni bilo smotrno slediti željam naroda po "osvoboditvi" BiH, temveč se je omejil na intenzivno diplomatsko delovanje. Medtem ko so nekateri zahtevali vsaj kompenzacijo Srbiji v obliki vzhodnega dela BiH ter izhoda na Jadransko morje,38 je regent Aleksander v Peterburgu ruskemu cesarju predstavil širšo idejo. Po tej bi se Srbiji priključile tako BiH in Črna gora kot tudi Vojvodina, Hrvaška, Kosovo in Makedonija. Ale- ksander naj bi predložil celo ime nove države, ki bi jo združeval srbski monarh, Jugoslavija.39 Srbski odgovor na aneksijo se seveda ni omejil le na iskanje podpore pri velesilah, temveč se je politična dejavnost intenzivirala tudi v sami BiH. Razži- vela so se stara in formirala nova politična društva, med katerimi je izstopalo gibanje Mlada Bosna. V večini ga je sestavljalo radikalno srbsko prebivalstvo, ki je zahtevalo osvoboditev BiH ter pripojitev jugoslovanski (srbski) matici. Pod paravanom jugoslovanstva, ki je gibanju dajalo legitimnost v bosansko-herce- govskem kontekstu, se Mlada Bosna praktično ni pomembneje razlikovala od ekskluzivističnih srbskih organizacij, ki so delovale v Vojvodini ali Srbiji. Odnos slednje do BiH je odražalo delo beograjskega profesorja Jovana Cvijića Aneksija Bosne i Hercegovine i srpski problemi. Katoliški Hrvati so tu označeni kot element, ki sodi v domeno avstrijske protisrbske politike. Srbi so po Cvijiću predstavljali edinega legitimnega zastopnika jugoslovanstva zaradi svoje številčno- sti in osrednjega geografskega položaja med južnimi Slovani. Srbsko-hrvaški

36 Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva, 118. 37 Primerjaj Stanković, Nikola Pašić, saveznici, 20. 38 Primerjaj Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje, 357–358. 39 Primerjaj Bogdan Sajovic, Od male Srbije do velike Jugoslavije (Ljubljana, 2006), 20–23.

107 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Jovan Cvijić (1865–1927) (Galerija Metropolitan; galerija.metropolitan.ac.rs/index.php) nacionalni spori so bili v tem kontekstu opredeljeni kot refleksija jugoslovansko-germanskega spora, proces homogenizacije jugoslovanstva pa je bil ize- načen s širitvijo srbske zavesti na preostale južne Slovane. Trialistična ideja po Cvijićevem prepričanju posledično ni bila nič drugega kot orodje proti(jugo) slovanske politike s ciljem germanskega osvajanja na Balkanu.

/P/očela je (Monarhija) obećavati, da će umjesto dualizma zavesti u Monarhiji trializam, i da će treća autonomna jedinica obuhvatiti južne Slavene. Ta ideja ili obečanje jest samo sredstvo za borbu protiv srbsko-hrvatskog nacionalizma i protiv nastojanja oko nezavisnosti južnih Slavena, sredstvo, da se lakše ili da se uobće može vršiti osvajanje na Balkanu.40

Aneksija je homogenizirala srbske koncepte glede jugoslovanske prihodnosti, odnos do trializma pa je bil praktično na celotnem spektru srbskega političnega življenja enak Cvijićevi percepciji. Indikativen primer obrata lahko zaznamo v pisanju časopisa Slovenski jug, kjer je bila v začetku leta 1908 še

40 Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje, 366.

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vedno opazna naklonjenost konceptu t. i. minimalnega jugoslovanstva,41 po aneksiji pa so bili Hrvati in Bolgari deležni največjih kritik. Od potencialnih partnerjev v oblikovanju širšega jugoslovanstva so bili ravno Bolgari najbolj na udaru srbskih medijev. Označevani so kot izdajalci slovanstva, ki želijo v dogovoru z Aehrenthalom razdeliti Srbijo. Celo trialistični privrženci iz vrst slovenskih in hrvaških političnih strank so doživeli manj kritik. Z geopolitičnega vidika so bili namreč Bolgari s formirano državo in izoblikovano narodno iden- titeto neatraktiven partner v srbskem jugoslovanskem konceptu, ki je z ozirom na bolgarsko številčnost predstavljal močnega konkurenta za vodilno mesto v jugoslovanski državi. Aneksija je torej učinkovala na dokončno odstopanje od teze o enem narodu vseh jugoslovanskih plemen, Srbija pa je dokončno tudi v do tedaj panslovanskem časopisju ostala edini nosilec jugoslovanstva in s tem tudi edina, ki naj bi imela kapaciteto voditi k osvoboditvi "srbskega jugoslovanstva". Slednje je bilo opazno tudi pri označevanju Bosne in Hercegovine, ki sta v Slovenskem jugu označeni kot dve najlepši "srbski pokrajini".42 Nova realnost na Balkanu je Srbijo postavila v izrazito neugoden položaj. Na vzhodu je namreč Bolgarija ohranjala dobre odnose tako s habsburško monarhijo kot z Rusijo in se vse bolj izpostavljala kot bodoči vodja balkanskega polotoka. S ciljem krepitve si je beograjski Drang nach Südosten izbral najšib- kejši člen; usihajoče Osmansko cesarstvo, ki je bilo dodatno oslabljeno zaradi mladoturške revolucije. Pri tem je srbska diplomacija spretno pridobila zave- zništvo Bolgarije, Grčije in Črne gore, ki so bile lačne osmanskega plena. Na drugi strani so se vse bolj artikulirano izražale tudi želje Albancev za politično emancipacijo. Ob želji za osvajanjem teritorija na jugu je imelo začasno srbsko- -bolgarsko partnerstvo precejšen pomen tudi z vidika reševanja jugoslovanskega vprašanja in odnosov z Avstro-Ogrsko. Na to opozarja izjava srbskega ministra za zunanje zadeve Milana Milovanovića, ki je pojasnil situacijo na Balkanu svojemu bolgarskemu kolegu Stefanu Paprikovu:

Za nas je pri tem še en pomemben vidik, ki govori v prid našega sporazuma z Bol- garijo. Vse dokler mi ne bomo povezani z vami, bo naš vpliv na Hrvate in Slovence zanemarljiv. Kljub razlikam v veri imajo ti ljudje precej podobno kulturo kot mi. Vendar oni ne vidijo Srbije kot center, ki bi jih lahko privlačil. Povsem drugače bo, če mi ustvarimo močan blok. Potem bodo vsi pravoslavni in katoliški Srbi, Hrvati

41 Minimalnost se je nanašala na stopnjo centralizacije in prisilnega kulturnega poenotenja med juž- noslovanskimi narodi oz. na homogenizacijo in dopuščanje različnosti ter avtonomnosti različnih etničnih skupin. Po obsegu teritorija pa je to pravzaprav maksimalistična jugoslovanska ideja, ki je slonela na konfederalnih načelih (primerjaj Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva, 114). 42 Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva, 118.

109 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

in Slovenci v sosednji monarhiji začeli neizogibno gravitirati k nam.43

Podobno je srbski veleposlanik v Bolgariji Miroslav Spajlaković v Sofiji francoskemu veleposlaniku izrazil strah, da bo Franc Ferdinand s prevzemom habsburškega prestola ustanovil tretjo državo v monarhiji.44 Na takšen način bi jugoslovanska država v okviru Avstrije po vsej verjetnosti pritegnila tako Srbijo kot tudi Črno goro in celo Makedonijo. Srbija naj bi bila prešibka, da bi se temu lahko uprla, zato je bila po Spajlakovićevem mnenju edina rešitev sklepanje pakta z Bolgarijo in Grčijo za borbo proti prodoru Avstro-Ogrske na Balkan. Motivov za 1. balkansko vojno torej ne gre iskati samo v boju proti nevzdržne- mu turškemu imperiju, temveč je bil to s stališča geopolitičnega preurejanja Balkana le prvi korak v boju proti katoliški Avstriji za dominacijo na Balkanu. Z makrovidika je ustvarjanje zavezništva med Bolgarijo in Srbijo ustrezalo Rusi- ji, ki se je po porazu v vojni z Japonsko leta 1905 in diplomatskem umiku ob aneksiji BiH znova želela angažirati na Balkanu. Tako sta balkanski državi pod ruskim mentorstvom vsaj začasno uspeli preseči nesoglasja glede razdelitve Makedonije. Pogajanja so potekala od jeseni leta 1911 do marca 1912, ko je bila podpisana pogodba o sodelovanju. Nato je steklo tudi dogovarjanje z Grki, pred tem pa so bila presežena neujemanja med kraljevima družinama Srbije in Črne gore. Vendar to zavezništvo ni trajalo dolgo. Po uspehih balkanske protio- smanske koalicije so se na diplomatskem polju znova pojavile velike sile. Glav- ni cilj Avstro-Ogrske je bilo preprečevanje srbskega dostopa do morja in teritorialno ločevanje Srbije in Črne gore. Prvo ji je ob italijanski pomoči uspelo. Pri- znana je bila namreč albanska neodvisnost, Srbija pa je z rusko pomočjo dobila "le" mesto Đakovica na zahodu Kosova. Neuspeh pri doseganju cilja izhoda na morje je Srbijo usmeril v poskus revidiranja sporazuma z Bolgarijo, kar je pri- peljalo do drugega kroga balkanskih vojn, tokrat proti Bolgariji.45 Poraz slednje je za Srbijo pomenil dokončanje največjega vojaškega podviga v zgodovini in izjemno rast samozavesti. Postala je najmočnejša slovanska država na Balkanu in si pridobila status Piemonta v procesu nastajanja jugoslovanske države.

Hrvaško-slovenski odmevi na srbsko alternativo

Mešani občutki Slovencev in Hrvatov so spremljali srbske uspehe. Mnogi so namreč proslavljali zmage srbske vojske, posamezniki pa so se celo priključeva-

43 Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912–1913. Prelude to the First World War (London, New York, 2000), 10 (dalje: Hall, The Balkan Wars). 44 Primerjaj Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 126–128. 45 Primerjaj Hall, The Balkan Wars, 76.

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li srbskim bojnim pohodom. V nekaterih dalmatinskih krajih, kjer je živel večji delež pravoslavnega prebivalstva, so avstrijski upravi navkljub zaplapolale srbske zastave.46 Na popularnosti je vnovič pridobivala HSK, ki je uspela dočarati okus jugoslovanskega zmagoslavja in poistovetiti srbski boj z lastnimi politični- mi cilji. K temu je prispevalo tudi splošno stanje na področju Hrvaške-Slavonije in Dalmacije, saj se je nezadovoljstvo hrvaškega prebivalstva kanaliziralo skozi iskanje alternativ. Že pred balkanskimi vojnami je namreč eno krilo mladohr- vaškega gibanja, sklicujoč se na Starčevićevo tezo o enem narodu od Alp do Timoka, deloma odstopilo od načela hrvaškega državnega prava ter naredi- lo nepričakovan prestop k jugoslovanskemu unitarizmu. V tem kontekstu so zagovarjali Srbijo kot geopolitično središče jugoslovanske države. Svoj politični obrat so utemeljili s tezo, da gre pri Hrvatih in Srbih v bistvu za isti narod, kar se je skladalo tako s Starčevićevim kot Karadžićevim razumevanjem jugoslovanstva. Po tem tolmačenju naj se slednja ne bi strinjala le glede poimenovanja naroda, kar je za mladohrvaško gibanje bilo marginalnega pomena. V ozračju napetosti v mednarodnih odnosih je k temu gibanju pristopil tudi del predvsem študentske populacije tako iz vrst socialdemokratov kot naprednjakov, s srbske strani pa so pristopili predvsem člani Mlade Bosne. V hrvaškem delu HSK je s prosrbskimi stališči izstopal nekdanji dunajski poslanec Ante Trumbić, ki je pridobival srbske simpatije, čeprav se je tudi sam zavedal nevarnosti ure- sničevanja jugoslovanske države brez Slovencev. V slednjih je videl protiutež srbski dominaciji, kar je v pismu potrdil Franu Supilu leta 1914.47 Popolno nasprotje politiki HSK so predstavljali frankovci, ki so tudi po smrti Josipa Franka nadaljevali velikoavstrijsko politiko, v katero so vključevali velikohrvaško trialistično idejo. Frankovci so se priključevali delu politikov, ki je zagovarjal t. i. preventivno vojno zoper Srbijo in celo njeno pripojitev hrva- škemu delu habsburške monarhije. Tretjo stran v hrvaški politiki je predstavljal Stjepan Radić, ki je ravno tako zavračal idejo združitve s Srbijo, posebej po začetku njene vojne z Bolgarijo, kar je po Radiću pravzaprav bila manifestacija agresivnega srbskega ekspanzionizma. Razmere v BiH so bile bolj kompleksne zaradi odnosov med tremi etničnimi skupinami. Srbske vojaške zmage so z navdušenjem pozdravili le Srbi, medtem ko je večina hrvaških in muslimanskih političnih predstavnikov s strahom spremljala poraze muslimanskih enot.48 Tudi na Slovenskem so vojne na Balkanu vnesle iskro razdora. Časopis Slo- venec je namreč sprva izražal simpatije do slovansko-grške koalicije in njenega napredovanja proti Turkom ter v nekaj primerih poveličeval srbsko in črnogor- sko vojsko. Takšno pisanje je bilo odraz predvsem Krekovih stališč, ki se jim je

46 Primerjaj Lampe, Yugoslavia as history, 95. 47 Prunk, Toplak, Hočevar, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 67–68. 48 Primerjaj Lampe, Yugoslavia as history, 99.

111 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

zoperstavil Šusteršič. Slednji je poskušal popraviti okrnjene odnose z Dunajem s potrjevanjem lojalnosti cesarju. 20. 10. 1912 je organiziral shod, na katerem je prišlo do združitve Vseslovenske ljudske stranke (VSL) in Vsepravaške organizacije. SLS je za svojo platformo spet potrdila pravaški program in prizadevanje za južnoslovansko katoliško enoto znotraj monarhije. Sprejeta je bila resolucija, ki je ugotavljala, da tvorijo Slovenci in Hrvati eno narodno celoto ter želi- jo delovati v duhu in v smeri programa Stranke prava za enotnost, pravice in razvoj hrvaško-slovenskega naroda v okviru habsburške monarhije. Mnenju o enotnem hrvaško-slovenskem političnem narodu ni nasprotoval niti Krek, ki je svojim dijakom še vedno govoril, da so Slovenci pravzaprav "planinski Hrvatje". Da je kroatizacija boljša od germanizacije je utemeljeval tudi Aleš Ušeničnik. Slovenci naj bi namreč od Hrvatov prevzeli le jezik, z drugih kulturnih vidikov pa bi lahko precej več dali Hrvatom, s čimer bi slednji bolj postali Slovenci kot obratno.49 V odnosih do Srbov je bil Krek pripravljen popuščati glede avtono- mije na verskem področju, vendar le ob predpostavki, da se prizna hrvaško državno pravo. Po drugi strani tudi Šusteršič ni povsem odrekal pravice Srbiji za njena prizadevanja:

Srbije ne smemo ovirati, da dobi sadove za svojo slavno zmagovito vojsko. Tudi poti do Adrije skozi Albanijo ne smemo zapirati, ker bi sicer iskala te poti skozi Bosno. /…/ Na Balkanu nismo prišli do veljave, ker smo v notranjem slabi vsled razmer, ki jih je ustvaril dualizem. To nas dela nesposobne za aktivno politiko na zunaj in za pametno politiko na znotraj. /…/ Kaj smo v tridesetih letih naredili iz Bosne in Hercegovine? Nezadovoljno deželo in ljudstvo! Bosna je sedaj eldorado mažarskih špekulantov. In kako se godi na Hrvaškem? V tem trenutku imamo Cuvaja! S tem je povedano vse! /…/ V teh velikih dogodkih je vkovana Hrvaška v okove sužnosti, da bi ne mogla zasledovati svojih najvitalnejših interesov. Na ta način se ne morejo dobiti pri Jugoslovanih simpatije. Tudi avstrijski Jugoslovani so se borili za prostost, a niti prostosti za svoj narodni razvoj niso dobili. Na Bal- kanu veliko svobodno jugoslovansko carstvo, pri nas pa druga Makedonija. Ali je tak položaj vzdržljiv? Mislim, da ne.50

Ob povsem očitnem propadanju Osmanskega cesarstva je torej Šusteršič predlagal vsaj poskus pogajanj s Srbijo. Z eventualnim partnerstvom in podporo Srbiji pri dobivanju albanskih področij bi si po njegovem mnenju Avstro- -Ogrska lahko zagotovila stabilnost na svoji jugovzhodni meji in priključila BiH k hrvaško-slovenski enoti. Bistvenih geopolitičnih razlik med Krekom in

49 Primerjaj Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 121. 50 Miha Moškerc (ur.), "Naše stališče glede balkanskega vprašanja", Slovenec, 8. november 1912, št. 257, 1.

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Šusteršičem torej ni mogoče zaznati. Še naprej je bila temeljna zahteva, da se "da hrvaškemu in slovenskemu narodu skupna domovina"51 v habsburškem okviru, kar je Krek potrdil še dober mesec pred sarajevskim atentatom:

Rešite jugoslovansko vprašanje tako, da boste dali katoliške Hrvate in Slovence skupaj pod avstrijskim cesarstvom, in potem bo država tako močna, da boste vedno imeli prosto pot po morju. Na Balkanu nas Srb in Črnogorec, Bulgar, Rumun ne bo več sovražil, ampak bo rekel: Tam je prostost doma, politična, gospodarska, tam se da naprej priti, pojdimo in združimo se mi pod dvoglavim orlom.52

Oba, Šusteršič in Krek, sta polagala svoje upe v Franca Ferdinanda in mu nista bila nič manj naklonjena tudi ob dejstvu, da se je spogledoval tudi z načrti, ki niso bili povsem v skladu s slovenskimi željami. Vse bolj realen se je namreč zdel koncept, v katerem bi Vojvodina ostala pod Ogrsko, medtem ko bi celotna Šta- jerska, Koroška in Goriško-Gradiščanska z mestom Trst ostali pod Avstrijo. Večji del kranjskih Slovencev bi tako sicer prišel v tretjo enoto, Avstrija pa bi ohranila neposreden stik z Jadranskim morjem. Čeprav se to ni ujemalo s cilji "Zedinjene Slovenije" in trialističnim programom SLS, je Šusteršič poskušal skozi prilagajanje na makrogeopolitičnem planu pridobiti za Slovence čim bolj ugodno rešitev. Preko kritike ogrske politike in njenega zagovarjanja ohlapne zveze Avstro-Ogr- ske na principu personalne unije je Šusteršič poskušal dokazati lojalnost slovenskega naroda Avstrijskemu cesarstvu, ki naj bi ostalo neokrnjeno tudi po morebitni priključitvi vseh slovenskih krajev k novi jugoslovanski tvorbi. Slovenski liberalci so bili bolj enotni glede proslavljanja uspehov balkanske koalicije. V svojem časopisju so še naprej zavračali vse, kar je dišalo po nemškem imperializmu in obenem podpirali vse, kar je nasprotovalo germanski prevladi v državi. Srbijo je slovensko liberalno časopisje v tistem trenutku predstavljalo kot ideal borbe za jugoslovansko svobodo, a je to navdušenje zatrl drugi krog balkanskih vojn. Slednji je povzročil odmik od izrazitega slovanofilstva, kar se je manifestiralo tudi s prispevki, ki so bolj realno ocenjevali razmere v mednarodni skupnosti in njihove implikacije za Slovence:

Manifestacije v Italiji kažejo najnoveiše tendence italijanske politike. Ta politika je naperjena najprvo proti nam, Slovencem in Hrvatom. Ne smemo pozabiti niti trenutek, da iredentistične struje v Italiji so žive in jake. /.../ Italija se dandanašnji pripravlja na vojno, da zajame celo obalo od izvira Soče do Boke Kotorske. S tem se po Italiji javno govori, s tem se računa kot z gotovo činjenico. Iti kar je še

51 Jože Gostinčar (ur.), "Jugoslovani in delavstvo", Slovenec, 16. marec. 1914, št. 61, 1. 52 Janez Krek, "Jugoslovanski odgovor (Govor dr. Kreka na taboru v Šmihelu na Koroškem)", Slovenec, 23. maj 1914, št. 116, 1–2.

113 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

zanimivejše, pri tem se računa na podporo Srbije.53

Primorski liberalci so se torej ponovno znašli v podobni situaciji kot v času formiranja Reške resolucije, ko so si prizadevali za hrvaško-srbski sporazum. Ko je do slednjega končno prišlo, so jim akterji tega sporazuma obrnili hrbet in jih bili pripravljeni žrtvovati Italiji. Po drugem krogu balkanskih vojn so slovenski liberalci zožili pojmovanje "jugoslovanskega naroda", ki naj bi ga sestavljali le Slovenci, Hrvati in Srbi, brez Bolgarov. Slovenski panslavisti in zagovorniki najširšega jugoslovanskega koncepta so tako odstopili od svojih idealov in se sprijaznili s politično realnostjo. Vendar se pri tem niso zavedali, da čim bolj bo geopolitični center prihodnje jugoslovanske države oddaljen od slovenskih področij, tem večja bo nevarnost periferizacije zahodnih primorskih krajev in manjša bo njihova vrednost v očeh odločujočih političnih akterjev.

Dejavniki trialistične neuresničljivosti

Številni politični akterji so se že v predvojnem času zavedali posledic spremenjenih razmerij moči na Balkanu in so svarili pred pasivnostjo avstrijske diplomacije. Velika srbska država namreč ne bi privlačila le habsburških južnih Slo- vanov, vsaj posredno pa bi to vplivalo tudi na češka razmišljanja o prihodnosti izven Avstro-Ogrske. Dodaten vidik nevarnosti nove situacije je izpostavil profesor Josef Redlich:

Vsak dan se bliža nevarnost za vojno z Rusijo in balkanskimi državami. V kolikor dovolimo, da ob Veliki Bolgariji in Veliki Grčiji nastaneta še Velika Srbija in Velika Črna Gora, mi pa ne storimo nič, potem bomo za samo kakšno leto izgubili Bosno, Dalmacijo in Hrvaško. Jasno je, da se bo, v primeru naše neaktivnosti, Bal- kanska zveza še naprej oboroževala, pridobila bo tudi Romunijo, /.../ da pa bi nas vojaško tudi popolnoma uničila, se bo združila tudi z Rusijo, ki bo takrat povsem pripravljena. Ob tem ne izpostavljam, da bo Italija enostavno zasedla ostanek obale in južno Tirolsko.54

Obenem so v Avstriji obstajale dileme, kako naj se Avstro-Ogrska sploh vključi v reševanje problematike. Nekateri so predlagali preventivno vojno, drugi so svarili in svetovali, naj Avstrija raje vodi pozitivno politiko do Srbije in jo privede do stanja gospodarske odvisnosti, saj v tistem trenutku za vojaški

53 Uredništvo časopisa Soča, "Italija, Avstrija in Jugoslovani", Soča, 16. maj 1914, št. 38, 1. 54 Andrej Mitrović, Prodor na Balkan: Srbija u planovima Austro-Ugarske i Nemačke 1908–1918 (Beograd, 1981), 100–101.

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poseg ni imela nobene mednarodne podpore. Vodja zagovornikov vojne je bil general Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, vendar niti Franc Jožef niti prestolonaslednik temu nista bila naklonjena. Franc Ferdinand je bil celo proti kakršne- mu koli priključevanju Srbije, kar je 1. februarja 1913 potrdil grofu Berchtoldu (Aehrenthalovemu nasledniku):

Če začnemo vojno z Rusijo, je to nesreča. /…/ Če se vojskujemo posebej s Srbi- jo, jo bomo sicer v najkrajšem času zrušili, ampak kaj potem? In kaj imamo od tega? Prvič se vrže na nas vsa Evropa in nas obravnava kot kršilce miru. In Bog nas obvaruj, da Srbijo anektiramo; totalno zadolženo deželo z morilci kraljev in lumpi itd. Če še niti Bosni nismo kos in nas ta zabava stane že ogromno denarja ter je leglo državnopravnih vprašanj, kaj bo potem šele s Srbijo? /…/ Kar pa zadeva iredento pri nas doma, ki jo vedno navajajo vojni jurišniki, bo ta prenehala takoj, ko bo za naše Slovane ustvarjena ugodna, pravična in dobra eksistenca. /…/ Zato najprej močna ureditev navznoter in za nas mir navzven. To je moje naziranje, zanj bom delal in se boril vse življenje.55

Iz navedenega lahko sklepamo, da vojna v tistem trenutku ni bila realna, oz. ni bila po volji ostarelega cesarja in njegovega naslednika Franca Ferdinan- da. Izkazovana stališča so kazala na veliko večjo verjetnost tretje enote znotraj habsburške monarhije. Vendar je to bilo vse prej kot lahko uresničljiv cilj. Najbolj pereče vprašanje je ostalo opredeljevanje ozemlja tretje enote. Vključevanje slovenskih teritorijev je bil pravzaprav ključni problem, ki je pre- prečeval formiranje konkretnega skupnega hrvaško-slovenskega predloga. Poleg teritorialnih neujemanj je bila prisotna tudi dilema glede opredeljevanja nekaterih ideoloških elementov oz. karakterja tretje enote. Oviro pri realizaci- ji trialistične ideje so predstavljale tudi druge slovanske skupine v dunajskem parlamentu. Ostra opozicijska politika do vlade in vztrajanje na posebnem hrvaško-slovenskem statusu sta SLS oz. VSL in njihove hrvaške partnerje osa- mila v osrednji politični instituciji monarhije. Prvi glas proti južnoslovanski enoti habsburške monarhije so predstavljale nemške nacionalne skupine. Tudi pri nemških krščanskih socialistih je prevladal nacionalizem nad družbeno- -ekonomsko ideologijo in so se priklonili nemškim nacionalnim zahtevam. In če je bila nemška solidarnost pričakovana, je nepričakovan udarec trializmu zadal izostanek češke podpore. Češki politiki so namreč v takšni obliki trializma zaznali nevarnost, da bodo kot edini izmed slovanskih narodov ostali osamljeni v nemškem delu monarhije ter bodo tako sami prešibki za uveljavljanje lastnih interesov oz. za lastno teritorialno-upravno emancipacijo. Obsojenost

55 Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v Dunajskem parlamentu, 126.

115 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

trialistične ideje na propad je že leta 1912 opisal citat Bressnitz-Sydačova:

Nemci so najbolj ostri nasprotniki trializma, ker bi jim ta zakrčil pot k Jadranu in omogočil propad lepega kosa nemške zemlje v južnoslovanskem morju. Ne manj ostri nasprotniki trialistične misli so Čehi, ker ne morejo brez južnoslovanskih glasov v avstrijskem cesarskem svetu, v katerem bi ostali z nemško večino. Poleg tega bi njihov vpliv na celotno Monarhijo oslabel, če bi se ob ogrski državi ustvarila še ena južnoslovanska. Ti isti razlogi so vplivali tudi na Poljake, da so odklonili trializem, ali da se do njega ravnajo povsem hladno. Sploh pa Italijani gledajo v trializmu svoju narodno smrt. V Ogrski so Madžari najodločneje vstali proti trializmu, medtem ko se narodnosti v Ogrski, kot na pr. Nemci, Romuni in Slovaki, ravno tako prištevajo v tihe nasprotnike trialistične misli, ker bi z odcepitvijo Hrvaške in Slavonije od zveze z Ogrsko, ostali sami z Madžari v budimpeštanskem parlamentu, kar zagotovo ne bi pomagalo izboljšanju njihovega položaja. Preo- stali so torej še sami južni Slovani, vendar je norost verjeti, da bi oni sami lahko bili dovolj močni, da habsburški državi vsilijo trializam, ki ga ostali narodi Monarhije nočejo in zavračajo.56

Poleg vsega tudi habsburški južni Slovani, ki so bili sicer prešibki za uveljavljanje velikih sprememb v državni ureditvi, niso bili enotni. Številne ovire na poti do trializma so ohranjale upanje pri ustvarjalcih alter- nativnih konceptov, predvsem pri pobudnikih širšega, srbskega jugoslovanskega državnega okvira. A to še zdaleč ni pomenilo, da je bila ta ideja v predno- sti pred trializmom. Pogled na politična razhajanja glede srbske vizije odkriva vrsto še veliko večjih težav. Kljub temu se je zdelo, da južnoslovanska država vendarle bo nastala, njen karakter pa bo odvisen od makropolitičnih okoliščin. Zanimivo perspektivo na širši kontekst jugoslovanske prihodnosti je Slovenski jug objavil dobro leto po aneksiji BiH:

Ko se ugotovi dejstvo, da Avstro-Nemčija stremi k hegemoniji v Evropi, ter ko se zazna in obrazloži dejstvo zbiranja ostalih evropskih držav okoli Anglije zaradi preprečevanja pangermanstva in njegovega prodora na Vzhod, potem je jasno, da bo vsaka kulturna in politična kombinacija, ki bi lahko blokirala pangerman- izem, bila pod protektoratom močnih faktorjev Evropske politike. Ali bo ta kombinacija Balkanska zveza ali Južnoslovanska zveza, to je vprašanje prihodnosti. Gotovo pa je, da bo Balkanska zveza prej in uspešneje nastala, če bodo Južni Slo- vani čim bolj združeni.57

56 Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje, 365. 57 Bakić, Ideologije jugoslovenstva, 129.

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To stališče kaže na prepričanje, da bodo zahodne sile priznale srbsko oblast le, če bo njen obseg segel tako daleč na Zahod, da bo tako zmanjšan prostor za širjenje germanizma zadovoljil njegove konkurente. Iz članka se lahko opazi tudi razlika med balkansko in jugoslovansko skupnostjo, ki obsega geograf- ski in tudi politični kontekst nastanka takšne državne tvorbe. Balkanska sku- pnost naj bi bila predvsem rezultat zunanjih prizadevanj, nasprotno pa bi bile za jugoslovansko državo primarne notranje silnice. Ivo Pilar58 je smatral, da za lastno državno enoto habsburški južni Slovani izpolnjujejo le enega izmed treh pogojev, in sicer so številčno dovolj močni in potencialno sposobni izboriti si lastno državo, manjkala pa sta zgodovinska podlaga in skupna državna volja. Še večji problem sta predstavljali antagonistični državni volji pri Hrvatih in Srbih. Trializem je za južne Slovane pravzaprav predstavljal polje za politično tekmo v kontekstu spopadov različnih jugoslovanskih konceptov. Na izid tega boja so vplivale širše mednarodne okoliščine, ki so po 1. svetovni vojni zapečatile usodo habsburške monarhije. Posledično je s formiranjem Kraljevine SHS trializem ostal le boleč spomin v glavah njegovih privržencev in latentna grožnja za vse njegove nasprotnike.

58 Pilar, Južnoslavensko pitanje, 368.

117 I. Ivašković: Trialistični koncept v kontekstu jugoslovanskih vizij

Igor Ivašković

THE CONCEPT OF TRIALISM AND ALTERNATIVE VISIONS BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR

SUMMARY

The trialistic idea represented the strategy of a new wave of Habsburg politicians, led by Franc Ferdinand. Using the concept, the Belvedere circle sought a chance to lessen the influence of Budapest and as a result strengthen the central authority of Vienna. To some Croatian political groups this strategy represented a chance to realize the dream of territorial subjugation of the entire region, ascribed to Croatian state law. From the Croatian point of view the idea primarily offered the strengthening of the weak Croatian-slavonic autonomy and the emancipation of the united Croat territories which were divided between Austria and Hungary since 1867. Aside from the unification of the regions of the once Trinitarian Kingdom of Croatia, the concept of a third administrative unit offered a chance to integrate Bosnia and Herzegovina into a political and legal unit under Croatian administration. On the other hand, the Slovene reaction to trialism was mixed, swinging from enthusiasm to fear of Slovene exclusion from the trialistic concept. Slovene conservatives attempted to gain the goodwill of the future emperor by attempting to include Slovene lands into the Croatian state law, thought they presented their plan in a way that would only further the concept of a grand Austria, in which the third administrative unit only strengthens the relative power of the emperor. The main problems in the attempts to realize this idea were the inactivity of Emperor Franz Joseph and in the opposition from the German centralists and Hungarian nationalists. Hungary, in its aspiration to control the region of the crown of St. Stephen, wanted to gain Bosnia and Herzegovina, while retaining the same relation they had with Croatia-Slavonia. German national liberal parties were not ready to give a greater degree of sovereignty to the southern Slavs, especially if that implied giving up German access to the Adriatic. This stonewalling also gave birth to Slovene fears of being left in the Austrian administrative unit during the formation of the Croatian one. The strongest external opponent of a trialistic Habsburg Monarchy was Serbia, which rejected the concept of a Yugoslav unit in under Habsburg rule. Though most Slovenes and Croats saw Serbian Yugoslavism as a poor disguise for the idea of a Grand Serbia, some found their alternative attractive, due to the countries strengthened international influence, expanded territory from the Balkan Wars and propaganda, which was aimed at the Habsburg Yugoslavs. At times, it even seemed that the strongest

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political group in Croatia was the Croat-Serb coalition, which unconditionally advocated the Serbian concept of Yugoslavism, though more thorough analysis showed fundamental divides even within the coalition. As a result, the analysis of the various Yugoslav positions on trialism shows how dynamic the Yugoslav idea was. The positions of different political power holders towards trialism were so contradicting precisely due to the fundamentally different geopolitical assumptions on the future Yugoslav political formation, be it the border of its polical and administrative center, or its position in international affairs. Trialism represented a field for the political stand-off between various Yugoslav nations, the conditions of which were determined by broader international political events, which forced the groups to tailor their ideas to the macro-geopolitical situation. The defeat of the Axis in World War I sealed the fate of the Habsburgs and of trialism, which gave way to the realization of the Serbian alternative.

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UDK 070(497.41)"1904/1917":930.85 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje(1904–1917)1

Darko Friš

Dr., redni profesor Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino Koroška c. 160, SI – 2000 Maribor e-pošta: [email protected]

Izvleček: Leta 1903 je bilo v Mariboru ustanovljeno Zgodovinski društvo za slovensko Štajersko, ki je že naslednje leto pričelo izdajati znanstveno revijo Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje. Med letoma 1904 in 1916 je bil glavni urednik Anton Kaspret, pomembno vlogo pri uredniškem delu pa je imel tudi tajnik društva Franc Kovačič. V reviji so svoje prispevke objavljali ugledni slovenski raziskovalci zgodovine, narodopisja Štajerske, Koroške in Prekmurja, jezikoslovja in arheologije. V tem obdobju je revija izhajala štirikrat letno, uredništvo pa se je vse od leta 1910 ubadalo s stalnim pomanjkanjem denarnih sredstev. Leta 1916 revija zaradi finančnih težav in posledic prve svetovne vojne ni izšla, konec leta pa je urednik Kaspret zaradi nenehnih sporov s Kovačičem odstopil.

Ključne besede: Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Anton Kaspret, Franc Kovačič, Maribor, znanstvena revija, habsburška monarhija, zgodovinopisje, narodopisje, jezikoslovje, arheologija

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 121–142, 85 cit., 2 sliki Jezik: slovenski (izvleček slovenski in angleški, povzetek angleški)

121 D. Friš: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za ...

Leta11843 so na pobudo nadvojvode Ivana ustanovili Zgodovinsko društvo za Notranjo Avstrijo s edežem v Gradcu. Društvo je postalo matica za dežel- na zgodovinska društva – prvo tovrstno deželno štajersko društvo, prav tako s sedežem v Gradcu, je nastalo leta 1844. Vendar pa so centralistične težnje osrednjega društva pripeljale do razkola med članstvom in do ustanavljanja samostojnih, od matice neodvisnih deželnih zgodovinskih društev. V Gradcu so novo društvo (Historischer Verein für Steiermark) ustanovili leta 1850, njihovi podporniki pa so bili predvsem predstavniki podeželske duhovne in posvetne inteligence. Iz društva so zrasle deželne ustanove – graški arhiv, knjižnica in muzej, ustanovili pa so tudi lastno glasilo Mitteilungen des Historishen Vereines für Steiermark.2 V graškem Zgodovinskem društvu za Štajersko so delovali tudi slovenski raziskovalci in ljubitelji zgodovine, ki z nemškimi sočlani niso prihajali v spore. Svoje prispevke so objavljali v društvenem glasilu v nemškem jeziku, saj svojega glasila niso imeli. Na tak način so se usposobili za strokovno in raziskovalno delo na področju zgodovine in se pripravljali, da v primernem trenutku začnejo z delom in objavami za svoj narod v domačem jeziku. Prvi strokovni zgodovinski časopis v slovenskem jeziku, Izvestja muzejskega društva za Krajnsko, je začel izhajati v Ljubljani leta 1891, do takrat pa so slovenski zgodovinarji v maternem jeziku svoje prispevke objavljali le v poljudnih časnikih in periodiki. Zgodovinarji na slovenskem Štajerskem so prvo "znanstveno" glasilo, ki je izhajalo v slovenskem jeziku in je poleg teoloških tem pokrivalo tudi zgodovino in narodopisje, dobili leta 1898, ko je začel izhajati Voditelj v bogoslovnih vedah.3

1 Glej spominske zapise o Časopisu za zgodovino in narodopisje: Franjo Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 34 (1939), 12–23 (dalje: Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič"); Viktor Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju na slovenskem Štajerskem", v: Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru 1903–1978, 75 let, ur. Viktor Vrbnjak in Vasja Sterle (Maribor, 1978), 21–23 (dalje: Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju"); Antoša Leskovec, "Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1(1904)– 35(1940)"; Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 50=NV 15 (1979), 16–18. Glej tudi: Jure Maček, Dr. Franc Kovačič v gradivu Pokrajinskega arhiva Maribor, Inventarji 16, ur. Slavica Tovšak (Maribor, 2009). 2 Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor (dalje: PAM), fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Poročilo o delovanju Muzejskega in Zgodovinskega društva, Maribor 1928; Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju na slovenskem Štajerskem", 7–8. 3 Mateja Matjašič Friš, "Dr. Franc Kovačič – ustanovitelj in sodelavec revije Voditelj v bogoslovnih vedah", Studia historica Slovenica 9 (2009), št. 3–4, 615–632; Mateja Matjašič Friš, "'Voditelj v bogoslovnih vedah' in njegov urednik dr. Franc Ksaver Lukman", Studia historica Slovenica 7 (2007), št. 3–4, 909–928.

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Urejal ga je dr. filozofije Franc Kovačič,4 ki se je po končanem študiju v Rimu vrnil v Maribor leto poprej in se kot mlad navdušen izobraženec lotil načrtne organizacije znanstvenega dela na Spodnjem Štajerskem.5 Historiografija se je pri štajerskih Slovencih začela razvijati dokaj pozno, zato tudi ne preseneča, da se je organizirano znanstveno delovanje na podro- čju zgodovinopisja pričelo v Mariboru več kot pol stoletja za graškim. Dr. Franc Kovačič je na sestanku s svojimi somišljeniki 18. marca 1903 takole utemeljeval potrebo po ustanovitvi novega slovenskega zgodovinskega društva:

Poleg naravoslovja pa dandanašji stoje v ospredju historične vede. Vsi narodi pre- iskujejo z veliko vnemo in natančnostjo svojo preteklost. Tudi štajerski Slovenci štejejo lepo število zaslužnih mož na polju domače zgodovine, a ti so delovali deloma v tujem jeziku, deloma pa so celo osamljeni, zanimanje z domačo zgo-

4 Franc Kovačič, teolog, filozof, zgodovinar, urednik in narodni delavec (Veržej, 25. marec 1867 – Maribor, 19. marec 1939). Gimnazijo je obiskoval v Varaždinu in Zagrebu, kjer je obiskoval prvi letnik teologije in postal privrženec ideje o politični in kulturni povezanosti južnih Slovanov. Od leta 1891 je študiral teologijo v Mariboru in bil posvečen leta 1894. Najprej je služboval kot kaplan in nato kot župnijski upravitelj v Sp. Polskavi ter Studenicah. Od leta 1895 je študiral filozofijo v Rimu in bil leta 1897 promoviran. Po vrnitvi iz Rima je najprej služboval v Studenicah, nato pa je leta 1897 postal profesor filozofije in fundamentalne teologije na mariborskem bogoslovju. Leta 1897 je na pobudo škofa Mihaela Napotnika ustanovil teološko revijo Voditelj v bogoslovnih vedah in jo urejal do leta 1909. Prizadeval si je za močnejše znanstveno (še zlasti zgodovinsko) delovanje na Spodnjem Štajerskem, s čimer naj bi zavrli germanizacijo. Leta 1903 je bilo na njegovo pobudo v Mariboru ustanovljeno Zgodovinsko društvo, v katerem je bil do leta 1921 tajnik. Društvo je razvilo knjižnico, muzej in arhiv. Leta 1904 je društvo začelo izdajati svoje glasilo Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, ki ga je Kovačič urejal od leta 1917, leta 1921 pa je po odstopu dr. Pavla Turnerja postal tudi predsednik Zgodovinskega društva, istega leta še predsednik mariborskega Muzejskega društva. Leta 1918 je postal član Narodnega sveta za Štajersko. Leta 1919 je sodeloval v jugoslovanski delegaciji kot izvedenec za slovensko etnično mejo na mirovni konferenci v Parizu, kjer si je prizadeval za priključitev Prekmurja k Sloveniji. Objavljal je v različnih domačih in tujih strokovnih ter znanstvenih revijah. V knjižni obliki je objavil deli Občna metafizika (1905) in Kritika in noetika (1930). Zgodovinsko društvo je izdalo njegove knjige: Trg Središče (1910), Nadžupnija Sv. Križa pri Rogaški Slatini (1914), Ljutomer (1926). Ob 700-letnici lavantinske škofije je objavil svojo najobsežnejšo monografijo: Zgodovina lavantinske škofije (1928). Delo Služabnik božji Anton Martin Slomšek, knezoškof lavantinski I–II je bilo z objavo Slomškovih pisem (1930–1934) njegov prispevek za Slomškovo beatifikacijo (Slovenski biografski leksikon, I. knjiga, 4. zvezek (Ljubljana, 1932), 539–540; Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 1–39; Janko Glaser, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", Obzorja, leto 2 (1939) (dalje: Glaser, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič"), 155– 157; Janez Janžekovič, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič kot filozof", Čas 32 (1938/39), 224–226; Ivan Šiftar, "Dr. Fran Kovačič", Mladi Prekmurec, leto 3 (1938/39), 115–116; Bogo Teply, "Dr. Fran Kovačič in dr. Matija Slavič – njuno delo za Prekmurje", v: Panonski zbornik (Murska Sobota, 1966), 310–321; Ivan Škafar, "Kovačičevi spomini na Prekmursko iz leta 1893", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 6=NV 41 (1970), št. 2, 321–352; Enciklopedija Slovenije, 5. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1991), 339; "Kovačič Fran", v: / Metka Fujs/, Spominska soba dr. Frana Kovačiča v Veržeju (zloženka) (Murska Sobota, 2000); Bruno Hartman, "Franc Kovačič (1867–1939)", v: Bruno Hartman, Kultura v Mariboru (Maribor, 2001), 220–227 (dalje: Hartman, "Franc Kovačič (1867–1939"); Edvard Kovač, "Pojmovanje kulture pri Franu Kovačiču", Bogoslovni vestnik 66 (2007), št. 2, 253–260; Alojzij Kačičnik, "Kovačičeva življenj- ska pot", Bogoslovni vestnik 66 (2007), št. 2, 175–191; Mateja Matjašič Friš, "Franc Kovačič", v: Nova slovenska biografija, ur. Andrej Rahten idr. (Zbirka Življenja in dela, Biografske in bibliografske študije, 4) (Ljubljana, 2009), 99–112). 5 Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju", 17.

123 D. Friš: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za ...

Franc Kovačič (dlib. si)

dovino je premalo splošno in sistematično. Ustanovitev društva za proučevanje domače zgodovine in narodopisja je torej nujna kulturna potreba. Je pa tudi eminentno patriotično delo. Zgodovina kot veda sicer ne sme služiti narodnemu šovinizmu in slučajnim težnjam dnevne politike, a neovrženo dejstvo je, da baš poznavanje zgodovine vzbuja in vzdržuje v ljudstvu narodno samozavest in vsak realna, pametna in daljnovidna politika mora iti v šolo k zgodovini.6

Na ustanovnem občnem zboru 28. maja 1903 v Narodnem domu je predsednik novoustanovljenega Zgodovinskega društva za slovensko Štajersko, kakor

6 Franc Kovačič, "Postanek in razvoj mariborskega muzeja", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 23, snopič 5 (1928), 263.

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so ga poimenovali, postal za kratek čas cerkveni zgodovinar Matej Slekovec,7 tajnik pa Franc Kovačič. Slekovec je še istega leta umrl, mesto predsednika pa je oktobra 1904 prevzel dr. Pavel Turner,8 eden najuglednejših meščanov Mari- bora.9 Pri izbiri Turnerja za novega predsednika društva je imel pomembno vlogo tudi društveni tajnik Kovačič, ki ga je v pismu povabil na občni zbor in ga poprosil za zanesljivo udeležbo:

Na dnevnem redu je volitev predsednika namesto † g. Slekovca; občno mnenje je, da ste za to mesto najbolj sposobni Vi. S Svojo obsežno izobrazbo in občno

7 Matej Slekovec, duhovnik in zgodovinar (Kunova pri Negovi, 6. avgust 1846 – Ljubljana, 15. december 1903). Gimnazijo je obiskoval v Mariboru, kjer je študiral tudi bogoslovje in bil leta 1871 posvečen. Kaplanoval je v več župnijah na Štajerskem in bil med letoma 1887 pa do 1903 župnik pri Sv. Marku niže Ptuja. Tik pred smrtjo naj bi prevzel škofijski arhiv v Mariboru. Že kot kaplan se je začel ukvarjati z zbiranjem arhivskega gradiva, ki ga je zbiral po arhivih v Mariboru, Ljubljani, Gradcu, Salzburgu, na Dunaju in raznih občinskih in zasebnih arhivih. Zbral je obsežno dokumentacijo o Spodnji Štajerski, ki jo je odstopil domačim, graškim in dunajskim zgodovinarjem. Za posamezne kraje je zgledno napisal kronike, pisal pa je tudi zgodovinske članke in razprave. Na ustanovnem občnem zboru Zgodovinskega društva za slovensko Štajersko v Mariboru je bil 23. maja 1903 izvoljen za predsednika (Franc Kovačič, "V spomin Mateju Slekovcu", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 52–69); Slovenski biografski leksikon, III. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1960–1971), 360; Enciklopedija Slovenije, 11. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1997), 132). 8 Pavel Turner, publicist, mecen in vzgojitelj (Planica nad Framom, 21. januar 1842 – Maribor, 25. september 1924). Gimnazijo je obiskoval najprej v Mariboru in nato na Reki, maturiral pa leta 1865 v Mariboru ter se preživljal kot inštruktor v meščanskih družinah. Leta 1865 se je vpisal na klasično filologijo na Dunaju in se še isto leto odpravil v Anglijo, kjer se je v mestu Hull zaposlil kot praktikant v kreditni agenciji in obiskoval različna predavanja na Christian and Literary Institute. Po enem letu se je odločil za vrnitev na Dunaj, spotoma pa je sprejel ponudbo poangleženega judovskega trgovca in bančnika Biedermanna iz Londona in postal vzgojitelj njegovih dveh sinov. Tam je spoznaval angle- ške gospodarstvenike in bančnike iz krogov Alliance Israélite (Moses Montefiore, Benjamin Disraeli, Will E. Gladston) in spremljal dnevni tisk, razprave v parlamentu, obiskoval je londonska gledališča in z družino veliko potoval po Bližnjem vzhodu in Evropi. Leta 1869 se je vrnil na Dunaj, da bi doštudiral latinščino in grščino, ko ga je Janez Bleiweis prepričal, naj raje doštudira narodno gospodarstvo ter se pripravi za profesuro pričakovane Univerze v Zagrebu. Turner se je prepisal na pravno fakulte- to. Preživljal se je s poučevanjem v dunajskih meščanskih družinah in bil domači učitelj pri grofu V. Nemesu. Leta 1873 je odšel v Strasbourg in na novoustanovljeni nemški univerzi obranil disertacijo. Nato se je izpopolnjeval v Parizu, vendar docentskega mesta v Zagrebu ni dočakal. Zato se je leta 1875 zaposlil kot vzgojitelj pri baronu Leopoldu Edelsheim-Gyulaiju, generalu in vrhovnem poveljniku na Ogrskem, ki je imel palačo na Dunaju, živel pa je v Budimpešti. Poleg vzgojiteljskega dela je veliko potoval in spoznaval razne pomembne osebnosti: Johna Stuarta Milla in Charlesa Dickensa, angle- škega zgodovinarja Edvarda Freemanna, novinarja in zbiralca Arthurja Evansa. Leta 1885 je prevzel vzgojo grofa Pavla Pallavicinija in se preselil na Dunaj ter v tej službi ostal 17 let. Leta 1903 se je po upokojitvi naselil v Mariboru in pod Kalvarijo kupil posestvo z vilo – njegov Tusculum Turnerianum je postal središče domačih in tujih pomembnih intelektualcev. Bil je mecen študentom in mladim umetnikom. V mladosti je pisal poezijo, potopise in razprave o narodnem gospodarstvu. Med letoma 1903 in 1921 je bil v Mariboru predsednik Zgodovinskega društva, ki mu je po svoji smrti zapustil knjižnico, svoje premoženje pa je namenil za štipendije Univerzi v Ljubljani (Franjo Baš, "Dr. Pavel Turner", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 30 (1935), št. 1–2, 45–62; Slovenski biografski leksikon, III. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1960–1971), 360; Mateja Matjašič Friš, " 'Spomini iz mojega življenja' dr. Pavla Turnerja", Studia historica Slovenica 1 (2001), 165–250). 9 "Drugi občni zbor dne 12. oktober 1904", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 214.

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priljubljenostjo bodete kot načelnik društva veliko koristili, vrh tega ste tudi na vse strani neodvisni, kar pri naših društvih veliko velja. Uverjen sem, da bodete občni želji ustregli in izvolitev sprejeli.10

Turner je ponujeno predsedniško mesto sprejel in vodil društvo do leta 1921, ko je zaradi starosti odstopil.11 Glavni pobudnik ustanovitve Zgodovinskega društva dr. Kovačič je društvo postavil na narodnih, rodoljubnih in kulturnih temeljih. Prepričan je bil, da preo- staja štajerskim Slovencem le dvoje: "Ali čakati z obupno, pasivno resignacijo na narodno smrt ali pa krepko živeti in napredovati tudi na kulturnem, zlasti zgodo- vinskim polju." Za dosego svojih ciljev so si prizadevali pridobiti čim večje število članov (leta 1904 je imelo društvo 182 članov)12 – v ta namen so pisali propa- gandne članke v časnikih Slovenski gospodar, Domovina in Südsteierrische Presse. Cilji Zgodovinskega društva so bili raziskovanje krajevne zgodovine in narodopisja, zbiranje domačih starin in umetnin, zbiranje in raziskava arhivskega gradiva, organizacija zgodovinskih predavanj in izdajanje društvenega glasila.13 Na potrebo po ustanovitvi glasila je opozoril cerkveni zgodovinar Matija Ljubša, in to še pred uradno ustanovitvijo društva.14 Na seji odbora je odbornik dr. Anton Kaspret15 predstavil načrt, kako naj bo urejena društvena publikacija:

Obsega naj: 1. zgodovinske članke iz različnih strok in slojev, 2. posebno važne vire za zgodovino južne Štajerske; 3. zgodovinsko bibliografijo, ki se tiče Sp. Štajerske; 4. društvena poročila; 5. pregled zgodovinskih izkopanin in najdb na Sp. Štajerskem.16

10 PAM, fond Pavla Turnerja, Pismo Franca Kovačiča Pavlu Turnerju, 9. oktober 1904. 11 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Poročilo o delovanju Muzejskega in Zgodovinskega dru- štva, Maribor, 1928. 12 "Društvena poročila", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 211. 13 Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 11; Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju", 19 in 22. 14 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo Maribor, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Francu Kovačiču, Gradec, 20. februar 1904. 15 Anton Kaspret, zgodovinar in urednik (Lesično, 22. april 1850 – 27. oktober 1920). Gimnazijo je obiskoval v Celju in študiral zgodovino in zemljepis v Gradcu. Kot gimnazijski profesor je služboval v Celju, Mariboru, Ljubljani in Gradcu, kjer je živel več kot 20 let. Leta 1918 se je preselil v Maribor, 1920 pa k sorodnikom v Črno. Sodeloval je pri ustanovitvi Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje, glasila Zgodovinskega društva za slovensko Štajersko – kasnejšega Zgodovinskega društva v Mariboru – in bil njegov prvi urednik (1904–1917). Nato je sodeloval pri ustanovitvi in urejanju Časopisa za slovenski jezik, književnost in zgodovino (1918–1920), katerega začetek izdajanja je tudi finančno omo- gočil. Raziskoval je predvsem vprašanja agrarne zgodovine v 16. in 17. stoletju (kmečka upora 1515 in 1573, z vaškim sodstvom in vsakdanjimi kmečkimi bremeni) ter objavljal arhivsko gradivo za to obdobje (Metod Dolenc, "Kronika. Prof. Anton Kaspret", Ljubljanski zvon (1920), 700–704); Slovenski biografski leksikon, I. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1928), 430–431; Enciklopedija Slovenije, 5. knjiga, (Ljubljana, 1991), 12). 16 "Prva odborova seja", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 105.

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Na seji odbora, ki je bila 6. oktobra 1903, je Anton Kaspret postal urednik društvenih publikacij. Dokončne odločitve pa v društvu o tem, ali bodo izdajali letni zbornik ali časopis, še niso sprejeli, saj še niso vedeli, kako bo s sodelavci in njihovimi rokopisi.17 Kaspret pa je že decembra istega leta uspel pridobiti prve sodelavce med visokošolskimi in srednješolskimi učitelji, zato so odborniki sklenili, da bo društvo izdajalo svoje glasilo "Zgodovinski časopis". Izhajal naj bi tri- do štirikrat na leto, obsegal vsaj 4 pole, štirje snopiči pa bi sestavljali en zvezek. Cena časopisa je bila za člane društva vključena v članarino, za nečla- ne pa je znašala 6 kron18 (za primerjavo: letna naročnina na časnik Slovenski gospodar je bila 4 krone).19 Nato so se stvari odvijale zelo hitro – na seji odbora 1. marca 1904 so potrdili "predgovor" odbora, ki ga je pripravil urednik, in ga v imenu odbora objavili v prvi številki časopisa. Odborniki so tudi določili, da bodo časopis izdajali štirikrat letno in da bosta po dve številki združeni v en zvezek. Za upravnika lista so določili blagajnika dr. Radoslava Pipuša, "/č/asopis pa se bo smatral kot darilo za II. društveno leto."20 Predlogov o imenu novega društvenega glasila je bilo več: Zgodovin- ski časopis, Arhiv, Zgodovinski list, zgodovinar Anton Kaspret pa je predlagal naslov Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje (dalje: ČZN), saj je želel, da bi bila že v imenu časopisa razvidna njegova usmeritev. Kaspretov predlog je bil sprejet in aprila 1904 je izšla prva številka novega časopisa. Namene in cilje izdajanja Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje so odborniki zapisali v predgovoru ob izidu prve številke:

Sedanji časi so malo ugodni zgodovinopisju. Politične in narodne zmede razvne- majo duhove in kalijo zgodopiscu oko. A tudi v takih časih ne sodi, da bi se prezi- rala imenitnost objektivnega zgodopisja, kajti prav zgodovinsko znanstvo nam kaže zvezo prošlih časov z dogodki sedanjosti. Hvaležno priznavamo, da so raz- jasnili marsikatero dobo zgodovine Štajerskih Slovencev tudi sodeželjanski zgo- dopisci. Vendar utegne zgodovinar, ki je sorojak, ki živi z narodom in z narodom, ki pozna njegovo mišljenje in hlepenje, ki čuti vse gibljaje narodne duše, zvesteje slikati prošlost svojega naroda in iskreneje sočustvovati z vsem, kar mu je bilo usojeno v raznih časih. A tudi ta se varuj, da ga enostransko rodoljubje ne odvrne od pota resnice; le 'kako je bilo' in samo to bodi vodilo zgodovinarjeve volje. Usoda, ki je niso zakrivili Slovenci sami, je zožila slovensko ozemlje, a vzdržali so se vendar po obsežnih deželah, katere smemo zaradi prirodne slikovite lepote primerjati najlepšim predelom Avstrijsko-Ogrske. In da so se te dežele po tristo-

17 "Druga odborova seja dne 6. vinotoka 1903", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 106. 18 "Tretja odborova seja dne 22. decembra 1903", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 108. 19 "Glava časnika", Slovenski gospodar, 5. maj 1904, 1. 20 "Četrta odborova seja dne 1. marec 1904", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 109–110.

127 D. Friš: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za ...

letnih bojih ubranile Osmanom, so Slovenci žrtvovali imanje in življenje; in kadar koli je šlo za obstanek, čast in slavo habsburške monarhije, so se tudi Slovenci, kakor drugi avstrijski narodi, bojevali na mnogih bojiščih in mimo tega so še prebili marsikatero nevarno, narodnogospodarstveno krizo. Zgodovinsko društvo naklepa vsestranski, pa strogo znanstveno, razjašnjevati prošlost Južne Štajerske in drugih notranjeavstrijskih dežel, ki so bile pod žezlom Habsburžanov nekaterikrat upravno združene, in vzbujati med rojaki zanimanje za zgodovinstvo. Bodi jim zgodovina minulih časov zrcalo njih bodočnosti! Poleg zgodovine pa bo društvo gojilo tudi slovensko narodopisje, zgodovino slovenskega slovstva in slovensko jezikoslovje ter vrhu tega poročalo, o izkopaninah in starinah Južne Štajerske in pa o domačem in tujem slovstvu, ki bi se nanašalo na društveni delokrog. Naše podjetje je torej eminentno patriotično; zato se nadejemo, da ga prijazno pozdravijo slovenski rojaki in nemški sodeželjani.21

V začetku meseca maja 1904 so v časniku Slovenski gospodar vzneseno poročali o izidu novega "'/č/asopisa 'Zgodovinskega društva', ki se je postavil na vzvišeno, pa vendar vsakomur umljivo znanstveno stališče" in objavljal prispevke iz krajevne zgodovine. Tako posameznike kot čitalnice, bralna društva in knjižni- ce so povabili, naj se naročijo na časopis ali pristopijo v društvo.22 Že ob izidu prve številke so mnoge institucije pokazale interes za zamenjavo, zato so se v odboru odločili, da bodo časopis izmenjevali z vsemi štajerskimi slovenskimi listi, medtem ko s slovenskimi izven Štajerske le z znanstvenimi, z neslovenskimi pa samo s strogo zgodovinskimi. Prvi letnik ČZN so natisnili v nakladi 700 izvodov, prva dva zvezka razposlali na okoli 600 naslovov,23 že drugi letnik pa so tiskali v nakladi 1000 izvodov.24 Časopis so tiskali v Cirilovi tiskarni, prvi letnik pa je izšel v 4 snopičih v 2 zvezkih na 224 straneh. Iz letnega poročila društva je razvidno, da so bili stroški tiska prvega letnika za 1.–2. snopič 486,70 kron, za 3.–4. snopič pa 499,30 kron.25 Tudi v naslednjih letih cena tiska ni presegla 1.000 kron.26 ČZN se je deloma financiral iz prodaje in društvene članarine v višini 5 kron letno, člani pa so lahko plačali tudi dosmrtno članarino v višini 100 kron.27 Avtorjem prispevkov v časopisu so že od prvega letnika izplačevali avtorski

21 Odbor, "Predgovor", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1, (1904), 1– 2. 22 "Zakaj sem pristopil k zgodovinskemu društvu?, Slovenski gospodar, 5. maj 1904, 1. 23 "Društvena poročila", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 211. 24 "Društvena poročila, 2. Odborova seja dne 14. februarja 1905," Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 2 (1905), 181. 25 "Društvena poročila, 1. Odborova seja dne 3. januarja 1905," Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 2 (1905), 180. 26 Prim.; "Društvena poročila, 1. Odborova seja dne 25. januarja 1905," Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 5 (1908), 180. 27 "Društvena poročila", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904), 214.

128 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

Naslovnica Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje (dlib.si)

honorar. Za prve letnike nimamo podatka, ali so prispevke honorirali glede na rubrike. Leta 1905 so avtorjem 1. letnika časopisa izplačali 552 kron avtorskega honorarja, avtorjem 3. letnika 411 kron28 in avtorjem 4. letnika 283 kron.29

28 "Društvena poročila. 1. Odborova seja dne 1. februarja 1906, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 3 (1906), 110. 29 "Društvena poročila. 1. Odborova seja dne 23. januarja 1906, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 6 (1909), 111.

129 D. Friš: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za ...

Od prvega letnika so bile stalne rubrike: najpomembnejše so bile razprave, objavljali pa so še življenjepise, male izvestije, književna poročila (zgodo- vinopisna in narodopisna) in društvena poročila. V obravnavanem obdobju (1904–1915)30 so bili najpomembnejši pisci razprav: Franc Kovačič (11), Anton Kaspret (9), Avguštin Stegenšek (6), Karel Štrekelj (5), Fran Ilešič (4), Franc Kotnik in Joža Glonar (3), Avgust Žigon, Josip Gruden, France Kidrič, Franc Kos, Ljudevit Pivko, Rajko Nachtigall in Milko Kos (2), Matej Slekovec, Ivan Grafenauer, Štefan Kühar, Ivan Prijatelj, Davorin Beranič, Matija Murko, Alojzij Trstenjak, Metod Dolenc, Luka Pintar in Ivan Steklasa (1). Seveda so nekateri od avtorjev razprav objavljali prispevke tudi v drugih rubrikah.31 Že v prvem letu izhajanja društvenega časopisa so začeli na štajerski dežel- ni zbor pošiljati prošnje za denarno podporo. V prošnji so poskušali prepričati ministrstvo o kvaliteti revije, ki ima bogato in raznovrstno vsebino ter "prizna- no znanstveno vrednost in vsestranost". V prošnji so tudi posebej poudarili, da članarina komaj zadošča za izdajo časopisa in da društvu za druge dejavnosti ne ostane skoraj nič sredstev. V štajerskem deželnem zboru so društvu odobrili finančno pomoč v višini 200 kron že leta 1905, leto kasneje pa že 400 kron.32 Za finančno podporo so zaprošali tudi "Ministrstvo za uk in bogočastje", vendar brez uspaha.33 S prošnjami so vztrajali tudi v prihodnjih letih in leta 1908 končno naleteli na razumevanje – "Ministrstvo za uk in bogočastje" je društvu odobrilo enkratno subvencijo v višini 400 kron.34 Prošnje za finančno podporo pa so naslavljali tudi na razne finančne institucije, od katerih so leta 1907 prejeli skupaj 400 kron.35 ČZN je postal, ko so projekti arhiv, knjižnica in muzej samostojno zaživeli, najpomembnejša društvena dejavnost. Prvi urednik revije Anton Kaspret, ki je bil gimnazijski profesor v Gradcu, je s premišljeno izbiro piscev revijo postavil na visok strokovni nivo in jo hitro uveljavil, zlasti s tehtnimi prispevki jeziko-

30 Leta 1916 ČZN ni izšel. 31 Glej: Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1–12 (1904–1915). 32 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Predsednik dr. Pavel Turner, tajnik dr. Franc Kovačič, "Peticija Zgodovinskega društva za Slovensko Štajersko na visoki deželni zbor vojvodine Štajerske", 21. svečen (februar) 1907. 33 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Predsednik dr. Pavel Turner, tajnik dr. Franc Kovačič, "Pismo Visokemu c.k. ministrstvu za uk in bogočastje", 1. gruden (december) 1906. 34 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Pismo C. kr. namestniškega svetnika (podpis nečitljiv) Slovenskemu zgodovinskemu društvu v Mariboru, 25. avgust 1908; "Društvena poročila. 1. Odborova seja dne 23. janurja 1909", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 6 (1909), 111. 35 "Društvena poročila. 1. Odborova seja dne 25. januar 1908", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 5 (1908), 117.

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slovca Karla Štreklja,36 katerega članki so bili zanimivi tudi za širšo znanstveno javnost.37 Kaspret je pri urejanju revije, za razliko od Kovačiča, zagovarjal izključno znanost pred narodnoobrambnimi elementi in slovensko, ne pa pokrajinsko historično stališče. Bil je zagovornik ideje, da bi društvo delovalo na vsem slovenskem etničnem ozemlju in ne samo na Spodnjem Štajerskem.38 Ker je urednik Kaspret živel in deloval v Gradcu, revijo pa so tiskali v Mari- boru v Cirilovi tiskarni,39 je društveni tajnik Kovačič v ČZN prevzel naloge upravnika, neke vrste tehničnega urednika in korektorja, kar pa njegovi naravi in temperamentu ni ustrezalo. Kovačičeva naloga je bila tudi vez med uredni- štvom in tiskarno, kar je bilo pogosto zelo težavno, ker je bila tiskarna za tiska- nje znanstvenega besedila, zlasti jezikoslovnih prispevkov, slabo opremljena, zato Kovačič natančnemu Kaspretu pogosto ni mogel ustreči.40 Težave s tiskarno pa so delale uredništvu težave tudi v prihodnjih letih, kar je moč razbrati iz pisma urednika Kaspreta predsedniku Turnerju v začetku leta 1910:

Oprostite, da Vam naznanjam nove težave in zmede, ki nam dela tiskarna. Po poročilu, ki sem ga prejel iz Maribora, stavi tiskarna eno polo s temi črkami, drugo pa z drugimi, razdalja med vrstama je zdaj manjša, zdaj večja; nadalje tiska pole čujte! – brez 'imprimaturja' in brez potrebne korekture pisateljev.41

Društvo je dobivalo ponudbe različnih tiskarn,42 ki so želele prevzeti tiska- nje ČZN in ostalega tiska, časopis pa je, kljub pogostim pripombam na njihove storitve, ostajali zvest Cirilovi tiskarni v Mariboru. V mariborski tiskarni so si prizadevali izboljšati svoje storitve, kljub temu pa nekaterih (zlasti jezikoslovnih)

36 Karel Štrekelj, jezikoslovec in folklorist (Gorjansko, 24. februar 1859 – Gradec, 7. julij 1912). Osnovno šolo in gimnazijo je obiskoval v Gorici, nato pa na dunajski univerzi študiral slovansko in klasično filologijo ter bil leta 1884 promoviran. Leta 1886 se je habilitiral in v letih 1887–1896 predaval kot privatni docent. V letih 1890–1996 je bil urednik slovenskega dela Državnega zakonika. Od leta 1897 je na graški univerzi predaval kot izredni profesor za slovansko filologijo, s posebnim ozirom na slovenskem jeziku in književnosti. Od leta 1885 je objavljal jezikoslovne, folkloristične in literarnozgo- dovinske razprave v slovenskih in tujih znanstvenih časopisih ter največ jezikoslovnega dela posvetil leksiki in etimologiji. Njegovo literarnozgodovinsko delo je povezano z ljudsko pesmijo, pomembno pa je tudi njegovo delo pri zbiranju, proučevanju in izdajanju ljudskih pesmi. Bil je dopisni član ruske Akademije znanosti in Srbske kraljeve akademije znanosti in umetnosti v Beogradu (Slovenski biografski leksikon, III. knjiga, 11. zvezek (Ljubljana, 1971), 706–707; Enciklopedija Slovenije, 3. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1999), 148). 37 Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 12; Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju", 19 in 22. 38 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Poročilo o delovanju Muzejskega in Zgodovinskega dru- štva, Maribor 1928. 39 "Naslovnica", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1 (1904). 40 Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 14. 41 PAM, fond Pavla Turnerja, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 22. februar 1910. 42 Prim.: PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis Zvezne tiskarne Celje Zgodovinskemu dru- štvu v Mariboru, 5. avgust 1905.

131 D. Friš: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za ...

prispevkov niso bili usposobljeni tiskati. Tako se je leta 1915 uredništvu pritožil jezikoslovec dr. Rajko Nachtigall, češ da v tiskarni nimajo ustreznih staroslo- vanskih znakov in da njegove razprave ne bo mogoče postaviti.43 V tiskarni pa so očitno našli zadovoljivo tehnično rešitev, saj je Nachtigallova razprava "Fre- isingensia" izšla še isto leto.44 Veliko nesporazumov med Kaspretom in Kovačičem je izviralo iz prema- le natančnosti slednjega, ki je želel posamezne številke, ne glede na kvaliteto postavitve in tiskarske napake, čim hitreje izdati. Kaspret pa je kot urednik zagovarjal dovršenost tekstov,45 zato je med obema prihajalo do stalnih neso- glasij že od prve številke dalje. Napetosti med Kaspretom in Kovačičem je moral s svojo avtoriteto pogosto miriti predsednik dr. Turner. Urednik Kaspret se je potožil Turnerju že po izidu prve številke:

Ta zvezek ima mnogo tiskovnih pogreškov in drugih nedostatkov. Ker mi tiskarna ni poslala druge korekture. A to bi se dalo še prenašati, neodgovorno pa je, da so se celo v prvo stran naslovnega lista vrinile velike in nelepe napake. Pisal sem v pravem času g. Kovačiču besedilo za prvo stran naslovnega lista celega letnika. A to se je vse prezrlo. /…/ V Gradcu – in upam tudi drugod – so se te pomote koj zapazile. Uvidevam pa, da je imel g. Kovačič toliko dela, da je stvar prezrl; kajti hotel je dovršiti list za božičnico in res ga je dovršil, a razni nedostatki, ki so se pri tem vrinili, zmanjšujejo vzgled 'Časopisa'. /…/ Prosim tedaj, gospod doktor, da ukrenite, kar je potrebno.46

Da Kaspret nikakor ni bil zadovoljen s Kovačičevim delom pri ČZN, je razvidno tudi iz njegovega pisanja predsedniku Turnerju leta 1910:

Imenik društvenikov, priložen! Iz njega se razvidi, da je precej pomanjkljiv. Man- jka nekaj društvenikov, ki sem jih pridobil. Zakaj je izpuščen sv. Ploj, ki je vendar plačal dolg? Zakaj Herle Vl. dr., ki je tudi poslal društvenino? Jaz menim, da je treba natanko sestaviti imenik, da ne izgubimo udov; kajti vsak, ki plača 5 k. želi in zahteva, da se njegovo ime tiska. S tem kažejo udje, da se zanimajo za znanstvo in zgodovino našega naroda. Tudi na titule je gledati: 'pr.' kdo bo bral to za 'profesor'? ali 'Kp' za kapelan itd. To žali dotičnega uda! Pri 'Kolencu' ni zapisano 'dvorni svetnik', morda je to zakrivilo, da je odklonil društvo! Torej še enkrat prosim: gle-

43 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Pismo dr. Rajka Nachtigala Zgodovinskemu društvu, 14. april 1915. 44 Rajko Nachtigall, "Freisingensia", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 12 (19015), 1–12. 45 PAM, fond Pavla Turnerja, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 24. januar 1910; Vrbnjak, "Prispevek k zgodovinopisju", 19 in 22. 46 PAM, fond Pavla Turnerja, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 15. marec 1903.

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jte, da g. Kovačič in Pipuš in Vi skupaj natanko revidirate imenik, – da ne bomo imeli škode.47

Zelo povedno o odnosu med obema "gonilnima silama" časopisa je tudi Kaspretovo pismo Turnerju iz leta 1913:

Prof. Kovačič mi je poslal 'Vsebino' let. 1913., ki ima tako moteče napake, da bi se nam učenjaki in neučenjaki smejali. To bi pa že bilo odveč, da bi stale v 'Časopisu' za mojim imenom take pomote in napake. 'Vsebina' naj se stavi in tiska po mojem priloženem rokopisu, če ne, – pa se naj izbriše moje ime na naslovnem listu.48

Tudi Kovačič se je pritoževal nad urednikom Kaspretom in leta 1910 Tur- nerju zapisal: "Sedaj pa g. Kaspret še zopet zahteva neko korekturo v Gradec in tako list ne more ta teden iziti."49 16. februarja 1909 so na seji odbora razpravljali o predlogu Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko, da bi člani obeh društev objavljali svoje prispevke v istem glasilu. Ljubljanska ponudba pa je pomenila, da bi se v Zgodovinskem dru- štvu odrekli izdajanju svojega časopisa. V debato o predlogu so se na odboru vključili vsi odborniki in sprejeli resolucijo, v kateri so pozdravili in odobravali načelno sodelovanje obeh društev in se bili pripravljeni dogovarjati o tesnej- šem sodelovanju. Predlog o skupnem glasilu pa so kategorično zavrnili: "Toda, v dejanskih razmerah nikakor ne kaže, da bi 'Zg. dr.' opustilo svoje glasilo, ker bi si s tem zadalo smrtni udarec."50 Po mariborski zavrnitvi predloga Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko so v Ljubljani leta 1910 združili svoji glasili Carniola in Izve- stije Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko.51 Posledica pa je bila, da so v Muzejskem društvu užaljeni preklicali sklep obeh društev iz leta 1907, po katerem so člani obeh društev dobivali društvene publikacije po polovični ceni.52 V Zgodovinskem društvu so se v težkem finančnem položaju znašli že v začetku leta 1910, ko sodelavcem časopisa niso več mogli izplačevati obljublje- nih avtorskih honorarjev.53 Karel Štrekelj pa se svoje nagrade v višini 249 kron ni hotel kar odreči, zato je urednik Kaspret, ki se je bal, da bo izgubil enega naj-

47 PAM, fond Pavla Turnerja, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Wolfern bei Steyr, 20. julij 1910. 48 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 16. marec 1914. 49 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Franca Kovačiča Pavlu Turnerju, Maribor, 11. november 1910. 50 "Društvena poročila. 3. Odborova seja dne 26. maja 1909, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 6 (1909), 113. 51 Enciklopedija Slovenije, 1. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1987), 421; Enciklopedija Slovenije, 7. knjiga (Ljubljana, 1993), 256. 52 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis Muzejskega društva v Ljubljani Zgodovinskemu društvu, 1909. 53 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 16. marec 1914.

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zvestejših sodelavcev revije, posredoval pri Turnerju in ga prosil, naj obljublje- na sredstva Štreklju čim prej nakaže, če ne drugače, naj jih ljubeznivo založi iz svojih lastnih sredstev. Pri tem je posebej poudaril, "da ima dr. Pipuš velik nered v društveni blagajni".54 Zanimivo je, da društvene finančne zagate ni omilil niti dar 1.000 kron ano- nimnega darovalca v začetku leta.55 Celo nasprotno: finančna kriza se je v dru- štvu leta 1910 še poglobila, saj so z organizacijo slovesnosti ob 100. obletnici rojstva Stanka Vraza56 precenili svoje finančne zmožnosti. Ob tej priložnosti so v društvu na Kovačičevo pobudo sklenili izdati posebno, Vrazu posvečeno šte- vilko ČZN.57 Izšla je v 3. in 4. snopiču na 250 straneh, medtem ko je bil običajni obseg dveh snopičev približno 130–150 strani (torej okoli 100 strani manj). Kovačič je trdil, da je tako velik obseg v nasprotju s sklepom uredništva, ki je predvidel, da bo številka, posvečena Vrazu, obsegala 120 strani, in da je pove- čani obseg posledica Kaspretove samovolje, saj je v zvezek poleg prispevkov uvrstil še Vrazovo bibliografijo, ki jo je izdelal dr. France Kidrič:

Prof. Kaspret pa hoče sedaj v poročilo vriniti, da je odbor sklenil tolik obseg, kakor ga bo sedaj res imel 'Časopis'. To pa ni res, to bi bila falzifikacija zapisnika. Jaz sem tedaj tega mnenja, da se ta sprememba urednikova ne pusti v 'Časopis', ampak da ne bo na zunaj protislovja med sklepom odborovim in faktičnim obse- gom 'Časopisa', se naj v poročilu sploh ne tiska, koliko naj bi obsegal list. Kaka je stvar, stoji itak v zapisniku in naj ostane to interna stvar odborova. G. urednik bi najbrž rad na ta način legitimiral samolastno pomnožitev 'Časopisa'. Če pride pri seji zaradi tega do kake debate, upam da bodo odborniki naj moji strani.58

Kovačič je tudi sam poskušal prepričati Kaspreta, da Vrazove bibliografije ne uvrsti v zvezek, kar pa je ta odločno odklonil, saj je bil prepričan, da bo Vra- zova bibliografija za znanstvenike najbolj zanimiva, hkrati pa za revijo koristna tudi v finančnem oziru. Prav tako ni soglašal, da bi bibliografija izšla v posebnem zvezku, saj ga ne bi nihče kupil. Vztrajal je pri odločitvi, da sodi izključno v "Vrazov zvezek, eno brez drugega mu ne more služiti". Kaspret je opozoril še na zamero avtorja Vrazove bibliografije Franceta Kidriča, če je ne bi objavili, "zato

54 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 16. marec 1914. 55 "Društvena poročila. 2. Odborova seja dne 8. januarja 1910, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 7 (1909), 138. 56 Glej: "Ljudstvo slavi Stanka Vraza", Slovenski gospodar, 25. avgust 1910, 1–2; "Razne novice. Na Stanko Vrazovi proslavi v Cerovci", Slovenski gospodar, 25. avgust 1910, 2. 57 "Spominu Stanka Vraza posvečuje Zgodovinsko društvo", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 7, sno- pič 3–4 (1910), 396 58 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Franca Kovačiča Pavlu Turnerju, Maribor, 11. november 1910.

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pride vsa Vrazova literatura v Vrazov zvezek, če tudi izide pozneje".59 V "Vrazovem zvezku" je tako izšla tudi Vrazova bibliografije, ki je obsegala 62 od skupno 250 strani. V konceptualnem sporu je zmagal urednik Kaspret, ki se je za podporo zahvalil predsedniku Turnerju. Ker je bila društvena blagajna prazna, je urednik (kot že nekajkrat poprej) zaprosil predsednika društva, naj Kidriču iz svojega žepa poravna 100 kron obljubljenega avtorskega honorarja.60 Ker honorarja niso poravnali, je Kaspret čez dva tedna na društvo ponovno naslovil vprašanje, kako je s plačilom.61 Kako se je zgodba s plačilom dolga kon- čala, ni bilo mogoče ugotoviti, literarni zgodovinar pa je še naprej ostal sodelavec časopisa.62 Z Vrazovimi proslavami so organizatorji (Zgodovinsko društvo, Drama- tično društvo, Slovanska čitalnica v Mariboru, Slovanska čitalnica na Cerovcu, Slovenska matica in drugi) doživeli velik uspeh. Vrazov zbornik pa je bil zaradi povečanega obsega dražji od pričakovanega. Konec leta 1910 tako v društvu niso zmogli plačati računa Cirilovi tiskarni in Kovačič je predlagal, da naslovijo prošnjo za finančno pomoč ministrstvu in deželnemu zboru.63 Iz ohranjenega arhivskega gradiva je mogoče razbrati, da je štajerski deželni zbor denarno podporo društvu zavrnil,64 finančni položaj društva pa se je še poslabšal z izdajo Kovačičeve monografije Trg Središče istega leta. Središka občina je sicer sofinan- cirala izdajo monografije z enkratnim zneskom 1.000 kron, kljub vsemu pa je imelo društvo z izdajo še dodatnih 1.500 kron primanjkljaja;65 skupno je bilo torej kar 2.044,40 kron primanjkljaja, kar je bil znesek dveh letnih članarin. Po izdaji Vrazovega zbornika je iz odbora izstopil Karel Štrekelj in preki- nil sodelovanje s časopisom. Njegov odstop je bil posledica konceptualnih razlik, saj so se v društvu začela pojavljati nasprotovanja njegovim jezikovnim objavam. Nekateri društveniki, v njihovem imenu je na seji odbora 8. novembra 1910 spregovoril Karel Verstovšek, so namreč ugotavljali, "da ima 'Časopis' premalo zgodovinskih in preveč jezikovnih razprav in priporoča/li/, naj se po

59 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 3. avgust 1910. 60 PAM, fond Pavel Turner, Pismo Antona Kaspreta Pavlu Turnerju, Gradec, 12. avgust 1910. 61 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopisnica Antona Kaspreta Zgodovinskemu društvu, Gradec, 28. avgust 1910. 62 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis dr. Franceta Kidriča Zgodovinskemu društvu, 1. junij 1912. 63 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Pismo Franca Kovačiča Zgodovinskemu društvu, 30. december 1910. 64 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis štajerskega deželnega zbora Zgodovinskemu dru- štvu, Gradec, 3. februar 1911. 65 "Društvena poročila. 5. Odborova seja dne 8. novembra 1910, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 8 snopič 1–4, (1911), 106.

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možnosti ozira odbor na to željo."66 Verjetno pa je Štrekelj iz Zgodovinskega društva izstopil tudi zaradi neizplačanih avtorskih honorarjev, zaradi česar so iz društva izstopili tudi nekateri drugi stalni sodelavci, ki jih je za sodelovanje pridobil Anton Kaspret. V tem težkem položaju pa se je zelo izkazal Kovačič, ki mu je uspelo pritegniti nove navdušene sodelavce, tako da je "društvo via facti vedno bolj dobivalo dve središči: enega je predstavljal urednik Kaspret v Grad- cu, drugega tajnik Kovačič v Mariboru".67 Slabo finančno stanje so poskušali omiliti tudi z izterjavo neplačanih čla- narin (73 članov je društvu dolgovalo 835 kron),68 društvenike pa so naprošali, naj še naprej podpirajo društveni časopis, in jih pri tem opozarjali na njihovo "rodoljubno dolžnost".69 Odziv članstva je bil različen; nekateri so svoj dolg poravnali, spet drugi so, ker se niso strinjali z načinom izterjave ali pa preprosto niso želeli poravnati dolga, iz društva izstopili.70 Kljub krčenju števila starih čla- nov pa so v društvo pristopali novi člani in novi naročniki časopisa. Tako med novimi bralci leta 1912 najdemo Rudolfa Maistra, ki je naročil in plačal osem letnikov časopisa, ki pa mu ga sploh niso dostavili, za kar je društvu pisno urgi- ral iz Przemysla v Galiciji.71 Finančni primanjkljaj iz leta 1910 je pestil društvo tudi v prihodnjih letih: konec leta 1911 so imeli v društvu 2.627,17 kron dolga – največ so dolgovali Cirilovi tiskarni (1.786,17 kron) in sodelavcem za neizplačane avtorske hono- rarje za leti 1910 in 1911. Zaradi finančnih težav ob 10. obletnici izhajanja časo- pisa tudi niso izdelali kazala.72 Na 10. rednem občnem zboru 29. decembra 1912 sta zapisnikar Ljudevit Pivko in tajnik Franc Kovačič poročala o delovanju društva v zadnjem trile- tnem obdobju, v poročilu pa sta še posebej poudarila: "Zgodovinsko društvo nastopi sedaj 10. leto. Deset let njegovega obstoja je deset let trpljenja in borbe." Blagajnik Radoslav Pipuš je vsebinskemu pregledu dodal pregled finančnega stanja, "ki je /bilo/ kaj neugodno."73 V društvu so se soočali tudi z osipom član-

66 "Društvena poročila. 5. Odborova seja dne 8. novembra 1910, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 8 snopič 1–4, (1911), 106. 67 Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 20 in 21. 68 "Društvena poročila. 4. Odborova seja dne 8. maja 1910, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 6, snopič 3–4 (1910), 385. 69 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis Zgodovinskega društva, naslovnik ni znan. 70 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis dr. Bogumila Kreka Zgodovinskemu društvu, 3. januar 1911. 71 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopisnica Rudolfa Maistra Zgodovinskemu društvu, Przemysl, 3. april 1912. 72 "Društvena poročila. 5. Odborova seja dne 7. februarja 1912, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 9, snopič 1–4 (1912), 157. 73 "Društvena poročila. X. redni občni zbor v Mariboru, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 10, snopič 1–2 (1913), 55.

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stva, zato so se odborniki odločili, da v desetem letniku na koncu obeh zvez- kov objavijo "Poziv" za stare in nove člane. V njem so zapisali, da je društvo eno najpomembnejših kulturnih ustanov na slovenskem Štajerskem in nujno potrebno, da se Slovenci na Štajerskem ohranijo kot kulturni narod: "Pomanj- kanje gmotnih sredstev in sodelavcev je najhujša ovira, ki zadržuje 'Zgodovin- sko društvo' v njegovem delovanju." Na svoje člane so apelirali, naj ostanejo še naprej v društvu in naj vsak pridobi še vsaj enega člana ter edino znanstveno društvo na slovenskem Štajerskem vključi v svojo oporoko. Poziv so zaključili takole: "Naš narod izmeče leto za letom milijone tujcem za alkohol, ki ga dušev- no zastruplja, telesno in gospodarsko uničuje, ali za plemenite kulturne cilje, ki jih zasleduje 'Zg. Društvo', ni smisla in požrtvovalnosti?"74 V "Poziv", objavljen v drugem zvezku, so na koncu dodali še opravičilo, ker zvezek ni izšel pravoča- sno, kot vzrok pa so navedli "znane tiskarske razmere v Avstriji".75 Leta 1913 so ponovno uspeli pridobiti subvencijo štajerskega deželnega zbora, ki jim je izplačal podporo celo za leti 1911 in 1912 v višini 800 kron. Uspelo jim je pridobiti tudi 1.397,75 kron neplačanih članarin za prejšnja leta. Izostala pa je podpora Ministrstva za uk in bogočastje, zato so opozorili slovenske poslance, naj posredujejo v njihovo korist. Upad članstva pa se je kljub temu zelo poznal v tekoči članarini, ki se je zmanjšala skoraj za polovico – na 592.10 kron. Prošnje za finančno pomoč so pošiljali različnim finančnim ustanovam in bili v tem času kar uspešni, saj so pridobili 200 kron. Dolg so tako počasi zmanj- ševali: leta 1913 so dolgovali samo še neizplačani avtorski honorar sodelavcem časopisa, Cirilovi tiskarni za tisk zadnjega letnika in 800 kron za tisk časopisa v prejšnjih letih.76 Naslednja seja odbora je bila 19. decembra 1914. Zaradi vojnih razmer v društvu na finančno podporo državnih institucij niso mogli računati, ostali so jim samo prispevki članov. Kot enega glavnih ciljev so si v društvu zadali redno izhajanje časopisa. Da bi dosegli širšo popularizacijo zgodovinopisja, so razmi- šljali, da bi začeli izdajati še posebno dvomesečno glasilo – prilogo kakšnega političnega časnika. Sklep o ideji pa so prestavili po opravljenih razgovorih z uredniki časnikov, ki za idejo niso pokazali prevelikega zanimanja. Leta 1914 je ČZN izšel v enem snopiču, s prilogo "Národno blágo vogŕskij Slovâncof" na 37 straneh.77 Po še nekaj opravljenih pogovorih z uredništvi različnih slovenskih časnikov so ugotovili, da za izdajanje posebnega dvomesečnega glasila ni

74 "Poziv", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 10, snopič 1–2 (1913), zadnja platnica. 75 "Poziv", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 10, snopič 3–4 (1913), zadnja platnica. 76 "Peta odborova seja dne 24. januarja 1914", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 11, snopič 3–4 (1913), 166–167. 77 "Društvena poročila. Osma odborova seja dne 19. decembra 1914, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 11 (1914), 176–177.

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nobene možnosti. Dobili pa so zagotovilo Karla Verstovška, da jim je konzorcij časnika Straža pripravljen vsak mesec odstopiti nekaj prostora za zgodovinske in domoznanske članke. Društveni dolg so uspeli zmanjšati na 241,44 kron, kljub temu pa so zaradi vojnih razmer sklenili skrčiti izdajo društvene publikacije. V letu 1915 so predvideli stroške le za najemnino muzeja in knjižnice v višini 264 kron in 1.500 kron za izdajo časopisa.78 Na seji odbora maja 1915 so spregovorili tudi o problemu cenzure in sklenili, da morajo v društvu zaradi izjemnih (vojnih) razmer omejiti svoje delovanje in počakati na "boljše čase", v katere so neomajno verjeli:

Težavne razmere sedanjega burnega časa, ki tlačijo vse naše javno in zasebno življenje, so kajpada posegle tudi v delokrog našega društva. S težavo smo spravili na dan to številko 'Časopisa'; kdaj bo mogoče izdati naslednjo, ne moremo reči. Mnogi sotrudniki tiče v vojaški suknji, že itak pičla gmotna sredstva so se še bolj skrčila in tiskarni je vojska pobrala tehnično osebje. V teh, za našo bodočnost skrajno kritičnih časih, iskreno prosimo velecenjene ude, da potrpijo in ostanejo društvu zvesti. Bodočnost bo pokazala, kako važna je za narod njegova zgodovina. Sedaj topovi pišejo zgodovino, ko oni umolknejo, bo zopet govorilo orožje uma i peresa.79

Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje – ta ugledna publikacija Zgodovin- skega društva v Mariboru, kot so ime društva zapisovali na naslovnici že od leta 1904 dalje – leta 1916 ni izšla. Časopis je ponovno izšel leta 1917, vendar pod novim urednikom dr. Francem Kovačičem. Konec leta 1916 je namreč Anton Kaspret po 13 letih urednikovanja in po 12 izdanih letnikih odstopil kot urednik ČZN. Urednik Kaspret in tajnik Kovačič sta bili najpomembnejši osebnosti tako pri zasnovi in urejanju časopisa kot tudi pri pisanju prispevkov. Oba sta bila na revijo izjemno navezana na in sta se zavedala, da za uspešno izhajanje revije potrebujeta kvalitete drug drugega. Kaspret je bil bolj natančen in "znanstveno" usmerjen, Kovačič pa na drugi strani bolj prodoren in narodnoprebudno nara- vnan, tiskarskim in oblikovnim podrobnostim je posvečal manj pozornosti. Zato jima je ob izdatni (tudi denarni) pomoči in nenehnemu dobronamerne- mu posredovanju predsednika Zgodovinskega društva dr. Pavla Turnerja, kljub različnemu konceptu ter večjim in manjšim nesporazumom, uspelo sodelovati pri izdaji revije vse do konca leta 1916. Njuno sodelovanje je bilo dokončno

78 "Društvena poročila. Deveta odborova seja dne 7. februarja 1915, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 12, snopič 1 (1915), 73–75. 79 Odbor 'Zgod. dr.', "Zgodovinsko društvo svojim p.n. članom, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 12 (1915), 76.

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prekinjeno zaradi nestrinjanja Kaspreta z objavo Kovačičeve razprave "Sv. Areh na Pohorju", za katero je ocenil, da ni dovolj znanstvena, saj ni nastala na arhivskem gradivu.80 V sporu je odbor društva stopil na stran Kovačiča in Kaspret je odstopil, za to pa naj bi se odločil že leta 1914. Tako sta se dokončno razšla vodilna moža v društvu: organizator in propagandist – tajnik Kovačič in znanstvenik – urednik Kaspret. Odborniki so 18. februarja 1917 za novega urednika Časopisa za zgodovino in narodopisje izvolili Franca Kovačiča,81 dva dni kasneje pa je Kovačiču uredni- ško delo pri ČZN uradno dovolil tudi Knezoškofijski lavantinski konsistorij.82 Kaspret pa je iz zgodovinskega društva izstopil in s svojimi nekdanjimi sodelavci pri ČZN, tj. z dr. Francetom Kidričem, univerzitetnim profesorjem dr. Rajkom Nachtigallom in univerzitetnim docentom dr. Franom Ramovšem,83 leta 1918 pričel z izdajanjem prve slovenske slavistično-zgodovinske znanstvene revije Časopis za slovenski jezik, književnost in zgodovino (1918–1931). Leta 1920 je Anton Kaspret umrl, Metod Dolenc pa mu je v Ljubljanskem zvonu posvetil nekrolog in v njem opisal njegove "križe in težave" z urednikovanjem Časo- pisa za zgodovino in narodopisje, češ da so mu v uredniškem odboru metali polena pod noge, "deloma kot nerazumevanja stroge znanstvene smeri glasila s širokim obzorjem, deloma kot vpliv strankarsko-političnega antagonizma." Dolenc je sicer poudaril, da je bil Kaspret "v tem pogledu sila občutljiv", da pa ga je tudi upravičeno motilo, da bi "nekateri v Mariboru samo kapelice opiso- vali, ker nimajo smisla za kulturnozgodovinske probleme".84 Franc Kovačič je, verjetno spodbujen s trditvami v Kaspretovem nekrologu, tudi sam v ČZN objavil nekrolog ob smrti Antona Kaspreta in v njem temeljito opisal svoje videnje vseh konfliktnih dogodkov pri urejanju ČZN.85 Zgodba je torej dobila epilog, iz precejšnje zgodovinske instance pa lahko ugotavljamo, da je bilo sodelovanje med Kaspretom in Kovačičem kljub vsem težavam zelo uspešno, saj je revija v prvih letih Kovačičevega samostojnega urednikovanja precej izgubila na kvaliteti. Kot smo že zapisali, so jo pestile finančne težave in upad števila sodelavcev, urednik Kovačič pa je bil zaradi šte- vilnih interesov in službenih obveznosti preprosto preobremenjen. Poleg tega se je poznalo, da je imel manj posluha za jezik in da je delal manj korektur kot

80 Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 22. 81 PAM, fond Zgodovinsko društvo v Mariboru, Dopis Zgodovinskega društva Državnemu pravdništvu v Mariboru, 30. junij 1917; Baš, "Prelat dr. Fran Kovačič", 23. 82 PAM, fond Franc Kovačič, Pismo Knezoškofijskega lavantinskega konsistorija Francu Kovačiču, Maribor, 20. februarja 1917. 83 Na naslovnici revije so izdajatelji zapisali: "Izdajajo prijatelji slovenske znanosti." ("Naslovnica", Časopis za slovenski jezik, književnost in zgodovino 1, snopič 2 (1921), 128–136). 84 Metod Dolenc, "Kronika. Prof. Anton Kaspret †", Ljubljanski zvon (1920), 703. 85 Franc Kovačič, "† Anton Kaspret", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 16, snopič 1–4 (1912), 157.

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njegov predhodnik. Šele ko je Kovačiču uspelo k sodelovanju pri uredniškem delu pritegniti mlajše sodelavce, ki so se odlikovali s Kaspretovim občutkom za natančnost, se je nivo revije ponovno dvignil. Kljub temu pa je danes vizionarski duh Franca Kovačiča še vedno živ, medtem ko je ime Antona Kaspreta potonilo v pozabo – zgodovina je nepristran- sko ocenila: ideje velikopoteznih mislecev živijo dlje kot trud drobnjakarskih, ozko v znanost usmerjenih učenjakov.

Darko Friš

ANTON KASPRET AND FRANC KOVAČIČ – THE EDITORAL BOARD OF THE MAGAZINE ČASOPIS ZA ZGODOVINO IN NARODOPISJE (1904–1917)

SUMMARY

In 1903 in Maribor the Historical society for Slovene Styria (Zgodovinsko društvo za Slovensko Štajersko) was founded and in the next year the society started the scientific journalČasopis za zgodovino in narodopisje (ČZN). From 1904 to 1917 its editor was Anton Kaspret and the secretary of the society Franc Kovačič played an important role. The journal became (as soon as the projects of founding an archive, library and a museum started) the most important activity of the Society. The first editor of the journal, Anton Kaspret, who was a high-school professor in Graz, selected only highly professional writers and quickly established the journal's high professional level. Particularly the important contributions of the linguist Karel Štrekelj that were also interesting for broader scientific public helped to establish the journal's reputation. Unlike

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Kovačič, Kaspret defended exclusively scientific elements of published papers and not nationally-defensive elements and he also advocated the Slovenian and not historically-provincial point of view. He was a proponent of the idea that the Society should work in all Slovenian ethnic territory and not only in the Lower Styria. As the editor Kasper lived and worked in Graz, and the journal was being published in Maribor, the secretary of the Society Franc Kovačič took over the role of the manager, technical editor and corrector, which did not suit his nature and character. Kovačič's job was also to maintain a connection between the editorial board and the printing works which was often very proble- matic because the printing works was not suitably equipped to publish scientific and especially linguistic works. A lot of misunderstandings between Kaspret and Kovačič originated in the lack of precision of the latter; he just wanted the issues to be published as soon as possible, no matter what the quality of the printing layout was or if it had misprints. Kaspret, on the other hand, wanted the texts to be perfect and this led to constant disputes between them. The tensions between them were so intense that the chairman of the Society Turner had to calm them down. The journal published papers of eminent Slovenian researchers in the fields of history, ethnology of Styria, Carinthia and Prekmurje region, of linguistics and archaeology. In the period under review the magazine was published four times a year and since 1910 the editorial board had troubles providing the finances for publishing. In 1916 the magazine was not published due to the war and its financial problems and at the end of that year the editor Kaspret resigned because of his constant disputes with Kovačič. The Historical society had financial problems since 1910 and they worsened when the Society took over the organization of ceremonies at the 100- year anniversary of Stanko Vraz’s birth and with the publishing of Kovačič’s book Trg Središče in the same year. After the collection of scientific papers called Vrazov zbornik was issued, Karelj Štrekelj withdrew his membership and so did some other members. Their withdrawal was due to the conceptual differences: some of them believed that the journal published too many linguistic and too little historical discussions. The Society had problems with the financial deficit from the 1910’s and it faced reduction of numbers of membership in the coming years. During the World War I the conditions even worsened and the Society’s main objective was to assure regular publishing of the journal. The journal was not published in 1916. It was published again in 1917; the new editor was franc Kovačič. At the end of year 1916 Anton Kaspret resigned after being working as the editor for 13 years and editing 12 issues of the journal. The editor Kaspret and the secretary Kovačič were two most important persons who influenced the founding and editing of the journal. They were both sentimentally bound to the journal and they realized that the qualities of them both were needed for a successful publishing of the journal. Kaspret was more

141 D. Friš: Anton Kaspret in Franc Kovačič – uredništvo Časopisa za ...

precise and "scientifically" orientated, Kovačič on the other hand was more propulsive, nationaly-defensive and did not pay so much attention to printing and design. That is why they managed (with extensive (also financial) help of the chairman of the Historical society Pavel Turner, Ph.D.) to cooperate until 1916 despite their conceptual differences and their constant disputes. But in 1916 the two leading men of the Society, the promoter and secretary Kovačič and the scientist – editor Kaspret, parted.

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UDK 94(497.4Maribor) "1914/1918":358.4 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

Anti-Aircraft Defence in Maribor during World War One

Matjaž Ravbar

M.Sc., Curator Military Museum of Slovenian Armed Forces Engelsova ulica 15, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The author discusses the development of anti-aircraft defence in the Austro- Hungarian Empire. The development of aviation warfare also required effective defence, which was originally organised at the front, but later also in the hinterland. Anti-aircraft defence included anti-aircraft artillery, a system of observation posts and a related communication of threats as well as alarm instructions, camouflaging and actions of civilians in the hinterland during air raids. During WWI, Maribor ranked among the most important cities in the hinterland. Therefore, the military authorities considered it extremely important to establish anti-aircraft defence in the city. The article deals with the unknown history of Maribor, its near and far surrounding area, which was important for the anti-aircraft of the Monarchy in the Isonzo part of the southwestern front. The most interesting event in connection with the defence of Maribor was certainly the Italian Caproni aircraft, which upset the local population in 1917. Anti-aircraft defence was abolished in October 1918, as a result of the dissolution of the monarchy.

Key words: WWI, anti-aircraft defence, Isonzo Front, hinterland, Maribor, Italian Caproni aircraft above Maribor

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 143–162, 55 notes, 7 pictures Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene)

143 M. Ravbar: Anti-Aircraft Defence in Maribor during World War One

War in the Air

During WWI, anti-aircraft defence, which resulted from the employment of military aviation, was a novelty, which the belligerent parties were encountered with. Hence, anti-aircraft warfare was established in all major cities, such as London, Paris, Vienna, Ljubljana and Maribor. During WWI, military aviation was brought into functional use. Initially, the purpose of aviation was to perform observer tasks, based on which the pilot and the observer provided their superiors with information. Hence, aerial observation effectively took over assignments, which had previously been performed by mounted cavalry units. This resulted in the development of fighter and bomber aircraft. All three types of military aircraft developed increasingly and, also improved through sophisticated technical solutions. Fighter aircraft became lighter, with more powerful engines, and more precise and lighter guns which had a higher cadence and could easier hit the adversary's aircraft and defend the air space. Bomber aircraft were becoming bigger, more powerful and efficient, and therefore had a large range and the possibility to transfer its lethal cargo on the adversary.1 With regard to its goals, the bomber aviation was based on tactical and strategic concepts.2 All parties involved used strategic bombing particularly for intimidating the civilian population. Certainly, it depended on the technical capabilities of the airplanes and the performance of the airmen in particular units. In proportion to an increasing use of aircraft, the anti-aircraft defence was becoming more complex and comprised the organisation of anti- -aircraft guns, a system of aerial observation at the front and in the hinterland, aerial observation posts in cities, stationing of fighter units in the vicinity of strategic locations and also the notification of the civilian population. During WWI, the hinterland of the Isonzo Front was exposed to threats as well. Hence, the Italian aviation was constantly bombing Triest, Pola, Goerz, Fiume, and briefly Ljubljana, Idrija and Koroška Bela. In the last year of the war, they also flew above Zagreb, Maribor and Vienna.

1 The Italian Supreme Command was aware of how significant its Caproni aircraft were. Units equipped with such aircraft were placed directly under its command. During the war, more than 10 variants of the three piston engine powered bomber were developed. More technical information on Caproni aircraft can be found in Paolo Miana, I Bombardieri Caproni nella Grande Guerra (Varese, 2007), 63 and 78. 2 Methods of dropping bombs, bomb size, precision of hits and losses during such actions put the effectiveness of such strategic bombing under question mark. The effectiveness of such bombing was in reality very difficult to assess. On one hand, the psychological effect of strategic bombing was greater than the material damage. On the other hand, tactical bombing was more significant and more successful and its effects were easier to assess. Matjaž Ravbar, Avstro-ogrsko letalstvo na soški fronti 1915– 1917: Cesarska in kraljeva letališka infrastruktura v zaledju soške fronte (Univerza v Ljubljani, 2011), 41–43 (hereinafter: Ravbar, Avstro-ogrsko letalstvo na soški fronti 1915–1917).

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Maribor during the War

Maribor's military significance grew upon Italy's entry into war. As early as on 23 May, Emperor Franz Josef and General Conrad set up the southwestern front command, which was headed by Generaloberst Archduke Eugen, who had up to then been in command of the Balkan front. General Archduke Eugen transferred his staff and General Alfred Krauss from Petrovaradin to Maribor on 27 May. The southwestern front stretched from the Stelvio Pass to the mouth of the river Aussa at the Adriatic Sea. The front was 600 km long and was roughly divided into the Tyrolean, Carnic and Isonzo part. The southwestern front comprised also the 5th Army under the command of General Svetozar Boro- jević.3 In addition to the command of the entire southwestern front, Maribor was crowded with soldiers, as the cadet school, and the Landwehr (home guard), the cavalry and artillery barracks, a food depot and a military hospital were located in the city. These facilities accommodated the 47th Infantry Regiment, the 26th Landwehr Regiment, the 5th Dragoon Regiment and the 3rd Field Howitzer Regiment.4 In addition to the above-mentioned military units, the Fliegerettappenpark No. 1, Flep No. 1 (rear area aviation park) was assigned to Tezno in June 1915. Flep 1 was supplying the frontline units with spare parts, fuel, ammunition and carried out the repair of aircraft, engines and other equipment.5 In short, between 1915 and 1917, Maribor became an extremely important and strategic city in military terms and, thus, also a potential target for Italian aircraft.

Development of Anti-Aircraft Defence

In response to the threats from the air, the Austro-Hungarian aviation began to develop the anti-aircraft defence system, which was mainly a matter of improvisation. In 1914, the units were at first exposed to threats at the front. Military workshops began to produce wooden artillery lafettes for 8 cm M 14 field guns. These lafettes served to mount guns to the earth, with the barrels pointing to the sky. The effect of the anti-aircraft gun batteries was not great, since there were a lot of organisational and technical problems. In terms of

3 Österreich–Ungarns Letzter Krieg, ed. Edmund Gleise–Horstenau, 7 volumes (Wien, 1931–1938), Volume 2, Enclosure 2; Manfried Rauchensteiner, Der Tod des Doppeladlers: Österreich-Ungarn und der Erste Weltkrieg (Graz, 1997), 244, 246; Ravbar, Avstro-ogrsko letalstvo na soški fronti 1915–1917, 73. 4 Tomaž Kladnik, "Vojaštvo in Maribor v času 1. svetovne vojne in tik po njej", Studia Historica Slovenica, No. 2–3 (2009): 318. 5 More in Ravbar, Avstro-ogrsko letalstvo na soški fronti 1915–1917, 115–116 and 202–209.

145 M. Ravbar: Anti-Aircraft Defence in Maribor during World War One

MG Schwarzlose 7/12 adapted for anti-aircraft defence (Erwin Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen : Die Fliegerangriffe auf Wien and Tirol im 1. Weltkrieg (Wien, 1995), depiction 7)

organisation, anti-aircraft guns were assigned to the 5th or 6th unit of the artillery regiment. Technical problems occurred mainly as a consequence of the fact that guns were not intended for firing on aircraft, besides the projectile was low in speed and had a limited range. In 1915, the guns were perfected by placing them on concrete mounts and labelled as M 14/R. Later, also rotating lafettes were manufactured. Simultaneously, the lafette of the M 8 mountain gun and the 8 cm barrel of the M 5 field gun were joined and referred to as the 8 cm M 5 anti-aircraft gun. With this model, the Austro-Hungarian Army got its first actually useful anti-aircraft gun. Until spring 1916, already 33 anti-aircraft units with a total of 180 guns had been set up.6 In 1917, vehicles with an 8 cm anti- -aircraft gun, the Ehrhardt system, had been purchased from Germany. Due to

6 Erwin Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen : Die Fliegerangriffe auf Wien and Tirol im 1. Weltkrieg (Wien, 1995), 24–27 (hereinafter: Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen).

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8 cm anti-aircraft Ehrhardt system gun located in hinterland of Isonzo front (Pokrajinski arhiv Nova Gorica, fototeka 203-1, 38)

its mobility and rapid cadence, the weapons were considered one of the best during WW I.7 By the end of 1918, the arsenal included more than 800 guns which were used to protect significant industry centres and military depots in the hinterland.8 Yet, stationing anti-aircraft guns at the front was not enough to prevent air raids. At first, in 1915, the Austro-Hungarian authorities issued anti-aircraft defence instructions for the frontline units. As the document did not provide information on the location and year and was only furnished with an Austro- -Hungarian seal, it is probable that the text was copied from a German example.9 The instructions were the first ones in the series which began to regulate the entire anti-aircraft defence: • Defence of the air space through fighter planes and anti-aircraft guns.

7 Ernst Peter, Die k.u.k. Luftschiffer- und Fliegertruppe Österreich-Ungarns 1794–1919 (Stuttgart, 1981), 191 (hereinafter: Peter, Die k.u.k. Luftschiffer- und Fliegertruppe). 8 Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 24–27 and 95. 9 Reinhard Karl Boromäus Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe: Die Entstehung, der Aufbau und die Organisation der österreichisch–ungarischen Heeresluftwaffe 1912–1918 (Universität Wien, 1999), 168 (hereinafter: Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe).

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• Passive defence, which signifies the mounting of "anti-bomb" roofings, the scattering of facilities across the area, masking and camouflaging with paint and plants. • Extensive information on enemy air actions.10

These measures did not only apply for the frontline, but also for rear units, since there were no instructions available for them. Anti-aircraft defence was hence and if necessary spread to the hinterland. It should be mentioned that the operation of fighter aircraft was always in the complete domain of the Austrian-Hungarian Luftfahrttruppen (aviation troops). This was in contrast with other components of anti-aircraft defence, where also the participation of the rear civilian institutions was necessary. Hauptmann Alexander Löhr was responsible for the development of concrete anti-aircraft measures in the Austrian-Hungarian air force. In March 1916, first measures were introduced, which included alerting, aerial reporting, notification of the civilian population, etc.11 In July 1916, the Supreme Command and the Ministry of War ordered the setting-up of a system of an observation line, in order to timely notice approaching aircraft and to provide information on their positions. The order included also the establishment of fighter units and their deployment to adequate rear locations, and the setting-up of anti-aircraft platoons in the vicinity of military and industrial facilities and depots. The manning and equipping of these units was under the responsibility of the Luftfahrtruppen, the Fliegerer- satzkompagnien (air replacement companies) and the Fliegerarsenal (aviation arsenal). Due to a lack of experience, the Austro-Hungarian authorities had to follow the example of the German anti-aircraft principle. The German authorities had already been faced with such a problem and had already made some steps to prevent the damage to increase.12 In July, the observation system of the double line was established and it stretched from the Istrian peaks to the Alps. The system was built throughout the year 1916. Initially, the observation system was established on the line Spittal – Šentjakob v Rožu – Žihpolje – Borovlje – Radlje ob Dravi and Kranj – Poljane – Vrhnika – Pivka – Ilirska Bistrica. The line did not operate due to a lack of staff and a disadvantageous terrain in Poljane.13 By the end of the year, the Austrian-Hungarian air force perfected this system and established aerial observation posts (Flugwache), which were transmitting

10 Later, they also developed instructions for events of air raids in the hinterland. Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 33–34. 11 Ibid., 37. 12 Ibid., 35–36; Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe, 168. 13 Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 42.

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data to aerial observation stations (Flugnachrichtenzentrale). The first line of the aerial observation posts was running through the medium high mountain range in the hinterland of the Isonzo Front. The aerial observation station was located in Škofja Loka. The second line was running from Neumarkt to the village of Črešnjevec (near Vojnik) with two stations in Judenburg and Maribor. The centre for both lines was located in Bruck an der Mur.14 Rittmeister Hutter, commandant of the military command in Graz, was also the commandant of the aerial observation centre. The centre was subordinated to the military command in Graz, yet, in expert technical terms, it was subordinated to the Luftfa- hrtruppen command. In the event of air raids on the hinterland, the information spread through this network and air replacement troops were activated in Thalerhof, Wienerneustadt, Fischamend, Parndorf, Aspern and Strasshof.15 The Luftfahrtruppen planned the establishment of anti-aircraft machine gun squads to protect the city. However, in 1916 they had still not been established. Hence, anti-aircraft defence in 1916 was limited only to timely alerting and notifying larger cities in the hinterland. The operation of this defence element was also difficult as it was new and as there were not legal bases, which was also associated with financing. The Ministry of War intended to transfer part of the costs to the local community respectively to the city's budget, which the local authorities opposed to.16 On 1 January 1917, the Ministry of War founded the Kommando des Luft- fahrzeugabwehrdienstes im Hinterland, Anti-Aircraft Defence Command in Hinterland headquartered in Vienna, which was responsible for anti-aircraft measures and their coordination. Thus, the Austro-Hungarian defence kept step with time, as other parties in the war, with an increasing threat of air raids in the hinterland, unified leadership and put great emphasis on the organising and significance of anti-aircraft defence. The command operated with 5 regional commands, which, in the event of an air raid, activated rear aviation troops. Established were 3 aerial observation centres, 14 aerial observation stations

14 Ibid., 154; Wilhelm Möller, "Der Heimatluftschutz Österreich-Ungarns im Weltkriege", Militärwissenschaftliche und technische Mitteilungen, No. 7–10 (1928): 667 (hereinafter: Möller, "Der Heimatluftschutz Österreich-Ungarns im Weltkriege"). Two lines were established based on German example. 15 Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 38. 16 Problems arose already in trivial events, such as convincing responsible bodies to stop telephone traffic in the event of an air raid and to limit it to a rapid transmission of information on threats. Equally, it was difficult to convince the authorities that an air raid, an act of war and hence its consequences (also in the hinterland) fall under war and not civil law. Individual cities suggested the funds for the establishment of the anti-aircraft defence to the Ministry of War, however, Ljubljana rejected it completely. Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 39; Möller, "Der Heimatluftschutz Österreich-Ungarns im Weltkriege": 668.

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and more than 100 aerial observation posts.17 In 1917, the network was also extended towards the north to the sum- mits of Mallnitz, Tamweg, Frauenalpe, Payerhöhe, and Weisberg. Towards the south, a main aerial observation post was set up near the settlement Puščava near Maribor (Flughauptwache) with observation posts along the Drava River: Kasparstein, Jankovec, Kapunar, Seršen, and near Šmartno on the Pohorje. Furthermore, an aerial observation station was established in Maribor, where information was collected from the main observation post near Puščava and from the observation posts near the settlement Črešnjevec (near Vojnik), on the hills Würzberg near Lučane, the Plački vrh and the Meljski hrib.18 Later, an aerial observation station was established in Celje with observation posts in the settlements Brezno and Vojnik, above the settlement Lisce, the hills Tolsti vrh and Strmec (near Podrkraj). All these observation posts were directly interconnected by telephone line. Along with the above-mentioned, Celje included observation posts on the hill Trška gora and on the Gorjanci range, which were in contact with the station in Celje through the civilian telegraph connection between Novo mesto, Ljubljana and Celje. In preparation for the Twelfth Isonzo battle, observation and liaison through observation posts on the Trška gora and the Gorjanci was taken over by the German Supreme command. In 1917, the network of anti-aircraft observation posts expanded and was reinforced with "qualified" personnel. The main problem was in particular poor- ly qualified personnel, given that there was no organised schooling for obser- vers, telegraphers and commanders of the observation posts the monarchy.19 Probably, Austrian-Hungarian authorities based the training and education of their personnel on German examples.20 In June 1917, an order and instructions were issued for officers who were assigned to the anti-aircraft defence system. Yet, the question arises in what extent these measures and instructions

17 Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe, appendix 30.2, 2.2.4., 282. 18 The number of the crew members was as follows: 1 NC officer and 6 soldiers at the observation posts; aerial observation stations and at the main observation post, 1 officer, 2 NC officer and 7 soldiers. Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 155–156. 19 Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe, 169. 20 The Austro-Hungarian aviation trained its pilots and airmen in Germany, and certainly also anti-aircraft officers. Gerald Penz, "Pilotenausbildung der k.u.k. Armee in Deutschland", ÖFH Nachtrichten, 1 (2011): 4–12.

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had been fulfilled.21 In autumn, an anti-aircraft defence course for officers was organised in Graz, which was composed of theoretical lectures and a visit to the airport in Thalerhof, precisely the aircraft that were intended to be used for defence purposes. Owing to such courses, the level of qualification of officers was raised and hence resulted in the enhanced effectiveness of the anti-aircraft defence.22 Anti-aircraft defence comprised also rules on overflights to avoid misunderstandings and confusions regarding the adversary's aircraft. Based on instructions, all flights along the west of the line Semmering – Hartberg – Fürstenfeld were prohibited without prior announcing them by telephone or through telegraph communication. The area in the valley of the river Murica and the upper Mura, up to Bruck an der Mur, and also the surrounding areas of Graz and Mari- bor were entirely closed.23 The reorganisation of anti-aircraft defence was conducted in line with the reorganisation of the entire aviation. On 8 July 1917, Archduke Josef Ferdinand was appointed Generalinspektor der k.u.k. Luftstreitkräfte (inspector general of the Austro-Hungarian air force). Generalinspektor Josef Ferdinand was directly subordinated to the Supreme Command. With the establishment of the general inspectorate, aviation in the monarchy was recognised as a special service of the armed forces. The inspector assumed the command of all aviation troops in the monarchy (army and naval aviation, as well as anti-aircraft defence).24 As the front moved to Piave, the system of aerial observation posts had to be "re-based" respectively transferred to the Friulian Plain. In the first part of 1918, the protection of the central area that is Vienna and also the area of Tyrol, was reinforced.25 The leadership of the Austro-Hungarian army was aware of the significance of anti-aircraft defence and aerial observation posts during the successful Italian air raids on Innsbruck (20 February 1918) and on Vienna (9 August 1918). Consequently, a plan was drawn up for the construction of additional

21 The Military Command appointed Luftfahrzeugabwehr leitende Offizier (commanding officers for anti-aircraft defence) for Styrian cities, including Maribor, Celje and Ptuj. According to the instructions, officers had to be familiar with the area, they always had to be present at the aerial observation station and had to be available in the event of air alert. They had to constantly maintain fire safety and were responsible for gas masks in the event of explosive incendiary and bomb. In the event of an air raid, they expanded the area of operation through neighbouring stations, if necessary. Officers had to cooperate with local fire-fighters and rescuers. Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor, fond Mestna občina Maribor, fascikel 136.3 (hereinafter: PAM, MOM), Lfa.Dienst, stationsweise Vorsorgen, Präs Nr. 13173, 10.6.1917. 22 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Program, 6.10.1917. 23 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Eigene Überlandflüge, Präs. No. 25431/GO, 12.10.1917. 24 Peter, Die k.u.k. Luftschiffer- und Fliegertruppe, 227; Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe, 108. 25 Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 173–178. This was also noted by Venčeslav Vrtovec. Gustav Ajdič, "Venčeslav Vrtovec – air observer during WWI", Krila, februar (1982): 25.

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800 adapted anti-aircraft guns, as well as for the purchase of improved binocu- lars and, in September 1918, the plans for the development of system of aerial observation posts in Croatia, Slavonia and Banat.26 Upon the dissolution of the monarchy, the anti-aircraft defence was abolished at the front and in the hinterland (in the area of the newly declared states). The entire anti-aircraft defence in the monarchy was based on ambitious improvisation27, which, above all, experienced a lack of resources. This fact, of course, was also reflected in the way alerting was conducted.28

Anti-Aircraft Defence in Maribor

As mentioned above, the majority of anti-aircraft defence in the area of Maribor was provided by a network of aviation observation posts. However, this system represented only part of the anti-aircraft defence. Instructions for civilians for the event of the adversary's air raid were also required. Hence, the Ministry of War, precisely Department 5/L, which was in charge of aviation29, submitted the first instructions to the Ministry of the Interi- or and, consequently, also for the city of Maribor. The instructions were issued in 1916 and were received in Maribor by the end of the same year30 and were supplemented in the following months. Important findings of these instructions were as follows: the rear was not secure against air raids; it was impossible to defend the entire territory and, consequently, it was necessary to hamper the adversary's operation and mitigate the consequences of bombing, in particular on industrial facilities and infrastructure; in order to reduce injury, the civilian population had to withdraw from higher floors to shelters; equally, it had to move away from windows, and avoid electrical and gas installations; gathering of curious crowds has been banned, as well as shouting and causing panic. Traffic had to be stopped to allow fire-fighting vehicles and ambulances an access passageway. According to the instructions, buildings had to be made dark during night attacks. The photographing of destroyed buildings was also prohibited. The beginning and ending of a threat was signalled by a siren. Civi- lians were not allowed to touch residual exploded and unexploded ordinance

26 Desoye, Die k.u.k. Luftfahrtruppe, 171. 27 Anti-aircraft defence was new and its establishment could not be based on examples–hence improvisation had to be used. 28 Möller, "Der Heimatluftschutz Österreich-Ungarns im Weltkriege": 674. 29 Ravbar, Avstro-ogrsko letalstvo na soški fronti 1915–1917, 116. 30 In Maribor, instructions were given effect based on the provisions of the Emperor's Order, Article 7, dated 20 April 1854, No. 96 on the protection of military and public interests and based on the agreement with the Austrian-Hungarian military authority in Maribor.

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Leaflet for recognizing own and enemy aircraft (Arhiv Republike Slovenije, fond 252, t.e. 3) and had to inform war authorities on the location of such residues. The vio- lation of these instructions was punished with 3 to including 200 Krones or even imprisonment from 6 hours to 14 days. These measures applied to the war area and for Cislaitania, the southern of the Danube and the western part of Croatia. Along with these instructions, there was also a short description provided of the Italian aircraft, in particular its main characteristics according to which these could be distinguished. These characteristics were the Italian red white green flag, as well as the House of Savoy Coat of Arms.31 The public, which was not familiar with such measures, was informed about it through announ- cements on posters, which were written in German language only or through

31 In 1917, the instructions were supplemented and amended in item 2 and in the alert system (touch- ing bombs and alerting was announced also by fire-fighters). PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Schutzmassnahme gegen Fliegerangriffe, Nr. 3936/I. res., 29.11.1917; PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Abwehr von Fliegern, Zl. 295 Präs, 27.12.1916.

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the newspaper Marburger Zeitung.32 Along with this, the city council of Maribor used German flyers respectively pictures, which were intended for raising the awareness of the local population. The writing on the posters said: "How to react during an air raid". They were approximately 70 cm long and 40 cm wide and displayed 5 depictions on the upper and lower line. Yet, there are no exact data of whether the council had actually used these posters.33 Given the fact that Maribor did not experience any air raids, the main problems occurred in enforcing the measures on blackouts. The city council did also order the blackout of the public lightening.34 In May 1918, the darkening of the area near the hydro electricity plant Fala, which presented the peak of the then electrical industry and was strategically significant point and due this a potential target for the adversary's air raid.35 In the beginning of 1917, a network of observation posts was established in the surrounding area of Maribor and in addition a communication network was set up in the city, which was transmitting information. During a possible air raid, the telegraph office in Maribor would have been in contact with the rear command in Maribor, which then would have transmitted information to the city council through the telephone number 100. The city council would then have informed the churchwardens, fire-fighters and paramedics. At the same time, information spread through the railway infrastructure and the rear command up to the 47th Infantry Regiment at the Carinthian railway station and to the 26th Landwehr Infantry Unit at the railway bridge and in Tezno that is the southern part of the railway station.36 In order to rapidly spread the information on threats of air raids among the population, it was necessary to use all available sirens. Fire alarm37 was functionally available throughout the day and during all days. In spring 1917, alerting the population through church-

32 PAM, MOM, f. 136.2, Abwehr von Fliegern, Res. No. 60, 10.1.1917. The city council dated instructions related to air raids with 27 December 1916, 15 January 1917, 20 April 1917 and 7 May 19. Information on the measures and instructions were published in the newspaper on 28 December 1916 and 18 January 1917. The entire text was published on 30 December 1916 and 12 May 1917. See Marburger Zeitung for the above-mentioned dates. 33 The text next to the pictures said: 1. Stay away from the windows, curiosity can kill you! 2. Never stand in the middle of the street! 3. Do not stand behind the house door! 4. Panic is worse than an air raid! 5. Do not stand in the middle of the room! 6. Stand only individually behind pillars! 7. Always look for shelter! 8. If possible, stand behind a strong pillar! 9. Do not worry about air raids at night! 10. Behave properly! PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Anschaungsbilder für das Verhalten der Bevölkerung bei Fliegerangriffen, 9915/M.I., undated document. 34 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Einschränkung der Beleuchtung bei fdl. Fliegerangriffen, Res. No. 628, 7.4.1917. 35 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Verhalten bei Feindlichen Fliegerangriffen, Präs Z. 55res/79, 5.6.1918. The building of the hydroelectric plant began in 1913 and was tested in May 1918. See Sašo Radavanovič and Marjan Šmon, Fala : 90 let (Maribor, 2008), 25–36. 36 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Verständigung bei Fliegeralarm, 2.2.1917. 37 Rapid churchbell chiming.

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bells on Sundays and holidays was abandoned, since the authorities feared that the population would confuse the ceremonial chimes with an alarm and would then be surprised by an attack.38 Thus, in the event of an air raid, a guard was placed in the courtyard of the artillery barracks, which fired three rapid shots during threats of air raids.39 But in the event of an air raid, this was not enough for the purpose of alerting, therefore the city authorities obliged the factory owners to "lend" their sirens for defence purposes. The steam mills plant Ludwig Franz & Söhne made their siren available at the time, during which the factory was operating that is between 7.30 am and 7.30 pm. The leather factory of Wilhelm Freund offered its steam siren during the same time. The leather factory of Hermann Berg made its horn available between 7.00 am and 6.00 pm. In the meantime, the workshops of the southern railway offered their alerting device between 6.00 am and 7.30 am.40 Thus, additional sirens allowed the city and military authorities to gain capabilities for alerting the civilian population during air raids. The Italian aviation increased its activates in the summer of 1918 in the interior of the monarchy and, consequently, the Austro-Hungarian authority enhanced anti-aircraft defence and issued some supplements to the documents and instructions. For this purpose, in Maribor, machine gun nests were set up in Maribor for providing the anti-aircraft defence of in important points. At the same time, the problem of falling projectiles occurred, so the city council published a warning and instructions in the newspaper for the civilian population to withdraw from the open air and to find an adequate shelters.41 In Vien- na, volunteer custodians were appointed (Freiwillige Aufseher der Zufluchts- stätten) for the shelters. These custodians were marked with an armband and were tasked with carrying out instructions in the event of an air raid. They also provided adequate shelter spaces in cellars and lower rooms of buildings and assisted the population in finding shelters. In addition, they were in charge of ensuring that public and private facilities were made dark. The custodians were recruited among caretakers and retired non-commissioned officers.42 Later, an order was issued by the Ministry of War on disabling another takeoff of the adversary's aircraft. The order imposed an "active and dynamic" cooperation of the entire civilian population with the military authorities and the gendarme- rie. In the same order, the dumping of propaganda materials was considered as a disturbance of the population and hence, an attack on the state and was, the-

38 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Glockenzeichen ungeeignet für Fliegeralarm, Res. No. 444, 12.3.1917. 39 PAM, MOM, f. 136.2, Kundmachung, 15.1.1917. 40 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Verzeichnis, 10.2.1917. 41 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Res. NO: 1934, 9.9.1918. Marburger Zeitung, No. 208, 12.9.1918: 2–3. 42 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Schutzmassnahmen gegen Fliegerangriffe, 6879/M.I., 31.3.1918.

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refore, was punishable with death by hanging.43 There is no information related to the form in which these instructions were obeyed. In the same period, the alarm system for air raids in the area of Maribor was upgraded as well. The parole "air readiness" and "air alarm" (Fliegerbereitschaft in Fliegeralarm) was introduced into telephone connections. The parole "air readiness" was transmitted through the telephonic switching apparatus in Maribor to another one in Lipnica (Leibnitz) and further to the Fala hydroelectrical plant. Then, it continued to the military command in Maribor, the Volunteer Fire-Figh- ters Association, the city council of Maribor, the artillery barracks, the workshops of the southern railway and the railway station in the city. "Air alarm" was, at first, spread to the settlements Lonča, Lipnica, Fala, Vrbna, Radgona, Ljutomer, Sloven- ske Konjice, Ptuj and Brežice, and later in Maribor up to the city council, railway station, barracks and storage facilities, and factories, which were responsible for giving alarm. At the end of the threat, the end of the threat was announced according to the same procedure.44 Hence, we concluded the topic regarding the main instructions in the event of an air raid on Maribor.

Italian Aircraft above Maribor

Anti-aircraft defence in Maribor was not activated during the period of the Ele- venth Battle of the Isonzo. However, in the last year of the war, defence was repeatedly put to the test. The first Italian plane above Maribor remained a mystery to the city's population and, for a few days, the population was not aware of the plane overflying the city, as it flew at night and was therefore not noticed. On 2 October 1917, Caproni aircraft of the 201st Squadron left Marcon Air- port for a bombing assignment above Pola.45 One of the crews, consisting of Carlo Bonamini, Salvatore Orlando and Mario Scarsabelli, flew on the plane No. 4084. This particular plane was hit by anti-aircraft fire above Pola. Obviously, the plane was still able to fly, as it flew to Maribor during that night. It can be assumed that, due to the damage, it was not able to return to the Italian territo-

43 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Verhinderung des Wiederaufstieges gelandeter feindl. Flieger, Abwurf von Proklamationen, Abt. 5 Nr. 7341 res, 13.8.1918. 44 PAM, MOM, f. 136.3, Verhaltungsmassregeln, 329, 23.8.1918. 45 Paolo Variale provided me with the data from the Archives of the Italian air force, Rapporto riassun- tivo dell'attività aerea iz Ufficio Servizi Aeronautici del Comando Supremo. This document includes data related to 2 October on two Italian air raids on Pola. As a total, 19 planes were engaged. Only 14 planes reached its final destination. They dropped 140 bombs, a total of 3,424 kg. Among the above- mentioned planes, plane number 4084 did not return to their home base. See also Achille Rastelli, "I Bombardamenti sulle Citta'", in: La grande guerra aerea, ed. Paolo Ferrari (Vicenza, 1994), 247.

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Depiction of Italian Caproni over Alps (Erwin Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen : Die Fliegerangriffe auf Wien and Tirol im 1. Weltkrieg (Wien, 1995))

ry. A detailed reconstruction of the events could be made based to the articles published in the newspapers the Marburger Zeitung and Slovenec, which reported on this highly interesting event between 5 and 14 October.46 Without the population being previously notified, the plane flew over Pohorje on Wednes- day, 3 October, around 3 am, and tried to land near Vurberk. It could not avoid the nearby forest and crashed along the Drava river near the settlement Zgornji Duplek. The overflight of the plane was also reported from Kozje. According to the testimony of a few witnesses, the burning plane fell towards the ground. The witnesses were, under a superstitious impression, convinced that they sighted a red apparition. The charred remains of the plane were discovered only on the following day, when a farmer came across them while transporting red beet and reported the finding to responsible authorities. Because the authorities had not imme-

46 Detailed data on the plane are summarised according to information/ news published in the newspaper Marburger Zeitung, 5.10.1917: 2; 6.10.1917: 3; 9.10.1917: 5; 10.10.1917: 3; 12.10.1917: 3; 14.10.1917: 4, and Slovenec, 5.10.1917: 3; 8.10.1917: 3; 10.10.1917: 4, 12.10.1917: 3.

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diately been informed about the plane crash, the Italian airmen had time until Thursday afternoon, before the plane was located and the search for survived crew members began. The size of the plane caused a dreadful disaster. The plane landed in the treetops and the fire burned the surrounding area. On the right riverbank of Drava, near Loka, where the remains of the plane were located, a Flep 1 squad arrived on Friday morning. The team examined the plane and its remains, and decided to transport it to the airport in Tezno. On 8 October, parts of the plane, some instruments (distance metre, altimetre and allegedly the air speed indicator) and two partly destroyed and a well-preserved engine were sent to the storage facility of the Austrian-Hungarian air force in Aspern.47 There, the adversary's aviation technology was studied. Still, due to the state of the plane, the remains were not very useful. At the same time, as no bodies were found around the plane, a hunt for the surviving airmen was launched. The local population was also engaged in the search for the Italian airmen, since the authorities had called for their assistance.48 Given the situation, the Italian airmen got around the interior of the monarchy well. The remained in the surrounding area of Maribor from Wednes- day to Saturday, that is four days. They stayed together throughout the time, did not change their clothes and evidently had the intention to reach Italy passing through Carinthia. During this period, they travelled for an air distance of around 25 km. First reports on their movement came from the Franz Josef Street (today the Gorkega ulica) in Maribor, were a man was asking for directions in broken German and did not reply to questions. The locals became aware of him because of his clothes (jacket and scarf), the intelligent expression on his face and well-groomed hands. He airmen crossed the river Drava near the settlement Melje on a ferryboat. They paid for the crossing with Italian Lira, which the ferrymen noticed only in the evening.49 Near the parish Sv. Peter (Maleč- nik), the airmen supposedly asked for the direction to Budapest and even to Torino. The authorities assumed that the airmen had turned towards Hungary and, therefore, intensified the search of the area from Maribor towards the east. The possibilities for the airmen were gradually narrowed. The airmen decided for the route towards the east and, for that reason, won some time. On Saturday, they were sighted by locals near the settlement Selnica upon the Drava river and the very same day, they got caught by gendarmes in the vicinity of the settlement Arnež and were taken to Graz. The above-mentioned event was well reproduced in newspaper readings

47 Östereichische Staatsarchiv /Kriegsarchiv, fond Luftfahrtruppe, karton 376, Exh. No.: 222, 5.10.1917. 48 In this context, the newspapers spread propaganda news on Italian planes and airmen. 49 The news papers reported in a sensational manner, that the airmen were given away by their "white hands and Italian Lira".

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(LFT Kart.376 Operatives-Akten Gr.1-a F.Nr.1729 Blg.1.tif) (LFT Kart.376 Operatives-Akten Gr.1-a F.Nr.1729 Blg.5.tif) Burned and destroyed remains of Caproni No. 4084 near Loka (Östereichische Staatsarchiv /Kriegsarchiv, fond Luftfahrtruppe, karton 376, Exh. No.: 222, 5.10.1917)

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Italian leaflet droped over Viennna on 9. August 1918 (Heeresgeschichtlicches Museum Wien) thanks to its unusual nature, yet it was not the only overflight above Maribor. On 24 June 1918, at 9.45 am, three Italian planes flew over Ljubljana.50 Imme- diately, all nearby towns were alerted by phone. By 9.55 am, entire Maribor was alerted, yet there were no planes. Curious people gathered on larger squares and on bridges. Hence, the alarm was interrupted at 11.25 am. Planes above Ljubljana dumped propaganda flyers. One of the planes flew towards Celje, later towards Novo mesto and dumped flyers when flying over Zagreb.51 Maribor was also prepared for an air raid, when Italian aircraft flew over Vienna on 9 August 1918.52 But, the alarm was not given in the city, since the

50 Paolo Variale provided me with the data from the Archives of the Italian air force, fondo Prima Guerra Mundiale, 87. Squadriglia, Attività Aerea, 25.6.1918. Three S.V.A. planes flew from Padova: Vicenzo Contratti and Giuseppe Sarti at 7.05 and Antonio Locatelli at 7.15. The first two arrived above Ljubljana at 8.40 am (which puts information published in the newspaper under doubt) and returned to Padova at 10.50 am. After Ljubljana, Locatelli went to Zagreb and returned via Karlovac, Fiume and Trieste and returned at 1.05 pm–almost six hours and around 900 km of flight. 51 Airmen dropped propaganda leaflets above Ljubljana and Zagreb delivering various messages on Italy's victory in the Austro-Hungarian Piava Offensive respectively the "Battaglia del Solstizio" as well as leaflets containing Yugoslav propaganda and calls of the Yugoslav Committee signed by Dr. Trumbića. Marburger Zeitung, 25.6.1918: 3; Achille Rastelli, "I Bombardamenti sulle Citta'", in: La grande guerra aerea, ed. Paolo Ferrari (Vicenza, 1994), 221 and 248. Dropping propaganda leaflets resulted in political consequences within the Slovenian and hence Austro-Hungarian politics and thus the Italian side was given an initiative for the next operation–the flight over Vienna. Mark Cornwall, The Undermining of Austro Hungary: The Battle for Hearts and Minds (London, 2000), 265–267. 52 More about this in Pitsch, Italiens griff über die Alpen, 163–172.

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observation posts reported on the direction of the plane, which flew from Graz towards Vienna and, hence, there was no need for raising an alarm.53

Conclusion

No further air alarms were given since then and until the end of the war. After achieving great success in Vienna, Italian airmen conducted only attacks at the front and on Istrian towns until October 1918. Activities of anti-aircraft defence in Maribor were not necessary until the beginning of the combat for the Slovenian northern frontier.54 But, for the period after the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, there are no detailed data on how, if at all, anti-aircraft defence was organised in Maribor. Lessons learned regarding the first anti- -aircraft defence in Maribor most probably contributed to the development and establishment of defence in the subsequent years.55

Matjaž Ravbar

LETALSKA PROTIOBRAMBA V MARIBORU MED PRVO SVETOVNO VOJNO

POVZETEK

Letalstvo se je v prvi svetovni vojni izjemno razvilo in na koncu vojne doseglo tudi veljavo znotraj kroga vojaških strategov. Kot odgovor na pretečo nevarnost iz zraka se je začela oblikovati in organizirati protiletalska obramba. Sprva

53 Marburger Zeitung, 10.8.1918: 3. 54 Franjo A. Pivka, "Mariborska letalska stotnija", Kronika slovenskih mest 2, No. 4 (1935): 304; Ravbar, Avstro-ogrsko letalstvo na soški fronti 1915–1917, 209. 55 In the context of other circumstances (other countries) and taking into account the technological and strategic progress of the military aviation! Mojca Šorn, "Sistem protiletalske obrambe v Dravski banovini in v času druge svetovne vojne (s poudarkom na Ljubljani)", Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino, year L, No. 3 (2010): 27–36; Marjan Žnidarič, Cilj Maribor: ob 60 letnici napadov na Maribor (Maribor, 2004); Gregor Komperšak, Maribor v času letalskih napadov, raziskovalna naloga (Maribor, 2009).

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se je to zgodilo na fronti, kasneje pa tudi v zaledju. Protiletalska obramba je širok pojem in obsega namestitev protiletalskega orožja na fronti in v zaledju, sistem kamufliranja in zaščite objektov in infrastrukture, sistem letalskih opazovalnic, navodila za civiliste ter navsezadnje tudi vzpostavitev lovskih letalskih enot v zaledju. Avstroogrska protiletalska obramba je bila večinoma vzpos- tavljena na podlagi nemškega vzora, saj šolanja zato v Avstro-Ogrski ni bilo vse do konca leta 1917. Sistem v zaledju soške fronte je bil sestavljen iz dveh linij, ki sta potekali od Karavank, alpskega sredogorja ter po vrhovih Pohorja, v okolici Celja in vrhovih Kozjaka in Slovenskih Goric. Letalske opazovalnice so svoja opažanja posredovala letalskim opazovalnim postajam v Škofji Loki, Mariboru in Judenburgu, od tam naprej pa so informacije potovale v centralo v Bruck na Muri. Maribor je predstavljal pomembno vojaško in komunikacijsko točko v monarhiji, saj je v njem delovalo tudi poveljstvo jugozahodne fronte, preko mesta pa je potekala tudi pomembna železniška proga. Kljub temu je bil Mari- bor le nekoliko preveč oddaljen od fronte, da bi nad mestom mrgolelo italijanskih letal. Letalski alarm je bil v Mariboru razglašen le enkrat, a letal takrat ni bilo nad mestom. Edino italijansko letalo, ki je letelo nad Mariborom, je pred civilnim prebivalstvom ostalo skrito kar nekaj dni. Lov na preživele letalce pa je potekal več dni. Vzpostavitev protiletalske obrambe je bila velika improvizacija, saj je bilo potrebno premostiti tako zakonske okvire kakor tudi psihološke okvire, v katerih so delovali državni organi. Največ težav pri protiletalski obrambi je bilo prav pri prepričevanju ljudi (tudi visokih vojaških častnikov), da je letalski napad izjemno učinkovito bojno (– psihološko) sredstvo, in preprečitev le-tega izjemno pomembno za vojno. Poleg tega je vzpostavitev protiletalske obrambe zahtevalo ogromno avstroogrskih resursov.

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UDC 341.232:94(450Trst)"1945/1947" 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

UNRRA1 Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Kornelija Ajlec

Ph.D., Assistant University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of History Aškerčeva 2, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The Trieste (Port) Office of the Yugoslav mission of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) began operation on 23 June 1945. Its leadership and staff had to adapt to the turbulent political and economic currents, which were present in Venezia Giulia at the time under the authority of the Allied Military Government, and navigate between the territorial interests of Yugoslavia and Italy. Goods were regularly leaking to the black market, but with the joint forces of all the parties, the Office succeeded in containing this outflow of goods. In the end, its share in the supply of aid to Yugoslavia was truly enormous, as it had coordinated the transport of over one third of all the aid to Yugoslavia. The Office successfully concluded its operation in May 1947.

Key words: UNRRA, Yugoslav mission, Trieste, humanitarian aid, Port of Trieste, Venezia Giulia, Zone A, Zone B

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 163–184, 52 notes, 3 pictures, 4 tables Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene)

163 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Review of the Situation in the Port of Trieste and in Yugoslavia in General2

The biggest port in the Adriatic, Trieste, was the target of ten allied bombin- gs during World War II. The post-war image of the port was hence drastically altered; its operating capacity was likewise greatly reduced. If before the war it could unload 10 thousand tons of goods per day, during a 9-hour workday, this quantity was reduced in half after the conflicts ended. The storage capacity was reduced by approximately one third from the pre-war 38,156 m2 to 27,871 m2, which was a severe blow, considering that on top of it all railway transport to the port was reduced by as much as 70% or from approximately 1000 wagons per day to merely 300.3 This image was actually quite similar to the prevailing one in Yugoslavia. In the mountainous regions of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Mon- tenegro and parts of Macedonia hunger spread in the autumn of 1944, as the entire transport system, on which the supply from the northeast of the country depended, was ruined. Also destroyed were 57% of railway connections through the Danube Valley, which connected Yugoslavia with the neighbouring countries, as well as three-quarters of bridges – all the bridges on the Danube and most of the ones on the Sava River – and many tunnels. Burnt or otherwise devastated were approximately half of the wagons; only 200 lorries remained throughout the country. However, these lorries were not versatilely useful, since road connections were also badly damaged, worn or entirely destroyed. Water transport was not spared either, since immediately after its liberation Yugoslavia was able to use only one third of its pre-war cargo capacity; only two Adriatic ports could be used provisionally – Split and the virtually intact

1 At the beginning of 1943 the British Foreign Office suggested the establishment of a special bureau, a sort of allied agency, which would be able to provide practical solutions regarding all issues related to refugees and aid after the end of the war. The proposal was approved and immediate establishment was recommended, since the advocates of the idea feared that the establishment of an efficient agency would soon wane. On 9 November 1943 representatives of 44 nations signed an agreement on the establishment of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration – UNRRA at the White House in Washington, USA. This agreement began the speedy, albeit somewhat late preparation of signatory countries for solving the problems caused by the liberation of occupied territories during World War II. The organisation had many aims of operation, as the signatories undertook to assist the liberated countries in providing aid in the form of food, clothing and shelter, in prevent- ing the spreading of infectious diseases, in the re-establishment of pre-war health conditions, and in the preparations for returning prisoners and exiles to their homes and for the re-launching of the much needed agricultural and industrial sectors. More in: George Woodbridge, UNRRA. The History of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. Vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 4 and The Agreement for the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, 9 November 1943. In: George Woodbridge, UNRRA. The History of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. Vol. 3 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 23. 2 United Nations Archives and Management Section (ARMS), S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 1.

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Dubrovnik. Also damaged or destroyed were farms and agricultural machinery; throughout most of Yugoslavia there was a 50% decline in working livestock and fat stock; only 10% of the livestock remained west of the Drina River and south of the Sava River.4 Not to be ignored is the fact that prior to the war the non-peasant population in Yugoslavia amounted to 23% and generated about half of the gross domestic product. This population worked in the processing industry, in the mining and steel industry or in numerous smaller companies and manufactures, such as sawmills, which were now out of operation due to lack of coal and drive belts. Most of the branches were either completely or partially ruined. Likewise ruined were six or seven large power plants,5 which is why in the first months after the war and even all the way up to the active electrification of the country in the first five-year plan we cannot even talk about electricity. The entire material loss, multiplied by casualties (according to the latest data from the Institute of Contemporary History there were around 100 thousand inter-war and post-war casualties in Slovenia and slightly over 1,000,000 in Yugoslavia),6 led Yugoslavia to a situation in which there was no hope of preserving the population in the areas suffering from shortage nor the possibility of attaining its pre-war economic state without help from abroad.7 When rebuilding its country, Yugoslavia turned to UNRRA for help. In its European missions UNRRA wished to offer help primarily as an agency that would provide the education of the population, social security schemes and the establishment of social services. Because the Yugoslav government insist- ed that it would take care of such activities on its own or at least to a greater extent, UNRRA's leading role became that of supply, which should have been a function of secondary importance, one carried out only in times of extreme urgency. The Yugoslav UNRRA mission quickly branched out its network in Yugoslavia by gradually rebuilding the infrastructure. The UNRRA head office was located in Belgrade, where the regional office for Serbia was also in operation. Other regional offices were located in Zagreb, Ljubljana, Sarajevo, Skopje and Cetinje; simultaneously, an additional office was located in Split for the supply of Dalmatia and Lika. UNRRA set up port offices first in Dubrovnik, Split and Šibenik, and later on, after liberating the territory, also in Trieste, Rijeka and

4 D. W. [Duane Wilson A/N], "Success of a Mission: U.N.R.R.A. in Yugoslavia", in: The World Today, Vol. 2, No. 8 (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1946), 377 (hereinafter: Wilson, "Success of a Mission: U.N.R.R.A. in Yugoslavia"). 5 George Woodbridge, UNRRA: The History of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, Vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 138 (hereinafter: Woodbridge, UNRRA, Vol. 2). 6 Casualties among the population in the area of the Republic of Slovenia during World War II and immediately afterwards. Methodology and account of the counting of casualties. More at: http:// www.sistory.si/zrtve/historiat; Institute of Contemporary History (accessed: December 2012). 7 Woodbridge, UNRRA, Vol. 2, 138–139.

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Thessaloniki (which in part also supplied Macedonia). Offices for the procure- ment of goods for Yugoslavia operated in Rome, Livorno and Paris.8 Yet even after UNRRA and Yugoslav officials had reached an agreement regarding their roles, the implementation of these tasks was still demanding. Quite some time had passed before UNRRA officials were able to determine the actual needs of Yugoslavia, since Yugoslav authorities were either incapable of finding out what the situation was like or were unwilling to show just how vulnerable Yugoslavia actually was. In the end, UNRRA, together with the government, unveiled a plan which divided the country into three zones:9

• Zone 1: the hunger zone encompassed Dalmatia, Montenegro, Bosnia, with the exception of its northern area, parts of Croatia, above all Lika and Kordun, and a part of Istria. There were 3 million people in that zone, which only had a two-month supply of cereals or less, which meant that nearly all of their food supply would have to be obtained from UNRRA. • Zone 2: the shortage zone encompassed the rest of Croatia and all of Slovenia, where shortage was estimated at around 50% and UNRRA aid was needed to make up for the deficit. • Zone 3: the self-sufficient zone or the zone of surpluses encompassed Serbia and Vojvodina, where the import of food was not needed for maintaining an acceptable standard, despite the poor harvest of 1945. Moreover, this region was capable of producing a sufficient surplus of food to sustain Belgrade and regions with minor shortages, such as Macedonia and Sandžak and a region of north Bosnia.

The supply of material was hindered by logistics problems, causing great difficulty for UNRRA when delivering the goods to Yugoslav ports. If it actually managed to deliver the goods, it was practically impossible to send them to the interior of the country. The only working ports from April to June 1945 were Split and Dubrovnik, which only allowed the transit of small quantities of goods. The equipment of ports was damaged, workforce was too small due to poor diet or it was not effective enough. The railway connection with the interior, which was not very good even before the war, was completely destroyed. Thus the ports only accepted about 25 thousand tons of supplies per month, which was decisively too little for their actual needs, which ranged from 100 thousand to 150 thousand tons per month. UNRRA and the Yugoslav government had to loosen

8 Ibidem, 143. 9 Wilson, "Success of a Mission: U.N.R.R.A. in Yugoslavia", 378.

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Part of a propaganda poster on the first anniversary of the Yugoslav mission on 15 April 1946. The photograph shows the ports through which UNRRA supplied the goods (ARMS, S-1021-0025-01, Monographs – country and area missions and offices – Yugoslavia 3 – UNRRA Yugoslav Mission Historical Monograph Volume III – Office of Public Information) this "port cork". They established a transport directorate, which coordinated the available road and railway transport; simultaneously, they introduced work in three shifts at both ports.10 Crucial to the increase in the flow of aid to Yugoslavia was the opening of the Port of Trieste, for which the Yugoslav government strove the most. An advantage of the Port of Trieste, in comparison with the already open ports in Split and Dubrovnik, and with the other ports being opened on the Adriatic coast,11 was the working railway connection all the way to Belgrade.12

10 Ibidem, 377. 11 The first ship arrived in Šibenik in June and in Zadar in July 1945. More in: Branko Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji" (UNRRA Aid to Yugoslavia), in: Istorija XX veka, Zbornik II. (Beograd: Institut društvenih nauka, 1961), 190 (hereinafter: Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji"). 12 Woodbridge, UNRRA, Vol. 2, 147; and "International Mutual Aid: The Task of U.N.R.R.A", in: The World Today, Vol. 2, No. 1 (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1946), 43.

167 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Port of Trieste, Port Administration and Its Jurisdictions

With the liberation of Trieste on 1 May 1945 the opportunity arose for using the northernmost port of the Adriatic to supply UNRRA missions in Central and Eastern Europe. Namely, Split and Dubrovnik were not merely supplying Yugoslav missions, but in part other Eastern European missions as well. Despite the destroyed infrastructure, the Port of Trieste still had a sufficient number of moorings and storage facilities, and, in comparison with other ports, a better railway connection. Immediately after the liberation the port was managed by the Central Warehouse Authority or Magazzini Generali, which had been founded by the local Chamber of Commerce as early as in 1880. It operated as an independent company.13 The Authority carried out every order by its owners, but was able to make independent decisions in its everyday financial transactions and in the operation of the port institutions.14 On 19 September 1945 the Allied Military Government issued an act in Trieste with which the Central Warehouse Author- ity was transferred to the supervision of the allied Port Supervisory Committee. The Authority mainly saw to the loading or unloading of cargo and its acceptance at the port or to its shipping and storage. Other tasks are clearly stated in a decree by the Allied Military Government, which imposed the following on the Central Warehouse Authority:15 • maintenance of port and floating cranes and of other lifts located at port facilities; • supervision of the operation of all working facilities, quays, piers and open areas at the port. The said supervision also applies to the shipping, loading and storing of goods. • maintenance of the railway infrastructure in the area of the port, including full or empty railway wagons; • managing the lease of the open areas of the port or of its facilities to third parties; • maintenance of all factories, facilities, railway tracks and electrome- chanical and hydraulic workshops; • provision of fresh water and electricity to ships and port facilities, also by using two power stations likewise managed by the Central Wareho- use Authority.

13 Tullia Catalan, Segio Zilli, Č.O.I.S. Čezmejna opazovalnica delovanja pristaniških con Trsta, Tržiča in Kopra (Cross-Border Observation Post of the Operation of the Port Zones of Trieste, Monfalcone and Koper) (Trieste: La Mongolfiera LIBRI, 2008), 97–98. Accessible at: http://www2.units.it/otis/il%20 libro/Libro.pdf (Accessed: August 2013). 14 Maura Elise Hametz, Making Trieste Italian, 1918–1954 (Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2005), 48. 15 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 3.

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UNRRA Trieste Office

The first UNRRA aid to Trieste arrived in the last week of May 1945. As written down by an unknown author in his journal entry, the city was in dire need of food. The first shipment contained 120 tons of aid. The Yugoslav mission and government wanted aid for Yugoslavia to be delivered to Trieste as well. The writer of the journal justified the efforts of Yugoslav authorities by what he had seen upon his visits to Rijeka and Pula. According to him, hunger had spread throughout both towns after the war.16 On 23 June 1945 Berry K. White arrived in Trieste, the port representative of the UNRRA Yugoslav mission. His first assignment was to establish the UNRRA Trieste Port Section. On 7 July 1945 the Port Section admitted its first ship, Liberty – SS. Jesse Billingsley17– containing UNRRA goods, headed for Yugoslavia.18 Coordination was of key importance, which is why the Section worked with transporters, with the military and civil port authority and with the Allied Military Government of Venezia Giulia; first contacts were also established with the allied-Yugoslav Joint Economic Com- mittee, which had been founded by the Duino Agreement.19 The Committee's representative set up an office in the house on Riva Nazario Sauro 8 near the port; it was in charge of accepting and shipping UNRRA goods to the Yugoslav mission.20 However, not all of the details had been arranged and hence UNRRA representatives prepared meetings between the Yugoslav government and the Trieste Military Government, with which they secured a sufficient number of wagons, which in turn accelerated the delivery of goods to Yugoslavia. The outcome of the talks was successful, considering that upon its establishment it was the Section's duty to accept 16 thousand tons of UNRRA goods per month, yet at the end of December 1945 as many as 86 thousand tons of goods were arri-

16 "S. S. Trieste Diary", in: The World Today, Vol. 1, No. 4 (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1945), 182. 17 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 4. 18 Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji", Note 111, 193. 19 The Duino Agreement was signed on 10 June 1945 by the Supreme Allied Commander and the Commander-in-Chief of the Yugoslav People's Army. The Duino Agreement is known primarily for defining the Morgan demarcation line between Zone A and Zone B of Venezia Giulia. At the same time, the Agreement foresaw normal economic cooperation between both zones and mechanisms to eliminate any potential disruptions. The Joint Economic Committee that the Agreement founded was given the primary task of ensuring normal business operations in both zones of Venezia Giulia. This was of particular importance in concluding business transactions, delivering goods, enforcing contracts and the like. More in: Alfred Connor Bowman, Zones of Strain: A Memoir of the Early Cold War (Stanford: Hoover Press, 1982), 58, and Jože Prinčič, "Primorsko gospodarstvo v času vojaških zasedbenih con" (The Economy of Primorska during the Military Occupation Zones), Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino, No. 1 (2008): 157 (hereinafter: Prinčič, "Primorsko gospodarstvo v času vojaških zasedbenih con"). 20 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 4.

169 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

ving at the port per month.21 The Allied Military Government provided all the needed protection on the route from the port to the Morgan Line. The UNRRA Trieste Section operated this way until 15 March 1946, when it set up its own office. The latter enabled a more direct cooperation between the Yugoslav mission and its representative in Trieste on the one hand, and the port and railway authority on the other. This eliminated redundant bureaucratic procedures, which brought about an increased flow of goods and reduced the time needed for the goods to reach their final destinations. A manager, secretary and interpreter were employed at the UNRRA Tri- este Office. In time it began receiving more and more equipment and vehicles, which were provided by American and British military institutions until 1 August 1946; these institutions also saw to the maintenance of said equipment. The military also provided assistance in setting up communication links, which greatly facilitated its operation. After 1 August all assistance from military institutions ceased, which caused problems for the Office. In addition to having to find other outsourcers for mechanical and other works, it also had to find its own premises and pay a high price for them. The British army indulged the Office by relinquishing dwellings for the UNRRA transit staff, but not for its permanent one.22 The Trieste Office operated as a key point in the transit of UNRRA staff, as it was located at the intersection between Belgrade and Lon- don, Paris, Cairo and the United States of America.23 The political situation in Trieste and its hinterland also affected the operation of the Office. The conflict regarding the broader Trieste territory brought about the establishment of occupation zones with a special administrative and economic structure. The border continued to isolate the coastal area of the Slo- venian Littoral from Yugoslavia, while the Morgan Line divided Venezia Giulia into Zones A and B. Obtaining passes for the passing of UNRRA staff through several borders was difficult, as was the obtaining of permits for the passing of Yugoslav guards of trains headed for Yugoslavia. The process of hiring local staff was also rendered difficult. As regards Italian staff, UNRRA documents report that it considered Yugoslavia a hostile country, which should not have been entitled to UNRRA aid. For this reason, goods intended for Yugoslavia were looted more often than those intended for other missions. Hence UNRRA frequently carried out tighter control over such staff.24 On the other hand, Božidar Božanović, head of the representative office of the Bureau of Special

21 Woodbridge, UNRRA, Vol. 2, 147. 22 Ibidem, 5. 23 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 5–6. 24 Ibidem, 13.

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Supplies, supposedly stated that the Trieste port workers invested a great deal of effort to ensure that the aid for Yugoslavia arrived as soon as possible and that they voluntarily agreed to a 16-hour workday.25 The security requirements of the Allied Military Government were strict. Thus the Office had to give a pledge to the Government for each arrival of a Yugoslav citizen who worked for UNRRA. On the other hand, the manager of the Office had to explain to the representative of the Yugoslav government in Trieste that neither he nor his employees can take part in the political life within Venezia Giulia. The supervision of UNRRA was universal. Among other things, the allied army confirmed to UNRRA officials that the Office's telephone line was constantly bugged and that all incoming and outgoing telegrams were thoroughly checked.26 Despite all the tension in the post-war period in Trieste, the Trieste Office operated more or less smoothly.

Trieste Office in the UNRRA Administrative Scheme

The Trieste Office mostly operated independently as a port section of the Yugo- slav mission. Nevertheless, its daily operations depended on the inflow of information coming from the UNRRA head office in Washington, the head office of the UNRRA Yugoslav mission in Belgrade, and from the UNRRA European Regi- onal Office (ERO). Based on this information it could predict which shipments to expect and what type of goods they contained, and take potential special instructions into account. Although the Office primarily served to transport aid to Yugoslavia, it also saw to the transit of goods for the needs of the UNRRA Hungarian, Ukrainian and Belorussian missions. The goods intended for the last two missions were stored in Trieste until the arrival of a ship that transported them to the Ukrainian city of Odessa. The Austrian and Czechoslovakian missions also had offices in Trieste and cooperated well with the Trieste Office of the Yugoslav mission. Good communication between all three offices was primarily enabled by the fact that they were all located in the same building. In order to further facilitate communication, UNRRA Centro was established in the summer of 1946; it was a clearing centre, in charge of coordinating the port activities of all three missions and of eliminating various problems. However, it was considered that the centre was established too late, as the majority of the goods had already been received or shipped off.27 Despite this, UNRRA Centro

25 Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji", Note 111, 193. 26 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 13. 27 Ibidem, 5.

171 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Presentation of the administrative scheme that supervised UNRRA goods (ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, Appendix III)

assumed the place of the highest ranking UNRRA body in Trieste. It answered only to the UNRRA European Regional Office. The Office also shipped goods to the embassies of Great Britain and the United States of America, to the Catholic Welfare Organisation, to the United Yugoslav Relief Fund of America and to the Red Cross. On their behalf the Office examined the goods, prepared transit reports, shipped off the goods and communicated with forwarding agents, warehouses and other relevant institutions.28

Transport of Goods

Even before the arrival of the first ship, the UNRRA shipping agent for accepting goods at the Port of Trieste, the Adriatic Shipping Company, had connected with the Allied Military Government, which was superior to the Central Warehouse Authority. It consensually concluded procedures with the Military Government regarding the choice of anchorage, the use of cranes, repairs of equipment damaged during the war and the use of warehouses. The forwar-

28 Ibidem, 6.

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ding agent set up efficient procedures, which ensured extremely fast unloading and shipping of goods. In Trieste Yugoslavia had representatives of the Bureau of Special Supplies, which answered to the Ministry of Trade. The latter chose the company G.J. Marović & Co. as its forwarding service. The forwarding agent Marović assumed responsibility for UNRRA goods as soon as they touched port soil.29 The Trieste Office was informed of the arrival of a ship to the port with a message from London, Washington or Belgrade. Based on the information on the type of goods, the forwarding company decided which anchorage to send the ship to and how to unload it. Not all anchorages were equipped with cranes, which performed the unloading procedure three times faster than the use of derricks alone. UNRRA agents supervised and recorded the entire unloading procedure both on the ship and on the pier. All of these agents, the so-called supercargo men, were retired captains of merchant ships and were familiar with such procedures. Afterwards the forwarding warehousemen of both companies calculated the quantity of the unloaded goods. These were then either loaded onto wagons and shipped off to Yugoslavia or stored. This procedure was carried out by the staff employed by the Central Warehouse Authority. The storing or immediate shipping of goods depended mainly on the amount of traffic at the port. If the traffic was very dense, the goods were stored; if there was less traffic, the goods were loaded off the ship directly onto the wagons by the side of the ship. When loading was finished, the wagon was closed with a lock, which was numbered especially for this purpose and sealed. In many places these steel locks replaced the previous wire bolts on the wagons, which could be easily removed.30 After inspecting the wagons and locks, the doors were sealed too. The only exception was wagons carrying cereals and livestock, which had to be aired constantly.31 The shipping of goods from the port was authorised by the Allied Military Government, which also decided which shipment was given priority.32 The wagons were sent from the port to the Campo Marzio station, which operated as a marshalling yard. There all the wagons of UNRRA missions were arranged into large compositions and sent to the main railway station, where they were additionally arranged into compositions based on the missions they were headed for. On average, 10 compositions left for Yugoslavia from the main station in Trieste per day.33

29 Ibidem, 4. 30 Ibidem, 13. 31 Ibidem, 8. 32 Ibidem, 6. 33 Sadly, there is no data as to how many wagons comprised an individual composition. (Ibidem, 8).

173 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Cereals arrived at the port in sacks and in bulk. The cereals in sacks could be unloaded quickly, while the bulk cargo was unloaded using special vacuums, which sent the cereals directly to the goods wagons, or with large excavators, which loaded the cereals into a special machine with two special tubes that filled sacks with the cereals, which were then loaded onto the wagons.34 Special preparations were required for handling livestock. According to the rules, the ships that transported livestock were permitted a one-week stop for unloading, yet it was often that these very ships arrived late. For this reason certain anchorages were left vacant, with wagons standing by, so that the unloading of the livestock could be started immediately after the ship arrived. The transit of livestock also created the problem of removing the dung. Quite a few letters were written regarding this problem after the first ships arrived, as it was not clear whether the removal of dung was the responsibility of the Office or of the ship's owner, since the rule book was unclear on the matter. In the end the Office assumed this responsibility. It had to remove from 200 to 250 tons of dung from ships on average, which usually transported some 750 horses. The dung could have been used to fertilise agricultural lands, yet the lack of goods wagons prevented it. Waiting for wagons would have caused a delay in the ship's departure, which would have cost UNRRA 2000 USD per day. Hence the dung was collected on a nearby ship, which carried it to the open sea and tossed it in. The entire process of removing the dung took 36 hours. The livestock had to be unloaded as quickly as possible, not only because of the high costs in the event of a delay, but due to the general poor condition of the livestock. The livestock stood throughout the transport on a ship or train and therefore had to be taken to a pasture as quickly as possible, especially the horses, which first stood on a pasture on Yugoslav soil at the village of Prestranek near Postojna. They remained there for around 20 days in order to recover their strength before travelling again.35 The most difficult process was unloading machinery such as tractors and bulldozers, since derricks were often incapable of lifting the machinery. Hence water cranes had to be used, but the army had been given priority use of these. After the unloading was finished, the entire machinery had to be examined, since damage occurred on occasion. Thus e.g. it happened that they forgot to drain the water from the tractor radiators. The water froze at the low winter temperatures, causing the radiators to burst. Otherwise the level of the difficulty of unloading mostly depended on the weight of the machinery. The unloading of 23-ton American locomotives caused the greatest difficulties and

34 Ibidem, 9. 35 Ibidem.

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required water cranes. 9-ton mining locomotives could be unloaded using derricks, whereas 65 British Liberation locomotives, each weighing 76.5 tons, were transported with special ships that were equipped with 12-ton lifting cross- pieces that enabled their unloading. The locomotives were then moved to the area for repairing locomotives, from where they were dragged to Yugoslavia. 60-ton fishing boats were also transported by ship. UNRRA was especially proud of the successful transport of such ships from Seattle on the Pacific coast of the USA. During their loading, the local newspapers warned that the slightest poor weather would cause the Liberty cargo ships to dip, fill up with water and sink. However, the fishing boats that stood on the deck of these cargo ships were fastened with wire ropes and chains, allowing them to undergo transoce- anic voyages undamaged. Upon arrival, a 200-ton crane moved them directly into the water and a tugboat pulled them into the Yugoslav sea. Other smaller machinery usually arrived in crates and also left the port in them. The crates that were either too high or too wide for railway tunnels were moved onto special lorry trailers and transported by road. The policy of the port and of all the UNRRA missions operating in Trieste was to dispatch all shipments from the port to their final destination as quickly as possible. Thus around 60% of all goods headed for Yugoslavia were loaded directly onto wagons; when that was not possible – especially due to a high flow of goods at the port, for which they were unable to provide a sufficient number of wagons – the goods were usually sent to warehouses, thus ena- bling a quick departure of ships from the port. The lack of wagons could usually be solved quickly; misunderstandings occurred only rarely and particularly between Yugoslav and Italian railways, usually caused by their different rules regarding transport management. Thus it once happened that Italian railways refused to send any more wagons to the port, because they accused Yugoslav railways of expropriating eight shunt engines and demanded that they return them. On another occasion Yugoslav railways accused the Italian ones of need- lessly detaining the transport of new cars due to political tension. However, such misunderstandings usually did not last too long.36 The shipments of petroleum, oil and lubricants that started arriving after August 1945 were given special status. All the shipments were transported and stored for UNRRA by the British Army, with which the UNRRA European Regional Office had concluded an agreement. Thus the British Army undertook to satisfy all the Yugoslav needs for petroleum. For this purpose it used the military facilities in Trieste and in the Trieste districts of Aquila and San Sabba. At San Sabba UNRRA took on the costs of purchasing fire protection equip-

36 Ibidem, 11.

175 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Two boys sowing a torn sack of cereals, damaged during unloading. Port of Trieste. Probably 1946 (ARMS, UNRRA/323, Yugoslavia album)

ment and other equipment needed to implement the Yugoslav programme. It assumed responsibility for these shipments only after the army loaded the goods onto wagons or tankers.37 However, shipments of UNRRA goods did not come to Yugoslavia only by railway. Over a span of a few months 12,533 motor vehicles came through Trieste, which included lorries, tractors, trailers and tankers. These vehicles transported various types of goods, spare parts, tools, lubricants etc. The start-

37 Ibidem, 10.

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ing point for the majority of convoys, which contained from 40 to 70 vehicles, was the port town of Livorno. They were driven through Italy by allied, mostly Anglo-American soldiers or by German prisoners of war, who worked under the supervision of the allied soldiers. Later on these convoys were organised by civilian UNRRA staff. The first convoy arrived in Trieste in August 1945. Later on they became more and more frequent, until in November 1945 they became an everyday phenomenon on the streets of Trieste. They continued to arrive every day for the following two months, after which the frequency of these convoys began to decline, until in July 1946 it stopped at four or five convoys per month. The last larger road transport arrived on 4 August 1946 and delivered 44 new Fiat vehicles. On 14 November 1946 the last convoy arrived. Upon its arrival, the convoy was welcomed by two UNRRA officers, who mediated between the commander of the convoy and the Yugoslav representatives. The convoy continued on its path from Trieste past Monfalcone and Opicina to the Morgan demarcation line near Sežana. All formalities were arranged at the border crossing. Between the British and American sentry posts the convoy was handed over to the representative of the UNRRA Yugoslav mission. The representative inspected all the vehicles as to their type, make, serial number etc. Afterwards he also inspected the goods, consulting a list he had received for each individual convoy. After the inspection the representative handed all the vehicles over to the new commander of the convoy, the representative of the Yugoslav army, and the goods to the agents of the Bureau of Special Supplies. The latter reinspected all of the goods and issued an acknowl- edgement of receipt of the goods to the UNRRA representative. All receipts were kept at the head office of the UNRRA Yugoslav mission in Belgrade.38

Outflow of Goods to the Black Market

The economic and political situation enabled Trieste to become a basis for illegal trade, which provided foreign exchange assets and material assets to the nearby population and to Ljubljana and Belgrade.39 Generally speaking, much of the illegal trade in Trieste took place with the knowledge or even support of the Yugoslav government. The national government of Slovenia, with the help of the Economic Commission of the Provincial National Liberation Commit- tee, founded a number of companies in 1945 with fictitious owners and capital that was shown as capital of the Slovene national community. On paper,

38 Ibidem, 10–11. 39 Prinčič, "Primorsko gospodarstvo v času vojaških zasedbenih con": 149.

177 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

these companies were engaged in ore, livestock, wood, paper, construction, transportation and other activities. They were managed by the Import-Export Cooperative, which was abolished due to the "influence of foreign individuals and agents". These companies were taken over by the Ministry of Export and Import of the People's Republic of Slovenia; some 10 other companies were active in Trieste at the same time, under the management of the State Security Administration (UDBA). With these companies Yugoslavia and Slovenia ensured themselves vast foreign exchange reserves. Other players used similar tactics, such as district authorities and border companies.40 The black market of UNRRA goods was less profitable, but by no means negligible. In Trieste UNRRA recorded a greater outflow of goods to the black market than in Yugoslav ports. The documents explain the higher number of thefts with the greater quantity of goods that moved through there. The protection of the goods headed for Yugoslavia was the responsibility of the Yugoslav mission, which was primarily concerned about the outflow of goods in Zone A of Venezia Giulia. In April 1946 the Yugoslav government assessed that the thefts of goods were increasing and that something needed to be done about it. Its report recorded that on 9 April 1946 57 sacks of sugar had been stolen from a wagon at the Campo Marzio station. The perpetrator was caught and handed over to the Allied Mili- tary Government. The 13th corps of the allied armed forces in Venezia Giulia was also informed of the increase in thefts. The Yugoslav government asked the Allied Military Government to allow the Yugoslav army to accompany all the transports of wagons from the port to Zone B of Venezia Giulia. A steamy debate followed between UNRRA, the army and the Military Government, since the latter two were not in favour of Yugoslav armed militia entering Zone A. The Yugoslav government and the UNRRA Yugoslav mission advocated that the thefts which had been on the rise since January 1946 had to be contained and that one could frequently see employees of the port selling UNRRA can- ned meat on the streets. Between 19 and 22 May the military police carried out two actions and successfully apprehended organisations of thieves; nevertheless between 19 and 25 May UNRRA wagons in Udine and Mestre were looted, in addition to those in Trieste. Furthermore, the Yugoslav mission protested the fact that the police of Venezia Giulia had not returned the stolen goods it had confiscated from the thieves to the Trieste Office. A few of the employees at UNRRA facilities in the district of San Sabba were convicted of causing the outflow of UNRRA goods. These employees worked at the railway and delibera- tely rerouted some of the wagons to the railway station in San Sabba. Thus 329 sacks of sugar were stolen on 14 June 1946. For this period – from 9 April to

40 Ibidem, 158.

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14 June – the Ministry of Trade of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY) issued a report stating that after checking the lists of goods and the goods that had actually arrived it had established that thefts were still on the rise. As many as 23 wagons were to have been looted, which contained:

Table 1: Outflow of Goods to the Black Market from 9 April to 14 June 1946

Goods Number of Units

Sugar 425 sacks

Mail – letters 18 sacks

Mail – parcels 37 parcels

Milk40 40 crates

Leather 2 parcels

Footwear 18 crates

Bacon 2 crates

Coffee 68 sacks

Fabric 1 bale

Jam 29 crates

41 According to data from the Yugoslav government almost 250 tons of goods were stolen in total by 15 July 1946.42 Despite these events the Allied Military Government did not allow the armed Yugoslav militia to enter Zone A. How- ever, on 8 June 1946 it did allow an increased number of unarmed Yugoslav guards to monitor the movements of railway wagons from the port. On 12 June the head office of the Yugoslav mission replied that it cannot place individual guards on trains, for it believed that their lives could be in danger if thieves were to attack. Hence the mission suggested that the allied government provide its armed military sentries, yet that was not possible due to lack of military staff. At the end of June 1946 the Allied Military Government allowed members of the Yugoslav militia to re-enter Zone A and accompany the wagons from the Campo Marzio station into Zone B. However, despite all the efforts from the Yugoslav government and UNRRA – UNRRA's Director-General, Fiorello

41 Most likely powdered milk. 42 Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji", 194.

179 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

La Guardia, even intervened with the commander of the allied forces in Italy – they remained unarmed;43 moreover, the militia was not allowed to accompany convoys through the key point of transport – the city centre.44 In August 1946 the increased security measures contributed to a decline in looting. The key measure was the increased number of security guards at the port and the escort by the Venezia Giulia police from the port to the marshalling yard, where security was taken over by the unarmed Yugoslav militia. Upon taking over the wagons, the security guards of both sides performed an inspection to determine whether looting had occurred, thus verifying the efficiency of the new security system. New searchlights at the key spots in the marshalling yard illuminated these spots all night long and presented an additional factor of supervision. The allied army distributed patrols, which protected the transport routes along which UNRRA goods were travelling. All of the stolen goods which UNRRA had successfully retrieved were protected by a security officer, appointed by UNRRA Centro. The goods were returned to the port and loaded onto the wagons headed for the country of their original destination.45 As regards the outflow of UNRRA goods to the black market, an investigation by the head of the Trieste Office, Berry K. White, deserves mention. As mentioned above, the Yugoslav mission had sent him to Trieste on 23 June 1945; he was relieved of his function on 9 September 1946. That same year the head of the Yugoslav mission issued an order to launch an investigation into the operations of the former head of the Office. Among other things he was charged with bribing representatives of the companies that collaborated with the Office, with trafficking in foreign currencies, with illegal expropriation of supplies owned by the mission or the Yugoslav government, and with trafficking in goods such as e.g. tyres, sugar, maize etc.46 The investigation did not uncover any actual evidence of major offences – particularly concerning trafficking and bribery –, but it did convict him of a few minor offences. At the conclusion of the investigation the Committee suggested that White be dishonourably discharged from UNRRA service, and asked those in charge to show leniency when determining the level of dishonourableness.47

43 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 11–13. As regards the issue of armed guards from the Yugoslav militia, UNRRA documents clearly state that the militia in Zone A was never armed. However, the newspaper Politika reported on 7 August 1946 that the pressure from La Guardia and the comprehensive documentation had forced the Allied Military Government to grant armed protection from the Yugoslav militia. 44 Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji", 194. 45 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, 11–13. 46 ARMS, S-1414-0000-0179, JS/Chief/30, a/ Committee of Inquiry on Berry White, 1. 47 Ibidem, 6–7.

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Conclusion

In light of the political situation, the operation of UNRRA in Trieste did not encounter any greater difficulties, especially when considering all the tension that occurred between the Italian and Yugoslav sides. Situated in the city were the Yugoslav military mission and the representative office of the Bureau of Special Supplies, for which the Italians often made perfectly clear that they did not belong there. This discord reached its climax on the night of 30 April to 1 May 1946, when the head of the representative office of the Bureau of Special Supplies, Janko Ravnikar, was killed in an attack, and his deputy, Milan Kmet, and colleague, Jure Bećarević, injured.48 Therefore the operation of the Office could in fact be evaluated as successful merely because it never stopped operating. An even greater achievement was the fact that it operated very successfully and without any major conflicts. In Trieste the Office closed its doors in May 1947, only one month before the Yugoslav mission was shut down on 20 June. Despite the initial problems, the progress in setting up ports and transport connections was incredibly fast. By mid-July the capacity of accepting goods at the Split and Dubrovnik ports increased to 100 thousand tons. By July 1945 the "port cork" was eliminated with the opening of the Trieste, Šibenik and Zadar ports. At that time the monthly traffic of the ports increased to 100 thousand tons, and in December of that year to as many as 200 thousand tons per month.49 UNRRA's intervention helped thousands of Yugoslavs to get through these difficult times more easily. By providing food, clothing, medicine and by building hospitals it helped the population to improve their living conditions; by providing technology and agricultural machinery it contributed significantly to the much needed launch of Yugoslav economy. Over a span of two years UNRRA delivered more than 3 million tons of goods to Yugoslavia:50

48 Petranović, "Pomoć UNRE Jugoslaviji", 194. 49 Wilson, "Success of a Mission: U.N.R.R.A. in Yugoslavia", 377. 50 Woodbridge, UNRRA, Vol. 2, 169.

181 K. Ajlec: UNRRA Trieste Port Office (1945–1947)

Table 2: The amount of goods delivered by UNRRA to Yugoslavia valued in US Dollars and in metric tons

Form of Aid Value in USD ($) Weight in tons

Food 135,029,700 1,392,354

Clothing, textile and footwear 81,785,200 103,311

Health care and army medical corps 19,911,600 24,154

Agrarian rehabilitation 36,044,300 272,418

Industrial rehabilitation 108,147,200 1,181,575

Acceptance of military supplies 34,724,000 150,991

TOTAL 415,642,00050 3,124,803

Of which the following quantity of goods passed through the Trieste Office of the Yugoslav mission:52

Table 3: The amount of UNRRA goods that passed through the Port of Trieste

Form of Aid Weight in tons

Different types of ship cargo – Port of Trieste 969,461.5

Different types of ship cargo – Port of Venice 9686

Petrol 76,439

Paraffin 53,501

Diesel 26,235

Aviation fuel – Avgas 713.5

Other supplies connected with petroleum 4360

TOTAL 1,140,396

51 Bearing in mind the increase in dollar value, today this sum would amount to $5.3 billion. More at: http://www.measuringworth.com (Accessed: December 2012) 52 ARMS, S-1021-0025-07, Monographs, Yugoslavia Vol. VI, Department of Supply, Trieste Port Section, Appendix VII.

182 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

In addition to goods, a higher number of means of transportation also arrived through the port:53

Table 4: Number of vehicles that passed through the Port of Trieste

Means of transportation Number

Cars 965

Lorries 7763

Trailers 3444

Tractors 32

TOTAL 12,204

With aid from UNRRA Yugoslavia avoided an utter humanitarian catastrophe. Moreover, it laid the foundations for a stable economy for the post-war reconstruction. Ports and railways were sufficiently restored, agriculture came to life, factories were re-opened, production was on the rise, new technologies were introduced, and with the inflow of aid from UNRRA the prices of goods were dropping. Thus by successfully leading the biggest European mission, UNRRA enabled Yugoslavia to become economically independent and get back on its feet.

53 Ibidem.

183 Kornelija Ajlec

UNRINNA TRŽAŠKA PRISTANIŠKA PISARNA (1945–1947)

POVZETEK

Organizacija Združenih narodov za pomoč in obnovo – UNRRA je prispela na jugoslovansko ozemlje neposredno po koncu druge svetovne vojne. Po prihodu se je morala soočiti s številnimi ovirami, ki so ji onemogočale nemoteno posredovanje materialne pomoči. Tako se je morala UNRRA aktivno vključiti v povojno obnovo s tem, da je pomagala pri vzpostavljanju transportnih poti. Pomoč je prihajala počasi, sprva preko le dveh jugoslovanskih pristanišč Split in Dubrovnik. Kmalu pa je prišla pobuda, da bi za dobavo pomoči zavezniki dali Unrri na voljo pristanišče v Trstu, ki je lahko čeprav poškodovano začelo z obra- tovanjem za unrrine namene v manj kot dveh mesecih po osvoboditvi mesta. Prav tako pa je bila ključna njegova železniška povezava z Ljubljano in Beogra- dom. Unrrina Jugoslovanska misija je v Trstu ustanovila pristaniško pisarno, ki je koordinirala dobavo pomoči ter posredovala pri odnosih med Zavezniško vojaško upravo v Julijski krajini. Delovala je učinkovito, saj je uspešno dobavila več sto tisoč ton zalog in drugih dobrin, ki so postale temelj povojne obnove Jugoslavije. S tudia H istorica S lovenica

UDC 94(497.4+497.5):329"1990/2007" 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

Historical Development of the Party Landscape in Slovenia and Croatia between 1990 and 2007

Aleš Maver Ph. D., Assistant Professor University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of History Koroška 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

Darko Friš Ph. D, Full Professor University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of History Koroška 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: This paper discusses the development of party systems in Slovenia and Croatia after the restoration of multiparty systems and first multiparty elections in 1990. The text also lays emhasis upon the importance of the electoral system regarding its influence on the power distribution and fate of parties themselves, in both countries. The beginning of 21st century, especially in Croatia, has led to the consolidation of party systems, thus bringing forward two powerful parties (HDZ on the right and SDP on the left centre). A similar development occured in Slovenia before the elections in 2004 concerning the right centre.

Key words: political parties, elections, electoral system, contemporary political history, Croatian Sabor, Slovenian National Assembly, Demos, HDZ

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 185–222, 79 notes, 11 graphs Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene)

185 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

Introduction

Ways and sideways that were trodden by the development of various political parties in Slovenia and Croatia after the restoration of multiparty systems at the end of 80s and at the beginning of 90s of the 20th century showed a number of common features, yet the differences were similarly numerous. This discussion certainly does not have the ambition to provide a complete account of all their complexities. However, its main intention is to present some crucial observati- ons of the development of political parties and several curiosities of their fate in both states, as they can be shown with reference to (up to now quite numerous) elections. Considering the historical roots of both party systems and their formation after the democratic change, even the most negligent observer cannot over- look some interesting details. It is an undisputed fact that the development of political parties in 19th century Croatian lands started about half a century earlier than in Slovene lands. Croatian political parties began to take their form already in the middle of 19th century1, whereas political division of hitherto unitarian Slovene political movement came about only in the last decade of the period, but not in all Slovene lands. Formation of the parties began in Carniola, yet in Styria the creation of separate political factions was even more sluggish.2 In other Slovene lands, e.g. Carinthia, the factional grouping did not occur until the dissolution of the monarchy. But, once their formation was completed, the Croatian and Slovene party system have developed at least one crucial common feature. Democratisation of the voting system (that was completed in Slovene lands as early as in 1907, but in Croatian lands only with the emergence of the Kingdom of SHS, except for Dalmatia and Istria), led to obvious domination of one political party whilst others had to give themselves content with more or less small portions of popular votes. The elections to the Constitutional assembly held in 1920 indicated some possibility of a different development3 (particularly in the Slovene lands), since both parties that were later supposed to have crucial influence on the formation of countries' politics obtained but a

1 On the beginnings of Croatian parliamentarism, see Ivo Goldstein, Croatia: A History (London, 1999), 64-67 and 71-81 (hereinafter: Goldstein, Croatia). 2 For details see: Janez Cvirn, Razvoj ustavnosti in parlamentarizma v Habsburški monarhiji: Dunajski državni zbor in Slovenci (1848–1918)( Ljubljana, 2006), passim, and Janko Prunk, in co-operation with Cirila Toplak and Marjeta Hočevar, Parlamentarna izkušnja Slovencev (Ljubljana, 2006), 49, 56 and 59 (hereinafter: Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja). 3 See Bojan Balkovec, "Vpliv volilne zakonodaje na izide parlamentarnih volitev v narodno skupščino leta 1920 in 1923", Zgodovinski časopis 42 (1988), Nr. 3: 438 ss. (hereinafter: Balkovec, "Vpliv volilne zakonodaje"); Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 91.

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small majority (only plurality in Slovenian People's Party case), yet already the first "regular" elections to the Parliament of the new common state solidified the political state of things that remained unchanged until the violent interruption. In the Slovene lands, the politics was dominated by the Catholic Slove- nian People's Party (SLS), whereas in the Croatian lands the political arena was hegemonized by the agrarian Croatian Peasant Party (HSS).4 In the same period, we could also spot the emergence of a difference that, in the comparison of both party systems, can be observed even today. If, in Slo- vene lands, the competition between parties has since its beginning been greatly influenced by their relationship towards the Catholic Church, which is also one of the main reasons for a relatively strong presence of Catholic or Christian Democratic parties on the Slovene political scene after the 1990, the development in Croatia more resembles the situation in several other traditionally Catholic countries, where explicitly Catholic parties have had little importance (here, I would like to mention the example of Ireland, and, until recent times, something similar could have been said about Poland).5 Of course, the communist seizure of power after the WW2 also signified a temporary interruption of multiparty political life, although the conditions, at first, were at least partly different.6 Both of the pre-war leading parties have continued their work in emmigration, yet none of them has been able to resume its pre-war role after the restoration in their respective countries (HSS nowadays functions as an independent party whereas in Slovenia the pristine SLS merged with Christian Democrats, after which they together formed the new SLS).

First Elections

Consequently, the multiparty systems in Slovenia and Croatia at the end of 80s in the 20th century emerged, more or less, from nothing. At the first general multiparty election after long decades in 1990 the political scene was fairly similar to those of other East European Countries that had their débuts in the previous, same, or next spring.7 On the one side there were political successors

4 Balkovec, "Vpliv volilne zakonodaje": 443 ss.; Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 109. 5 The situation is entirely different in Czech Republic that is known as one of most secularised once predominantly Catholic countries, where because of the strong anti-clerical tradition Christian Democrats enjoy stable public support slightly below 10 % of votes. 6 See Jerca Vodušek Starič, Prevzem oblasti 1944–1946 (Ljubljana, 1992), passim. 7 In June 1989 Poles still voted in partially free elections. East Germans went to the polls on 18 March 1990, just slightly before the Slovenians and Croats, a week after the elections were held in Hungary. Romanians voted in May, Czech and Slovaks in June, and so on. The sequence was completed with Albania where elections took place in March 1991.

187 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

of hitherto ruling party (or, in the case of Slovenia also its related socio-political organisations), and, on the other side, a variegated array of newly emerged par- ties8, founded since 19899. That heterogeneous bundle used various political strategies by which they hoped to successfully tackle with the existing political regime. Nonetheless, Slovenian and Croatian example are quite informative, for they offer an insight into two different models. In Slovenia, the opposition parties – the Slovenian Christian Social Movement (SKSG) which later developed to Slovenian Christian Democrats (SKD), Slovenian Peasants' Union (SKZ), Greens of Slovenia (ZS), Slovenian Democratic Union (SDZ), Social Democra- tic Union of Slovenia (SDZS) and Slovenian Artisans' Union (SOZ) – formed an unitary bloc called Democratic Opposition of Slovenia (Demos).10 In Croa- tia, the situation was quite different – on the election Sunday, the ruling Com- munists had to compete with two opposition groups, i.e. Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) and a bloc of parties called the Coalition of National Agreement (KNS) that gathered around the first of newly founded Croatian parties, the Croatian Social Liberal Party (HSLS).11 The mentioned model was – also according to the results of the elections – closer to the prevailing pattern from other Central and East European countries where it was also quite common that the majority of the electoral body voted for one leading opposition party. In Cze- choslovakia, that was the Citizens' Forum (or, its Slovak counterpart Public Against Violence), in Bulgaria Union of the Democratic Forces, and in Albania the Democratic Party. Weakness of then (still) ruling socialists in Hungary made it possible for first Hungarian democratic election to be regarded as an important struggle between two main opposition groups (i.e. victorious conservative Hungarian Democratic Forum and liberal Union of Free Democrats) what is a bit similar to the Croatian electoral showdown that, nonetheless, produced a considerably different outcome. Slovenian situation somewhat resembled the Polish state of affairs in 1989 when in partially free elections (totally free elections were held only for the restored Upper chamber, the Senate) the Poli- sh United Workers' Party competed with the unitary oposition bloc Solidarity (Solidarnost) that, for the first time, dissolved already in 1990 when its conser-

8 Slovenian Peasants' Union was founded as early as in May 1988, but its beginnings concerning the entry into politics were not quite promising. 9 Božo Repe, Slovenci v osemdesetih letih (Ljubljana, 2001), particularly 58–61 (hereinafter: Repe, Slovenci v osemdesetih); Rosvita Pesek, Osamosvojitev Slovenije (Ljubljana, 2007), particularly 113– 121 (hereinafter: Pesek, Osamosvojitev). 10 On Demos see now especially the yet upubliashed phD thesis by Andreja Valič Zver, Vloga Demosa v procesu slovenske osamosvojitve in demokratizacije (Maribor, 2012), 470 pp. Cf. as well Darko Friš, "Demosova vlada – na poti do razglasitve slovenske samostojnosti", Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 72 (2001), Nr. 3–4: 503–535 (hereinafter: Friš, "Demosova vlada"). 11 Goldstein, Croatia, 204–207; Dieter Nohlen and Philip Stöver (eds.), Elections in Europe (Baden- Baden, 2010), 400 ss. (hereinafter: Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe).

188 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

vative factions supported Lech Wałęsa whereas its liberal parts gave support to Tadeusz Mazowiecki.12 First entirely free Polish elections in 1991 were totally 'jungle-like', with huge array of parties achieving the percentage of votes needed to enter the parliament. The strongest party was the Democratic Union which originated from the liberal wing of Solidarnost, with altogether just 62 out of 460 seats in the 'Sejm'.13 A sort of combination of all possibilities were the elections to the East German Volkskammer, where a number of parties competed with the Party of Democratic Socialism (former Socialist Unified Party of Germany or SED), but the main battle for votes was fought between the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Social Democrats (SPD). The Christian Democrats subsequently combined with two smaller parties to form an electoral bloc similar to the Croatian KNS. Apart from that, the CDU (in the end the undisputed winner) was previously an obedient member of the National Front where the tempo was ruthlessly dictated by SED. Also the third former bloc party, the Democratic Peasant Party, participated in the first free elections, however with poor success, and later joined the CDU. Diversity of the Slovenian Demos coalition could be noted just by looking at the names of parties included. Its spectre ranged from the conservative centre-right with Slovenian Peasants' Union that originated from the Slovenian Peasants' Syndicate, and Slovene Christian Democrats. A sort of Western-standard economic-liberal party was represented by the Slovenian Artisans' Party. (At that time still solid) anti-Communist left wing of the coalition was then represented by Socialdemocratic Union of Slovenia, led by Jože Pučnik who was also a member of German SPD. Concerning the Demos' internal disunity, it is very typical that frictions – even within its components – occurred almost immediately after the achievement of coalition's basic objectives, i.e. democratisation and independence of Slovenia. Soon afterwards, the Demos' leading party concerning its human resources potential and role within the first non- Communist cabinet, the Slovenian Democratic Union, disintegrated into left and right factions, as we shall see further14. The Greens of Slovenia have had more or less similar destiny, with its disputes dragging on well into the present times, continuing far beyond the left-right disintegration, with the left faction joining the Liberal Democracy of Slovenia. Until the relative victory in 2004 election, Pučnik's Social Democrats also were going through an interesting

12 The story of disintegrations related to the once unified Solidarity was thereby just beginning. Its members are now found in all three political blocs; some of them even forned a coalition with the successor party of the PRZP before the local elections in 2006 to form the bloc Left and the Democrats (which disintegrated already in April 2008). The development (or rather disintegration) of the Slovenian Demos was very similar. 13 For results see Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 1503 and 1511. 14 See for a short overview Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 235.

189 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

process that could be of interest even at the international level with the party's transition from the Socialist International (where they first attempted their 'breaktrough') to the European People's Party. In Croatia, the Coalition of National agreement also had some degree of similarity to Demos. There, predominantly centre-oriented groupings gathered around the non-partisan veteran of the 'Croatian Spring' from 1971, Savka Dabčević - Kučar: the HSLS, Croatian National Party (HNS), Croatian Christian Democratic Party (HKDS), a faction of the renewed HSS, Social Democratic Party of Croatia (SDSH) and Croatian Democratic Party (HDS).15 The parties which formed the coalition were, like in the case of Slovenian Demos, subject to many changes during the next few years. The HNS has become one of the leading stars for the left-oriented political option in 21st century, the SDSH merged totally into the leading left-centre party that succeeded the Union of Commu- nists, and the Christian Democrats and Democrats disappeared. However, the HSLS and HSS went through numerous (internal and external) ups and downs. The HSLS that, like the Croatian Democratic Union, was a conglomerate of a vast spectre of political ideas, reaching from left-wing liberalism to conservative nationalism, underwent several disintegrations with its left wing eventually merging with the HNS, whereas its right wing moved towards HDZ, having suffered a relatively bad experience within the Račan's coalition government from 2000–2002, and after the last elections joined the coalition led by HDZ. Some- thing similar could be said about the HSS that, despite its conservative electoral basis, for most of the time explored was closer to the Social Democrats, which is also going to be demonstrated in the next sections. Yet, heterogeneity was not only a feature of the coalition-based HNS, but also of the HDZ that was even more colourful than HSLS or Slovenian SDZ. It offered a shelter to people like former ruling party officials, economic liberals and conservative nationalists. Nonetheless, one of major peculiarities of the HDZ was the important role of Croatian diaspora within the party. A crucial symbolic figure of that component for party's proponents, as well as opponents, was the long-term Minister of Defence Gojko Sušak (born in the 'holy enclave' of Herzegovinian Croats Široki Brijeg) who lived in Canadian emmigration for decades. Such connection between Communists and emmigrants is also significant for the political scene in the Baltic states, particularly Latvia

15 Janko Prunk, "Primerjava političnega razvoja v Sloveniji in Hrvaški 1990–2000", in: Parlamentarne volitve 2000, eds. D. Fink - Hafner and T. Boh (Ljubljana, 2002), 144 (hereinafter: Prunk, "Primerjava političnega razvoja"), and Sabrina P. Ramet, "Politics in Croatia since 1990", in: Central and Southeast European Politics since 1989, ed. S. P. Ramet (Cambridge, 2010), particularly 266–268 (hereinafter: Ramet, "Politics in Croatia").

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(here, I refer especially to the Latvian Way party), and Estonia.16 Because of its diverse composition, the leading Croatian party could not escape numerous disintegrations. Nevertheless, those changes did not lead to drammatic or even fatal loss of votes, as in the case of HSLS. Of course, one of the factors that significantly influenced the relationships between the political parties, was also the electoral system. If we can say that democratisation and extension of the suffrage at the beginning of the 20th century were crucial for the success of the mass parties SLS and HSS, with the 'strengthened' proportional system from 1923–192917 doubtlessly solidifying their ruling positions, then it is also very likely that many of the political moves and decisions within the renewed multiparty systems can also be explained by the ways used for the division of parliamentary seats. The vast majority of East and Central European countries encountered their first free multiparty elections after the process of democratisation with their old, pre-democratic constitutions and, consequently, old basic mechanisms of their representative bodies. On the other hand, many of them decided to change the Soviet majority electoral model into proportional electoral system.18 Croatia and Slovenia chose different ways of decision-making each. The former kept the old socialist structure of parliament (or, rather, assembly) unchanged, thus maintaining three chambers, out of which the corporative- ly designed and on old socialist self-management based Assembly of United Labour bore the greatest significance by far (since, in the case of Croatia it had as much as 160 of 352 representatives). Although Slovenia kept the same three chambers, the number of representatives in each of them was equal (since the total number of representatives in parliament was 240, each of the three chambers had 80 members; next to the Chamber of the United Labour, there were the other two: the Socio-Political Chamber, and the Municipal Chamber).19 Moreover, there was another important difference: in Croatia, the elections to all three chambers were regulated by the majoritarian electoral system, whereas in Slovenia the majoritarian system was used only for the elections to the Chamber of the United Labour and the Municipal Chamber, but not in the case of the politically most important Socio-Political Chamber where the electoral system was proportional. The rule that applied there was purely proportional, thus each party got proportionate number of seats according

16 During 2006 and 2007 the presidents of all three Baltic states were political emigrants or (as in the case of Estonian President Ilvers) they were even born in the emigration. This changed with the election of Valdis Zatlers to the Latvian presidency in 2007. 17 See Balkovec, "Vpliv volilne zakonodaje", 443–446. 18 See Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, passim. 19 Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 215.

191 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

Elections to the Slovenian assembly 1990, distribution of seats by chambers (Potočnik, "Prve večstrankarske volitve")

to its share of votes cast; there even wasn't any threshold to enter the Assem- bly.20 So, what was achieved by the usage of different calculating procedures? The former opposition achieved approximately the same election results in both countries. The Demos coalition won 54.8 % of votes and gained 47 out of 80 seats in the Socio-Political Chamber of parliament (i.e. National Assembly as a whole). In Croatia, the HDZ and KNS together gained 57.3 % of votes.21 Never- theless, the majoritarian system in Croatia was the main cause of fairly uneven distribution of strength between the two mentioned opposition groups: in the end, the HDZ with 42.3 % of votes gained as much as 55 out of 80 seats in Social-Political Chamber (SPC), but the KNS had to remain content with merely 3 seats out of 80, though it obtained solid 15 % of popular vote. Proportional distribution of seats in the Slovenian SPC certainly contributed to the increased fragmentation of the political space. It is true that Demos as a whole won solid (according to the number of seats nearly three fifths of

20 See Slavko Gaber, "Zrelostni izpit", in: Volilni sistemi, ed. S. Gaber (Ljubljana, 1996), 260, and Dragan Potočnik, "Prve večstrankarske volitve na Slovenskem", Studia historica Slovenica 7 (2007), Nr. 1–2: 112 (hereinafter: Potočnik, "Prve večstrankarske volitve"). Similar electoral system was used in the first and only democratic elections for the German 'Volkskammer'. 21 These are, of course, the results of the elections for Socio-Political Chamber of Sabor in the first round of voting. See Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 414 s. and 418.

192 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

Elections to the Socio-Political Chamber of the Croatian Sabor 1990, % of votes cast (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe)

them) majority, but inside the coalition voters contributed to a pretty blurred power-sharing image. As many as four coalition parties (SKD, SKZ, SDZ and ZS) gained almost the same percentage of votes, i. e. around 10 %. The strongest party, i. e. Christian Democrats, gained only 13 % of votes, thereby surpassing the SKZ by merely 0.4 percentage points, which was nevertheless enough to secure the mandate for goverment formation according to the previous agreement within the Demos coalition (Lojze Peterle was appointed formateur after the election).22 Although it may have been assumed that, with reference to the results of the election, the centre-right component was in the leading position (which was already evident with the principal role taken by SKD and SKZ), the share of the centre-left coalition wing should not have been underestimated. Last but not least, the given distribution of strength also became obvious at the simultaneous elections of the presidency members when the Slovenes elected two representatives of the Demos coalition (and even among those two Dušan Plut later emerged as the representative of the left wing of ZS), plus three repre-

22 Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja, 215; Pesek, Osamosvojitev, 141–142, and now Rosvita Pesek, Osamosvojitvena vlada: Kako so gradili državo (Klagenfurt, 2012).

193 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

Elections to the Socio-Political Chamber in Slovenia 1990, share of votes in % (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe)

sentatives of parties that were seen as successors of the former ruling powers.23 In turn, the used electoral system could also be observed as a factor that encouraged the candidacy of three parties that emerged from former social and political organisations, which was a situation unknown to other Central and East European countries with the sole exception of East Germany where people also voted according to a pure proportional system.24 The strength relations between the mentioned parties were not much clearer than those within the Demos coalition: Union of Communists – Party of the Democratic Renewal won the elections, however, by obtaining only modest 17.3 % of votes cast. Besides that, it barely managed to surpass the political party that was the offspring of the former regime youth organisation, called the Union of Social- ist Youth-Liberal Party that got 14.5 % share. Socialist Union of Slovenia (SZS) was left further behind.25 That party represents another peculiarity of Slove- nian emerging multiparty system because it developed from principal former

23 For the results of the elections for presidency, see Pesek, Osamosvojitev, 140, and Potočnik, "Prve večstrankarske volitve", 113–116. 24 Besides the dominant Socialist Unified Party of Germany, the three other bloc parties also run in the election. See Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 733 s. 25 Very detailed presentation of the results in Potočnik, "Prve večstrankarske volitve", 117.

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political organisation, the Socialist Union of Working People, a successor of the historically important Liberation Front. With a bit of humor it could be added that the candidacy of SZS was similar to the situation that would have emerged in the East Germany, if the National Front had run in the elections next to the other parties of the bloc. In the previous lines, the electoral process at the level of Slovenian National Assembly (skupščina) and Croatian Sabor as a whole was somewhat put aside. It should be noted that, roughly speaking, the situation resembled the one from Socio-Political Chamber, because the Demos coalition, as well as Croatian Democratic Community (HDZ), had won the majority of seats in their parliaments as a whole. Demos' majority was considerably weaker (127 of 240 seats): the party won solid majorities in the Socio-Political Chamber and in the Munic- ipal Chamber, but obtained only 29 out of 80 seats in the Chamber of United Labour.26 Most delegates there were formally independent, but they de facto mostly voted with the new opposition. The situation of the Croatian HDZ was far more stable: it gained 205 out of 352 parliamentary (sabor) seats, thereby having control over all three parliamentary chamber. Although the Union of Communists of Croatia got a fairly strong representation (107 seats), that was not the case with the KNS that got less than 6 % of all delegates.27

Between the Two Elections

Concerning the durability of the state brought about by the first multiparty elections in both ex-Yugoslav republics, the difference between them was substantial and, to some extent, brought about by the results of the first election trial. Apart from that, it has to be emphasised that both ruling blocs – Demos' coalition and seemingly unified, yet very diverse bloc of HDZ – managed to realise the most important issues of their political pragmatics: Demos achieved their realisation despite the minimal majority in the Slovenian National Assembly, notwithstanding its initial decision to form a model of a coalition cabinet by inclusion of all parties, even the ones in the opposition. Of course, the key ministries were reserved for Demos.28 It seems that the original con- sensus, at least in the Demos' case, was quickly losing its strength on key projects of democratisation and attainment of independence, but HDZ managed to extend its effects on several other processes of change, especially those that

26 Pesek, Osamosvojitev, 142. 27 Goldstein, Croatia, 210. 28 On the composition of the Peterle government, see Pesek, Osamosvojitev, 168 ss., and Friš, "Demosova vlada".

195 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

were closely related to perception of the relationship towards recent history (renaming of the streets to a great extent, removal of the Communist monu- ments of national liberation and sometimes setting up new ones with different meaning, fast and relatively unproblematic introduction of religious education to elementary schools). I think that should be mentioned because the first era of the new regime was dominated by members of the left party wing (among them we could have listed the first and second Prime Minister Stjepan Mesić, who was later also the president of the Assembly in the name of HDZ, and Josip Manolić, Minister of the Interior Josip Boljkovac and many others).29 The position of HDZ was considerably strengthened by its solid majority in the parliament. It enabled the party to reform the state constitution (passed in the December 1990, before the Croatian independence) much to the likings of its founder and president Franjo Tudjman, thus establishing the semi-presidential form of rule according to the French model which, at least in the newborn democracies, was more or less an exception to the rule.30 That was followed by the ten-years' period of almost total domination of the strongest party, which does not have any real parallels in the Central European political domain.31 As it was already mentioned, the fate of Demos was substantially different. The disputes emerged almost immediately after the Independence War. Finally, some major conflicts arose within the Slovenian Democratic Union32 that was a party of some crucial members of Peterle government who were also major figures during the independence process (Minister of the Interior Bavčar, Minis- ter of Foreign Affairs Rupel, Minister of Defence Janša, Minister of Information Kacin), whereas at the same time it represented Demos on somewhat smaller scale, together with all its internal differences, and yet trying to unite the representatives of its left-liberal, as well as right-conservative wing. In November 1991 they separated: the right wing under the leadership of the then Minister of Justice Rajko Pirnat formed the National Democratic Party (NDS), whereas

29 On their political evolution see Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", particularly 268. 30 If we do not observe all ex-Soviet republics, except the Baltic ones, where only in the Ukraine during the so called 'Orange Revolution' (and later also in Kyrgyzstan) some serious steps in the direction of parliamentary system have been made (in the Ukraine they have already been repealed by the Yanukovych government). The elements of stronger presidential role can further be spotted in the examples of Romania and Poland, but even there the position of 'Head of State' has not been comparable to the power held by the Croatian president Tudjman. 31 In all elections until 2000, the HDZ won the absolute majority of parliamentary seats. In Romania, the Front of National Salvation held a three-quarter majority, but managed to keep it only until 1992 when it failed to win even the absolute majority. In Bulgaria, the dominance of ex-Communists was even weaker, and it ended already after a year. Only the Montenegrin ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) could boast with abolute majority won several times, before it split to Bulatović's and Djukanović's wing. See for data Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, passim. 32 Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja Slovencev, 235, and Rosvita Pesek, "Jože Pučnik – dlje kot drugi", Studia historica Slovenica 11 (2011), Nr. 2–3: 459 (hereinafter: Pesek, "Jože Pučnik").

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the left wing under the leadership of the then Minister of Internal Affairs Bavčar formed the Democratic Party (DS) that was soon joined by the majority of the most eminent members of the previously united party (Rupel, Kacin, Spomen- ka and Tine Hribar, the president of the Assembly Bučar). Minister of Defence did not join any given option, but has somewhat later entered the Social Demo- cratic Party of Slovenia led by the Demos' leader Jože Pučnik. At the end of 1991 Demos disintegrated, as well.33 Formal conclusion of the first phase of Sloveni- an democratisation was marked by the fall of Peterle's government on 22 April 1992 (after the passing of Slovenian constitution in December 1991) when it was successfully pulled down in the third attempt of the opposition with the support of the ex-Demos leftist parties (DS, SDSS, part of ZS). Peterle (SKD) was replaced as Prime Minister by the ex-Yugoslav President Janez Drnovšek who was then head of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDS) that succeeded the second-place party from the elections in 1990.34 Drnovšek's coalition consisted of ministers who came from the former opposition parties (LDS, Socialist Party of Slovenia (SSS)) and Demos' parties DS, SDSS and ZS. The opposition was thus formed by the Demos' right-wing parties SKD, SLS (i.e. ex SKZ), NDS and Liberal party (LS, ex SOS). The reformers, successors of the ex-ZKS were supporting the government from the outside. Former Demos leader Jože Pučnik became Drnovšek's Vice President of the government, and that was his only political function in Slovenia at all.35 In 1991 and 1992, after the catastrophic start of the war in Croatia, the HDZ for the first and only time during its era of dominance entered a coalition with other parties, forming a 'government of national unity'. Under the leadership of Franjo Gregurić from 31 July 1991, that government consisted of all parliamentary groups but the right-wing HSP. The position of Deputy Prime Minister was held by Zdravko Tomac who later took the leadership of the nationalist wing of the Ex-Communists. However, so construed national unity was very short in its duration, since Dražen Budiša, the representative of HSLS, left the government as early as in February 1992. The next multiparty elections that were held at the beginning of August in the same year, once again re-established the sole dominance of HDZ.

33 Pesek, "Jože Pučnik": 459 s. 34 Prunk, Parlamentarna izkušnja Slovencev, 247. 35 On him see now a comprehensive biography by Rosvita Pesek, Pučnik (Klagenfurt, 2013). On his decision to back Drnovšek and enter his cabinet see also Pesek, "Jože Pučnik": 460.

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Elections of 1992 and Their Aftermath

The Croats held their next elections already on 2 August 1992, and the Slovenes followed on 6 December 1992. Interestingly, both elections were held together with the presidential vote (up to now, that have been the only two occasions). The composition of both parliaments, now being transformed into parliaments of two independent states, was again decisively different. Slovenian National Assembly (i.e. the lower house of Parliament) consisted of 90 members, out of which two were the representatives of minorities. Crotian lower house of Sabor (House of Representatives) had 138 members, out of which as many as 18 were representatives of minorities – 13 of them were Serbs). Again, there were significant differences regarding both electoral systems.36 Slovenian system remained proportional to the extent that it even favoured smaller parties,37 although the introduction of the prohibitive clause brought some significant change to political arena. In Croatia, of the 120 representatives 60 were elected in single- -member constituencies, and remaining 60 from the party lists. The seats in the lower house of Sabor were additionally won only by those political factions that managed to pass the 3 per cent threshold. It soon became evident that the described electoral system significantly favoured the dominating HDZ. Although the proportional shares between the political parties up to now still have been subject to substantial shifts, already the first elections in Slo- venia provided main guidelines for the understanding of the Slovenian party political structure. Above all, we need to emphasise the relatively high share of votes obtained by the parties for whom the comparatively low electoral threshold was too high (ex-Demos LS and NDS, and then SSS which emerged from SZDL). So it is far from suprising that as much as 17.7 % of popular vote were rendered irrelevant. Second, and perhaps even more important feature of the 1992 elections, was the emergence of Drnovšek's LDS as the leading Slovenian political force, keeping that position for as long as twelve years, when it was finally badly defeated in the elections. Here, it has to be stressed that the party in question has gradually shown more and more resemblance to at least some features of Slovenian Demos and Croatian HDZ. It emerged from the successor party of the Communist regime's youth organisation which during the 80s had the role of quasi-opposition.38 Even though it managed to keep its leftist inclination according to its ideas and principles (as well concerning the discussions on the recent history), and was loyal to its explicitly liberal direction, it

36 On them see Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 403 ss. and 1770 ss. 37 Consequently, in 1992 the LDS winning 23.5% of the vote got 25 % of 88 seats, and the ZS winning 3.7 % of votes won 5.7% of parliamentary seats. 38 Cf. Repe, Slovenci v osemdesetih, 32.

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also made an important move towards the political centre, thus giving voice to its economically liberal members, as well as to proponents of a strong welfare state. All diversity and heterogeneity of LDS that was even increased following the merger with three smaller parties or its factions in 1994 became fully evident after the departure of its long-time leader Janez Drnovšek who assumed the postion of the President of Slovenia in 2002 which eventually led to demise ('quartering') of the party. LDS won its first election with a somewhat modest election result that, nonetheless, sufficed for considerable advantage in relation to the second- placed Christian Democrats.39 Among losers were predominantly ex-Demos' parties that formed the joint co-ordination of the opposition parties after the fall of Peterle's government. Interestingly, the co-operation of SKD within it was very weak. Whereas the former Demos' right-wing scored quite well (Peterle's SKD even improved its last election result from 13 % in 1990 to 14.5 % in 1992 and managed to jump from third onto the second position; despite considerable losses, the explicitly agrarian-conservative party SLS led by Marjan Podob- nik also did quite well with 8.7 %), the parties that were most intensely associated with the process of Slovenian independence, Bavčar's DS and Pučnik's SDSS (ex SDZS) fell right to the bottom of public support gaining 5 and 3.3 % of votes respectively. Pirnat's NDS and Gros' LS (the parties achieved about 2 % of votes each and were right of the SKD) were left outside the Parliament. Greens of Slovenia won less than half of the votes from previous election. The party that won the elections in 1990 and now called itself Social Democratic Renew- al (SDP) also suffered significant losses. Within the frame of ZL (United List), together with three smaller leftist parties, among them later quite successful Democratic Pensioner Party, it succeeded to win the third place, immediately after the SKD. Therefore, it was more than evident that LDS managed to win votes from Demos' centre and leftist parties, as well as votes from the former social and political organisations (where SSS was left outside the parliasment with more than half votes less than in the first multi-party elections). The impression of crushing defeat suffered by the mainstream forces of the former Peterle's government was strengthened by the complete triumph of the president of the last Slovenian presidency and former leader of the League of Communist of Slovenia, Milan Kučan, in simultaneously held presidential elections. He garnered almost 64 % of votes and virtually swept away all other can- didates. The only serious contender was the Christian Democrat Ivan Bizjak, later Minister of Internal Affairs and Minister of Justice, winning a good fifth

39 Regarding the election results in 1992, see Marko Golobič, "Vpliv uporabe različnih volilnih sistemov na sestavo državnega zbora Republike Slovenije", in: Volilni sistemi, ed. Slavko Gaber (Ljubljana, 1996), 308.

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Party strengths in Slovenia, 1992–2000, % of votes cast (Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989") of votes. One of the crucial political figures of Slovenian independence Jelko Kacin won the third place as candidate of DS, obtaining around seven per cent of votes. The candidate of the victorious party in parliamentary elections (LDS) Ljubo Sirc had to give himself content with merely one tenth of party's vote (Bogomir Kovač had to bear similar fate in the 1997 presidential elections). At the same time, we have to mention the emergence of the new Slove- nian National Party (SNS) led by Zmago Jelinčič that importantly influenced the relationships within the political sphere. The party immediately won one tenth of votes, thus gaining as many as twelve seats in the Assembly, which was mainly possible due to Slovenian electoral system that favoured smaller and medium-sized parties. Even though at that time it used rough nationalist rhetoric that was directed mainly against the immigrants from other ex-Yugoslav republics it can be regarded as one of the most typical representatives of populist political parties from Central and East European area. Definitely it is significantly different from other classical parties of national right spectre (like, for example, Croatian Party of Rights, Hungarian Party of Truth and Life, partly also from Polish party of Kaczynski brothers, or Le Pen's National Front, concerning broader European point of view), and, finally, after all its turns and meta- morphoses, it most strongly resembles Romanian Party for Greater Romania led until recently by Corneliu Vadim Tudor, a great former admirer of Ceausescu regime, who, during one of his numerous lapses of mind, wanted his party to become part of European People's Party. It also shares a lot of attributes with

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the former left populist Self-Defence led by the late Polish politician Andrzej Lepper. The consequence of various turns regarding the party's favourite topics (in year 1996 the party argued for strict anti-clericalism, whereas in 2000 it addressed topics related to recent historical events) were many desertions of individual members and groups, yet the party still managed to keep itself just inside the National Assembly. Its biggest fall took place almost immediately after its election debut when its leader declared his support for Janez Drnovšek as formateur of the new government in early 1993. However, the right wing of SNS denied its compliance, and eight of twelve representatives then left Jelinčič and his company. Most of them later joined the weak Slovenian National Right (SND) under the leadership of Sašo Lap, but long-term political survival was possible only for the founder of the National Party of Work (NSD) Marijan Poljšak, who later emerged as presidential candidate and mayor of Ajdovščina. If the 1992 elections determined major party players and key political figures for over than a decade, in Croatia the turmoils in later years were so intense that the position in 1992 had been far less decisive. Next to different situation at the time of elections, the discrepancies regarding the course of events in Slove- nia were also strengthened by already mentioned significant HDZ's dominance and consequent domination of its leader Franjo Tudjman in Croatian politics. And if HDZ remained one of crucial factors of Croatian electoral system up to the present time (after a significant setback in 2000 it nearly got the share of votes known from the Tudjman period, although the success until now has not been repeated), the cards at the opposition table have shuffled anew with every following election. The dominating position of one party and division of its opponents have not made it possible for relations within the opposition to sta- bilise, that being a phenomenon not entirely unknown even to Slovenian parties, which shall become evident in the following paragraphs. Like in 1990, one of the very important foundation stones for the colossus of HDZ's success was added by the choice of suitable electoral system. Now, it is true that it was not any more exclusively majoritarian, since majority rule applied to only 60 of 120 (with minorities 138) representatives, yet it was again the considerable advantage of HDZ in combination with its solistic approach that led to a fairly uniform victory of Tudjman's men. Winning only 44.7 per cent of votes in proportional part ensured them as many as 85 of 138 seats. Considering the majoritarian part, they were successful in astonishing 54 out of 60 constituencies. As for the leading opposition parties, they were beaten only by HSLS, and this merely in one constituency. Nevertheless, remarkable result was achieved by the coalition of Littoral regional parties under the lead of Istrian Democratic Assembly (IDS), which won in four constituencies in Istria and Rijeka although, at the state level, it barely managed to pass the three per

201 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

cent electoral threshold (winning six seats altogether).40 The first elections according to the new Croatian constitution indicated significant centre-right orientation of the Croatian electorate that has been confirmed – though in a milder form – in all sebsequent elections until 2011. As a matter of fact, the political majority in Croatia after 1990 has always been centre-right (also in 2000), whereas in Slovenia the situation has been nearly entirely the opposite, with centre-right parties winning at best a draw (1996) or only a slight advantage (in 2004, when also the SNS came up with a pretty outspoken right agenda for its voters). Of course, the left-right division should not be conceived too statically due to heterogeneous structure of many parties.41 Therefore, it is not very surprising that in Croatia the best results next to the HDZ were achieved by the parties that criticised the ruling party from the rightist political standpoint: HSLS under the leadership of the legendary student movement leader in the times of Maspok Dražen Budiša, was by far strongest opposition party (winning 17.7 per cent of votes, yet due to its failure in majoritarian part getting only one tenth of seats); and, right behind it, the Croatian Party of Rights under the leadership of Dobroslav Paraga, winning seven per cent of votes, that secured its support manly by its criticism of Croatian politics towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, or, more specifically, towards Bosnian Muslims. The fourth place was won by HNS led by Savka Dabčević Kučar (the party could be defined as left-liberal).The success of centre-right parties was in stark contrast to the nearly complete fiasco of major opposition party of Social Democrats (SDP) under leadership of the last Croatian Communist leader Ivica Račan. From more than 35 per cent of votes in 1990 its support fell to mis- erable 5.5 per cent, thereby securing it one of the worst election results ever achieved by parties that succeeded former ruling communist parties in Central and Eastern Europe.42 Although SDP was strengthened by the representatives of Serbian minority (thus winning 11 seats of 138, which finally sufficed for the third place, after the HDZ and HSLS), the result was probably signifying the end of its position as important political party. Nonetheless, the domination

40 See Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 414 s. and 418. 41 At least regarding attitudes towards the economic issues, arguments for strong involvement of the state in the economy with relation to both party systems can be observed also in the case of parties which otherwise stand for conservative values. 42 Even worse was the fate of Slovak successors of the Communists, none keeping a seat in the parliament, and after longer period of success between 1993 and 2001 also successors of Polish United Workers' Party found themselves in a position of a minor political force. On the other hand, especially the Hungarian, Romanian, Bulgarian and Moldavian post-Communists (as well as those from former East Germany) have always played a major role on the political scene. In Slovenia, the situation regarding their status is rather unclear. However we could speak of repetition of the Croatian scenario in 2000 when post-Communists firstly appeared as major opposition force, and then as a major ruling party (in the period between 2008 and 2011).

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Party strenghts in Croatia 1992–2003, data in % (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe) of right-centre parties was also indicated by the results of parallel presidential elections, where Tudjman (winning 56.7 per cent of votes), Budiša and Paraga together had as much as 84 per cent of votes. At least in Slovenia, the formation of government after the elections of 1992 importantly influenced the relationships between political parties in the future. The election results marked the beginning of a long era of the so called 'mixed coalitions' that were known for its co-operation between the representatives of ideologically very different programmes, and not only similar ones.43 Such coalitions can be identified as some sort of heritage that was obtained as part of Austrian political culture where the 'grand coalition' was among the most desired models of government for almost all the time since the World War II, whereas at the level of single federal states (i. e. Bundesländer) the so called 'concentration governments' (where parties get their seats in state governments according to their result in the election) are still considered as rule in many of the federal states. Yet, on the other hand, the situation in Slovenia also resembled the Italian 'Pentapartito' (i.e. five-parties' model), but the role of the Italian 'eternal' party (i.e. Christian Democrats) in the government can be ascribed to Drnovšek's LDS in its Slovenian counterpart. Another important feature of Slovenian governments so far has been the domination of the

43 Cf. Prunk, "Primerjava političnega razvoja", 149.

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strongest party within the coalition and in the state politics in general, despite of its relatively small share of votes. The direct consequence of such state of affairs has been somewhat unclear, blurred profile of smaller coalition parties that consequentially, as a rule, have always been 'punished' by the voters in the successive election. Such scenario happened to SKD and ZLSD in the 1996 elections, after they had persisted within the grand coalition (SKD during the entire mandate, and ZLSD nearly as long) which, from the beginning, included Pučnik's and later Janša's SDSS, and SLS in 2000. Here, it should be noted that in the other post-communist democracies any form of the 'grand coalition' is, generally speaking, not very popular.44

From 1992 till 2000

Because of the dispositions described in the previous chapter, the next decade brought an important wave of change considering the relations between the opposition parties in both states. At the beginning of 1994, in Slovenia the LDS managed to gather some additional support, thus increasing the number of its representatives from 22 to 30. That was possible because of merger with the major part of the Greens of Slovenia, Democratic Party and SSS. Concerning the heterogeneous character of the party that renamed itself into Liberal Democra- cy of Slovenia it was very significant that it managed to combine the components of former Demos, as well as party that succeeded the ex-SZDL. The right wing of ZS and some Democrats (including the represetatives Tone Peršak and the mayor of Ljubljana in period 2002–2006, Danica Simšič) chose to remain outside the party. The next crucial event was the Depala vas affair which occurred in March 1994. Its epilogue – the replacement of popular Minister of Defence and leader of SDSS Janez Janša – thoroughly reshuffled the positions not only within the Drnovšek's coalition, but mainly on the right spectre of the political arena. The support for previously almost unimportant SDSS rose dramatically and the party was beginning to compete with the SKD for the leading position among the parties on the right. In addition, the SKD's situation was very difficult because they remained part of the government during the whole time of its mandate, although they frequently flirted with the opposition parties SDSS and SLS (for example, during the interpelation against the Foreign Minister Zoran Thaler in

44 Similar experience could be found in Slovakia, in Czech Republic (in the form of some weird agreement of non-aggression between two major parties from 1998–2002), and in Bulgaria (the government coalition of Socialists and former party of the deposed Tsar Simeon II.). The last government of GDR (i.e. German Democratic Republic) was also a grand coalition government.

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May 1996). And if they managed to win the victory over all the parties in the local elections in 1994, including the LDS (winning by getting modest 18.5 per cent of votes overall), the second half of the mandate was marked by the constant loss of their support on behalf of Janša's party. SLS was also persistently paving its way to the foreground, distinguishing itself with a firm place within the opposition, and strong co-operation with SDSS. Nonetheless, because it cultivated more moderate image than its main opposition partner, the next parliamentary elections brought the party onto the leading position among the ex-Demos parties.45 The competitive struggles within the opposition, of course, benefited the LDS that again emerged as the relative winner, even if it had to abandon five parliamentary seats in comparison to its post-unification state of affairs. The second place was won by SLS, followed by SDSS.46 For the essen- tially agrarian-conservative party to become the crucial centre-right political group did not mean anything new by the European standards, yet it was still seen as considerable rarity.47 Certainly, its newly gained position importantly influenced its formerly fairly uniform structure, so that, in the end, it joined the plethora of internally very diverse political groupings, henceforth combining at least two very different blocs (primary agrarian-conservative grouping, and grouping that could be identified as left-national, arguing for the importance of state ownership, or at least Slovenian ownership of bigger economic systems). SLS eventually developed into a standard party of local officials (since the beginnings of reformed local government it has always had the greatest number of mayors) that are otherwise common in the former Soviet area. But the electoral success of SLS and crushing defeat of SKD did not bring an end to the era of change concerning the right political spectre. After it joined the new 'mixed' coalition – since Drnovšek did not succeed in forming a centre-left government – under the lead of LDS it continued with the tactics of the SKD by falling between two stools, yet similarly not being able to set up its profile as the main centre-right party. Its union with Christian Demo- crats into a long desired single conservative party in April 2000 was a way to

45 Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 1768. 46 For the results of the 1996 election see Danica Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989", in: Central and Southeast European Politics since 1989, ed. S. P. Ramet (Cambridge, 2010), 242 (hereinafter: Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989"). 47 Similar phenomena can be observed, above all, in the Scandinavian countries where Finnish agrarian Party of Centre has continuously been the leading centre-right party. In the 1970s the same applied to its Swedish namesake, once – in 1993 – the resembling party was in this regard successful in Norway, particularly in connection with the dilemmas surounding Norway's EU-accession. Considering the post-Communist Europe, one needs to mention the Polish People's Party winning the second place in 1993 election, right after the ex-Communists. It can also be compared to the SLS as one of the 'ever- lasting' members of government coalitions led by different parties. At the moment it is one of parties in the government led by the Donald Tusk's Civic Platform.

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achieve that goal, which was supposed to be followed by a pre-election agreement on entering the coalition with Janša's party. But the unity of both parties (they gave themselves the name SLS + SKD – Slovenian People's Party) was of short duration, because a great part of former Christian Democrats abandoned the party due to a disagreement on questions considering the given electoral system, following the then Prime Minister Andrej Bajuk (who, after passing a vote of no confidence in Drnovšek's cabinet, led the government consisting of representatives of the united party and Social Democrats48) and the former Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Lojze Peterle.49 They founded a new party called New Slovenia – Christian People's Party (NSi-KLS). The final result of described shuffling and re-shuffling was the leading position of the Social Democrats among former Demos parties.50 NSi more or less managed to keep the result of the former Christian Democrats, whereas SLS lost half of its voters (in comparison to its non-united predecessor) due to its ambiguous role in Drnovšek's, as well as in short-lived Bajuk's governing coalitions. Most of its centre-oriented voters moved to the LDS that in 2000 won the most convincing victory in the history of Slovenian multiparty system.51 As for the left side of Slovenian political spectre and its relations after 1992, besides the domination of LDS (that cannot be defined only or stricly as left- wing party) its development is also defined by ZLSD that always moves around ten per cent of votes (with its major achievement being more than 12 per cent under the leadership of Borut Pahor who after the elections becomes the Presi- dent of the National Assembly). It should also be noted that predominanly interest parties began to occur as important political parties. Firstly, the independent Democratic Party of Pensioners (Desus) made its breaktrough into the National Assembly and has remained there well until the present time52, and then the Youth Party of Slovenia (SMS) that has managed to win Assembly seats only in one legislature period. Even with regard to the NSi, its development has not been taking the direction of a broad-type Christian Democratic party like that

48 Drago Zajc, "Četrte demokratične volitve v Sloveniji in tretje volitve v Državni zbor Republike Slovenije leta 2000", in: Parlamentarne volitve 2000, ed. D. Fink - Hafner and T. Boh (Ljubljana, 2002), 75 (hereinafter: Zajc, "Četrte demokratične volitve"). 49 See Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 1768 s. 50 Soon after the Depala vas controversy in 1994 the party distanced itself from social-democratic direction – until then, it was an observer in the Socialist Internationale – and, eventually, joined the European People’s Party. At the same time, it also changed its name into Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS). Anyway, the party obtained the largest share of votes among centre-right groupings already in the 1998 local elections. 51 See Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989", 242, for detailed results. 52 Of course, pensioner parties have occurred before, celebrating their greatest successes in Luxembourg. After the success of Desus in Slovenia, similar achievements have also been noted in Croatia, Israel, and in Serbia.

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Composition of the Slovenian assembly, 1992–2000, distribution of 90 seats (Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989")

has been the case with, for example, Austrian ÖVP or German CDU, because it became and remained predominanly a party of Catholics which could be regarded as a fairly anachronistic phenomenonon53 within the European political arena. It could cum grano salis be classified as an interest party. During 1992 and 2000 the Croatian party life was quite vivid, mainly concerning the opposition, although even the ruling HDZ had some difficult time to go through. It certainly enjoyed the absolute power that was subsequently even strengthened by the additional modifications in the electoral legislation before

53 I already mentioned similar (very interest-directed) Czech ČSL-KDU. Its 'interest-directedness' can be observed also in its readiness for co-operation in different coalitions (after the elections in 2006 a group within the party even suggested co-operation in a government, supported by Czech Communists from abroad). The Dutch Christian Union (CU) resembles ČSL-KDU, but it has a Protestant religious orientation. The fact that traditionally Catholic parties from the beginning of the 20th Century are coming out of fashion is proven not only by the example of Swiss Christian Democratic People's Party (CVP) which moved almost to the left centre, and because of that risked being forced out by rightist Swiss People's Party (SVP) with originally Protestant background. All that is even more supported by the fact that, except in GDR with slightly different origin, and in Slovakia on the right-centred part of political scene the Christian Democratic parties did not prevail, but have instead been supplanted by the groupings resembling the Scandinavian conservatives (although some of them put great emphasis on Christian values). We can also mention the Czech Citizens' Democratic Party (ODS), whereas the Hungarian Union of the Young Democrats (Fidesz) led by Viktor Orban emerged from a party that resembled the LDS.

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the 1995 elections, when as much as ten percent of Sabor seats were reserved for the Croatian diaspora, its ever faithful electoral basis.54 The result was, of course, a repeated smooth victory, despite the increase in share of proportion- ally elected members from a half to two thirds of all seats (i.e. 80 of 120). But, the heterogeneous structure of the party soon became a burden rather than a bliss, i.e. almost immediately after the achievement of its major goals. Its left wing that was still strongly represented in in the leading state structures (former prime ministers Mesić and Manolić established themselves as speakers of both houses of parliament), was showing an increasing disagreement with the politics of the president Franjo Tudjman towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, and eventually, at the beginning of 1994, seceded from the party under the lead of the two mentioned politicians (almost simultaneously with the Depala vas affair in Slovenia). Naturally, they both lost their positions in the parliament, and then their newly founded Croatian Independent Democrats (HND) managed to reshuffle some political cards at the local administrative level, e.g. in the most prestigious Zagreb County.55 Yet even though HDZ was abandoned by some of its most eminent members from its pioneer era (besides Mesić and Manolić, also the deputy of the Minister of Internal Affairs Degoricija), in this case for the first time we can speak of a pattern that occured with all other secessions concerning that party. Its voters remained loyal to the name of party, regardless of people that dictated its politics. Ever since HND's secession, in the strongest Croatian grouping (HDZ) its right-oriented ideology gradually managed to prevail (as it has already been mentioned, its main exponent was Minister Sušak, and after his death Tudjman's counselor Ivić Pašalić). Interestingly enough, the mentioned fraction never succeeded in taking the lead of government that remained in the hands of modest liberal technocrats Hrvoje Šarinić, the present Chairman of the Croatian Olym- pic Committee Zlatko Mateša and Nikica Valentić (successively). The adherents of Pašalić's faction left or were expelled from the party after final establishment of the later prime minister Ivo Sanader as the head of party in 2002. If the new elections for the upper house of Croatian parliament in 1993 showed an image similar to the one from the summer election for the lower one, with the position of national-liberal HSLS as the main force of the opposition appearing even stronger,56 already the next major power struggle between parties brought some dramatic change. Since HSLS, after all, proved as no serious alternative to the ruling party, voters were looking for some other option. The post-Communist SDP has not come to the foreground yet (in the election

54 On that electoral system, see: "Volilni sistemi izbranih držav", in: Volilni sistemi, ed. S. Gaber (Ljubljana, 1996), 354. 55 See Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", 268. 56 For the result of that election cf. Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 419.

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Composition of the Croatian parliament, 1992–2003, distribution of seats (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe)

for the upper house of parliament they got only one seat of 63), but another centre-right party called Croatian Peasant Party had greater success. The coalition it gathered around itself slightly resembled the past KNS in 1990, because apart from the rightist Christian Democrats it also consisted of centre-left parties HNS and regional Istrian Democratic Assembly (IDS badly defeated HDZ in Istria in 1993; that defeat was probably the worst before the year 200057). The party ousted HSLS from its second place and established itself as the strongest force of opposition.58 A significant rise of SDP (above all in Zagreb) also has to be mentioned, because the united opposition there succeeded to depose the former absolute ruler HDZ from its throne. An anachronistic provision, according to which the mayor of the capital had to be confirmed by the head of state allowed for scenario similar to one that happened in the Lueger case in Vienna hundred years earlier, because the HDZ was able to maintain its authority until the year 2000, but after that it has never again played a major role in the Croa- tian capital.59

57 After an extremely sharp pre-election campaign of the governing party on the state level, it won 35 out 40 seats in the Assembly of Istrian county, with HDZ obtaining only 3. 58 For the results cf. Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 415 and 418. 59 See Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", 274.

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The weakness of Croatian opposition again became strikingly apparent in the elections for the upper house of parliament in 1997, as well as in the presidential elections later in the same year, when the HDZ helped by the extensive media campaign again managed to add some additional strength to its already dominant position and majority. At the same time, the elections indicated a shift in the opposition towards left political spectre, with the candidate of Social Democrats (who, again, was a representative of their distinctively national faction) Zdravko Tomac surpassing the leader of HSLS and bourgeois part of the opposition Vlado Gotovac by narrowly one fifth of the votes.60 HSLS was weakened by partial desertion of its right-oriented members after Tudjman's success in the operation Oluja (i.e. 'Storm'; also its former member and mayor of Split changed his political affiliation to the HDZ), and then additionally shattered by the secession of its more opposition-oriented faction under the lead of Goto- vac.61 The major source of conflict was co-operation with the adversative HDZ at the local level (which was supported by the ex- and subsequent party leader Budiša). Gotovac then founded Liberal Party (LS). All the mentioned shuffling eventually brought great benefits for Social Democrats who, in the face of ever growing social problems, were able to come to the foreground in all their splendour, thus surpassing all other opposition parties. And when they finally agreed on entering a coalition with the Social Liberals just before the elections in 2000, for them it was already self-evident to demand that the ratio between both parties concerning the voting lists was to be 2 to 1 in favour of SDP.

In the 21st Century

Until the historical elections held on 3 January 2000 the reputation of HDZ had already been almost ruined. In addition, the party was shattered by the death of President Tudjman around three weeks before the election. Consequently, the opposition seized a gread victory despite the unbalanced media coverage. For the first time the elections were run entirely according to the proportional system, although the choice of the D'Hondt method of parliamentary seats' allocation, in combination with the prohibition clause at the level of each of the ten constituencies still favoured big parties on one side and regional parties on the other.62 The leading coalition of the opposition parties SDP-HSLS led by Račan and Budiša even managed to win the absolute majority, getting 71

60 See Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 419. 61 Prunk, "Primerjava političnega razvoja", 159. 62 Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 408.

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seats63 of 140, not taking into account the representatives of minorities and diaspora. After the addition of six diasporal representatives, the HDZ remained the strongest individual group in the lower house of Sabor, with SDP being only two seats behind.64 Success of the opposition bloc was supplemented by the so called 'Coalition of the Four', headed by HSS, which won 24 additional seats (HSS 16, IDS 4, then LS and HNS winning 2 seats each). Right of HDZ, the coalition of HSP and HKDU achieved only a modest number of five representatives. However, it should be emphasised that political parties of right and centre once again won a significant majority of parliamentary mandates, with centre-left parties keeping its minority position (only the representatives of SDP, HNS in IDS can be considered as such; later on, they were actively joined by the part of HSLS). Notwithstanding, a long period of joint opposition to the rule of HDZ left no doubt considering the opposition being able to form its coalition government (led by Social Democrats and their leader Ivica Račan). Neverthe- less, it very soon became evident that a coalition of six parties can prove to be quite troublesome. Besides that, the unnatural cohabitation between largely centre-right HSLS headed by the dissident Budiša, and centre-left post-Com- munist SDP came to the forefront in the presidential elections that were held soon after the parliamentary poll. Dražen Budiša, the official candidate of the winning coalition suffered a substantial defeat against the first Croatian Prime Minister Stjepan Mesić, former adherent of HDZ's left wing, then a member of HND and, finaly, HNS, who found his way back to the centre-left political orientation, winning most of the SDP electorate on his side by a vocal proclamation of Croatian anti-fascist tradition and the necessity of De-ustashization of post- -Tudjman's Croatia. On the other hand, the SDP as decisively dominant party succeeded to neutralise other former opposition forces, similarly to the method used by the Slovenian LDS. Anyway their public presence was not tantamount to the results, mirrored in Sabor, with the sole exception of HSS and its parliamentary speaker Zlatko Tomčić, so that, despite of the inevitable crisis of HDZ, none of centre-right government parties were successful in their attempts to become the leading force of right political spectre, although there were some possibilities for HSLS, as well as HSS to attain that goal. In summer 2001, when Budiša tried to argue against the extradition of Croatian generals to the Hague Tribunal in order to attract the nationalist part of electorate, the HDZ was already consolidated to a high degree, and inside the government circles he got himself a rather unpopular reputation of troublemaker. When, in the next year, he repeated the pattern used by the Slovenian centre-right partners of LDS and

63 That quote includes the related Union of Primorje and Gorski kotar (PGS). 64 For the results see Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 415 and 418.

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fell between two stools, he only managed to end the unity of a very split party. Its left wing that favoured Social Democrats and enjoyed the widest support in the North-Western part of Croatia separated under the leadership of Defence Minister Jozo Radoš and the Deputy Prime Minister Goran Granić, the brother of the long time Minister of Foreign Affairs in Tudjman's government Mate Gra- nić, and formed a new left-liberal party called Libra (in the elections in 2003 it was on the list of SDP, after that it joined the HNS).65 The majority of HSLS, dominated by the Dalmatian nationalist representatives together with some colleagues from liberal-oriented North-West of the country, remained side by side with Budiša until in summer 2002 it finally joined the opposition. As mentioned, the HDZ after the elections entered into a very difficult period of its existence. In the local elections in Zagreb, a relatively good electoral result turned into a single-digit share of votes, and in addition Tudjman's party – now without its long-time leader – toddled from one major crisis into another. At first, its liberal wing led by Granić and Tudjman's counselor Vesna Škare Ožbolt separated from the party and formed a new one with its final name being Democratic Centre (DC).66 In the elections in 2003, that party was a part of a moderate centre-right coalition with Budiša's HSLS. Seen as a compromise and provisional solution, the HDZ elected its new president: the former Minis- ter of Science and subsequent deputy of Mate Granić in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – Ivo Sanader. Despite his intitial troubles regarding the re-unification of shattered party (which, frankly speaking, has never been achieved in the form known from Tudjman's era) and lingering between radical nationalist rhetoric concerning the fate of generals Norac, Ademi and Gotovina on one side, and modest conservative politics on the other – he, in slightly more than a year's time, succeeded in retaking the leading position on the right, also due to the hot debate on the co-operation with The Hague. However, his success was considerably helped by the paralytic behaviour of centre-right components of Račan's government that could not liberate themselves from the influence of the leading SDP. Be that as it may, the HDZ under Sanader's leadership – to the astonishment of many – emerged from the local elections in 2001 as an undis- putable relative winner. Particularly in Dalmatia and Lika its electoral results were surprisingly close to the ones achieved in Tudjman's period. In the next year's party elections Sanader barely managed to defeat the representative of the party's right wing Ivić Pašalić, and started reforming the HDZ into a modest conservative party, thereby obtaining considerable support from the Euro- pean People's Party (being its Vice President for many years before his down-

65 Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", 268. 66 In connection to the name of original HDZ it firstly named itself Croatian Democratic Centre (HDC).

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fall). Pašalić and his adherents gradually began to leave HDZ (or were, as in the Pašalić's case, excluded from the party) and founded a new party called Croatian bloc (HB). But although it had many of the 'heroes' from the Tudjman era (which has, at least by a significant part of electorate, still been regarded as 'heroic age'), the majority of voters remained faithful to HDZ trade mark – even after Sanader relinquished all his contacts with the Tudjman family (politically most active Tudjman's son Miroslav joined his forces with Pašalić).67 The parliamentary (Sabor) elections in November 2003 crowned the efforts of new HDZ leadership, thereby offering a classic hegemony-forming pattern occurring in one part of Croatian political spectre (the right one, in this case). Right-oriented voters massively supported HDZ that, with a good third of electoral votes, won 66 of 152 parliamentary seats (together with minorities and diaspora). Concerning the right parties, only the share of HSP, which stopped flirting with the Ustashi and their ideology, was of any significance. All other political party actors were virtually gone: the coalition of more or less centre-oriented HSLS and DC won only three seats, in spite of the good pre- election forecasts (here, we should bear in mind that HSLS alone won 24 seats in the 2000 election!). Pašalić's and Tudjman's bloc were left outside the parliament. Sanader's triumph was even strengthened by great cleavages on the centre-left side of the political arena: there, the SDP as strongest party won 34 seats which is almost exactly one half regarding the number of seats won by the leading party. The rule concerning the inclination of Croatian electoral body to the right was thus confirmed. If the result of HSS had been added to the results of mentioned right-centred parties, that would have been more than evident. The path of Croatian Pensioners' Party (HSU) was similar to the one of Slove- nian Desus – winning three Sabor seats for the first time.68 After his first mandate as Prime Minister, during which he served full time as leader of a minority cabinet (besides the HDZ, the only other political party in it was DC with Minister Škare Ožbolt), his domination was constantly growing. That state of affairs was also confirmed by the last parliamentary election that swept away with the HSP, its representation shrinking from former eight to now one MP. On the other side, the lines of HDZ-renegades were joined by Sanader's former close colleague Branimir Glavaš with his regionally oriented Croatian Democratic Assembly of Slavonia and Baranja (HDSSB).69 Thanks to the particularities of electoral system he was spared the fate of Pašalić and other predecessors. Notwithstanding the fact that he won merely two per cent of votes he secured himself as many as three parliamentary mandates, thus

67 Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", 270. 68 For the results see Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 416 and 418. 69 On it see Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", 268.

213 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

Croatian general election, 2007, % of votes cast per party (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe) becoming the leader of the strongest party right of HDZ.70 In contrast to the year 2003, the battle for the leading position on the left side of political spectre was clearly defined and decided. After the death of its leader and former Prime Minister Račan, the leadership of SDP was taken over by young Zoran Milanović, directing it towards by far the gratest success in party's history that far, the number of its representatives leaping from 34 to 56.71 The remaining competitors left from the political centre had to give themselves content with bits and pieces: the HNS led by popular politicians Radimir Čačić and Vesna Pusić (before his election as president its prominent member was also Stjepan Mesić, who later continued to surround himself by people from its circle) got just one eight of seats compared to Social Democrats. However, it has retained a significant role at the local level, above all in Varaždin and Med- jimurje counties. The powerlessness of once quite significant centre parties within Croatian political spectre (during the 90s the HSLS, HSS and even HNS regularly and sometimes highly outwon the SDP) was confirmed by the result of two major opposition parties from the Tudjman period, the HSLS and HSS. In the joint

70 Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 416 and 418. 71 Ramet, "Politics in Croatia", 271 s.

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Composition of the Croatian parliament, 2007, distribution of 153 seats (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe)

coalition they managed to get only eight parliamentary seats, out of which six were the HSS representatives, and two of them the representatives of HSLS – the same number as in 2003.72 Again, it must be noted that the main political strength of parties HSS, HSLS, as well as HNS, applies predominantly to the local level, mainly concentrated in the North of Croatia.73 The fact that both parties, LDS as well as HDZ lost their leading position in the elections that followed the ones where they most convincingly defeated all their rivals, can certainly be described as somewhat particular and ironic coincidence. In Slovenia, the possibility of political change could be predicted

72 Regardless of the fact that formerly Gotovac's LS, now led by the former mayor of Osijek, rejoined the HSLS it retained its famous historical name. 73 HSS has got numerous county prefects and mayors mainly in coalition with HDZ, its coalition partner at the state level. Main HSLS strongholds included towns like Varaždin and Bjelovar whose mayor was the party leader Djurdja Adlešič, until it joined the second Sanader's government.

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Slovenian general election, 2004, % of votes cast per party (Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989") firstly by the results of presidential election in November and December 2002.74 The long-term Prime Minister, the former president of joint state (SFRY) and, above all, one of the politicians with most abundant political experience hardly and by quite small difference managed to defeat the former Minister of Justice Barbara Brezigar. She represented the circle of intellectuals gathered around Nova revija that was close to Janša's (then still) Social Democrats (her presidential candidacy was supported by the opposition parties SDS and NSI). The rule of LDS was additionally shattered and weakened by the corruption affairs and somewhat clumsy attitude towards the 'erased persons' question. And yet, for a long time it seemed that it could keep the leading position in a similar way than in 1996 – i. e. at the expense of the dragging unclear relationships within centre-right opposition, which became even more complicated after the NSI, headed by again increasingly popular first Prime Minister of Slovenia Lojze Peterle, surprisingly won the greatest share of votes in the first Slovenian election of the European representatives, narrowly defeating not only the ruling LDS,75 but also the SDS whose leading candidate for the European seats was

74 For that election seer Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 1795. 75 That was only the second defeat of LDS after the emergence of the united party in the Slovenian country-wide elections. It suffered its first defeat in the 1994 local election where it was defeated by SKD, also under the leadership of Lojze Peterle.

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Composition of the Slovenian assembly, 2004, distribution of 90 seats (Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe)

not its president Janša, but former Labour Minister Mihael Brejc. But, of course, bad experience from 1996 must have had its role in convincing right-centre oriented voters to repeat the Croatian scenario from the previous year, because they, in the next parliamentary election, massively supported Janša's party which, since 2003, officially named itself Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS).76 With a great lead over the second-ranked party and the second best electoral result with regard to any political party in Slovenia after 1990 that far it forced the LDS to move into the opposition, and strengthened its dominant position on the right centre (although its domination was by far weaker and thus incomparable to that of HDZ, because the ratio between SDS and the

76 The change of name coincided with the party's accession to the European People's Party, whereas its adherents presumably wanted to indicate the party was not only successor of Tomšič's and Pukšič's Social Democrats, but also of Janša's first Demos party SDZ.

217 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

second strongest centre-right party NSI was 3 : 1, whereas the ratio between HDZ and HSP already in 2003 was 8 : 1, regarding parliamentary seats only).77 After the elections, the domination of SDS right of centre continued unin- terruptedly, regardless of the unsuccessful presidential candidacy by the NSI representative Lojze Peterle. Concerning the elections in 2004 it must also be noted they were the first ones where the majority orientation was slightly right from centre (particularly due to a right populist programme promoted by the SNS), because previously, the Slovenian electorate was somewhat left-oriented (although it should be noted that any such classification is always quite risky and should be read with caution, particularly when applied to Central or Eastern European countries), an orientation, to which it has returned in the 2008 parliamentary poll, not covered by this paper any more. At least to some extent, Janša continued the tradition of 'mixed' coalition governments from Drnovšek's era, for his government consisted of three centre-right parties (all of them members of European People's Party) and centre-left Desus. But the significance of coalition partners was the smallest until then, and the tradition of total political domination of the strongest coalition party went on without any change.

Conclusion

On the left centre, the defeat of LDS offered new possibilities. Its further development was somewhat strange: namely, it disintegrated into three parts, with first of them remaining faithful to the old 'trade mark', the second part joined the most likely dominating force left of centre (i.e. Pahor's United List that renamed itself into Social Democrats), whereas the third part formed a new party called Zares (i.e. 'For Real') that has been led by the former LDS Secretary Gene- ral Gregor Golobič. Another rare situation (although not unique in relation to similar geographic lattitude) occurred when the SD was joined by the former Prime Minister Anton Rop, formerly affiliated with LDS.78 However, the entire centre-left spectre (LDS, SD, Zares and Desus) succeeded in securing presidential position to Danilo Turk who, in the presidential elections held in October and November 2007, soundly defeated the centre-right candidate Lojze Peterle.79

77 For results see Fink - Hafner, "Slovenia since 1989", 242 s. 78 Former Polish post-Communist Prime Minister Leszek Miller supported Lepper's Self-Defence during the 2007 election campaign. Even the former conservative Prime Minister of Canada Joseph Clarke endorsed Liberals after the merger of his former party with the Reform Party with the united party led by the present Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper. 79 Nohlen and Stöver, Elections in Europe, 1795 s.

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Concerning the issues discussed in this paper, Croatia approached its twentieth anniversary of muliparty-system restoration with a well-defined political system dominated by two parties: one on the right, the other on the left centre. Similar level of development has been achieved by Czech Republic (where the domination of the leading ODS and ČSSD used to be quite similar as in Croatia, although seriously questioned by the result of recent elections in 2010 and 2013) and Hungary where socialist MSZP and conservative Fidesz even more clearly dominate their sides of political spectre. However, elsewhere the relations have not been defined to that extent. Several steps in that direction have been made in Poland, but there the first two dominant positions are shared between two conservative parties, one of them being conservative-liberal, and the other advocating conservative values, yet by putting strong emphasis on the extensive role of state (which is, to some degree, similar to Croatia in 1990; but of course, none of the mentioned parties wields over power, held by HDZ in that period). Besides that, examples of countries with longer tradition of multiparty parliamentarism also indicate that even systems with clear and well-defined domination of two parties can transform into a domain where the struggle for the top position may be fought between more than two con- tenders. Above all, that is likely to happen in a situation where the leading parties both form the grand governing coalition, leaving the voters deprived of any true alternative. The clearest example for such state of affairs was definitely offered by Austria in 1990s.

219 A. Maver, D. Friš: Historical Development of the Party Landscape ...

Aleš Maver, Darko Friš

RAZVOJ STRANKARSKEGA PRIZORIŠČA V SLOVENIJI IN NA HRVAŠKEM MED LETOMA 1990 IN 2007

POVZETEK

Čeprav se lahko hrvaški prostor pohvali s precej daljšo tradicijo obstoja politič- nih strank, vendarle ne kaže prezreti vzporednic med strankarskima sistemo- ma na Slovenskem in Hrvaškem v prvi polovici 20. stoletja. V oči bode predvsem podobnost, da je demokratizacija volilnega sistema (do katere je v hrva- ških deželah razen Dalmacije in Istre prišlo šele po prvi svetovni vojni) na obeh območjih privedla do izrazite dominacije ene politične stranke, na Hrvaškem HSS in na Slovenskem SLS. Že v tem obdobju pa je postala vidna tudi razlika, ki se je obdržala vse do danes. Medtem ko so na Slovenskem vseskozi obstajale bolj ali manj močne deklarirano katoliške stranke, te na Hrvaškem ne v predvojnem obdobju ne po letu 1990 podobno kot še v nekaterih tradicionalno katoliških deželah niso igrale nobene vidnejše vloge. Kljub deloma različnemu razvoju v prvem povojnem letu je komunistični režim slednjič zatrl vsako organizirano obliko strankarskega življenja v obeh deželah. SLS in HSS sta delo sicer nadaljevali v emigraciji, vendar tudi po obnovi večstrankarskega sistema leta 1990 (kot še nekatere stare stranke s srednje- in vzhodnoevropskega območja) nista niti od daleč več dosegli prejšnjega pomena. Lahko pa rečemo, da je na oblikovanje in razvoj strankarskega sistema še enkrat precej določujoče vplival volilni sistem. O njem je moč na splošno ugotoviti še, da je na Hrvaškem tudi, ko je večinskega scela zamenjal proporcional- ni, prijaznejši večjim strankam kakor slovenski. To se je pokazalo že na prvih demokratičnih volitvah 1990, ko so si nasproti stale prej odločilne politične sile in različni opozicijski bloki, na Slovenskem eden, na Hrvaškem dva. Za vse opozicijske tvorbe na teh volitvah je bila značil- na njihova izrazita heterogenost. V Demosu so se tako združile različne skupine od krščanskih demokratov do zelenih in celo v takratni HDZ so politiki, ki so bili še do nedavna funkcionarji ZKH, delali družbo konservativnim emigran- tom. Zaradi učinkov večinskega volilnega sistema je HDZ povsem prevlada- la na Hrvaškem in pometla ne le s prej vladajočimi prenovljenimi komunisti, marveč tudi z drugim opozicijskim blokom, imenovanim Koalicija narodnega sporazuma. Po razpadu raznorodnega Demosa je po slovenskih volitvah leta 1992 na površje prišla iz nekdanje Zveze socialistične mladine izšla LDS. Začelo se je obdobje, ko je v obeh državah na strankarskem prizorišču dominirala ena

220 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

stranka, čeprav je bila dominacija HDZ na Hrvaškem izrazitejša, deloma zaradi polpredsedniškega sistema in deloma, ker si ji oblasti spričo večinskega sistema ni bilo treba deliti z nobeno drugo stranko v okviru koalicijskih vlad. Podoben je bil tudi razvoj opozicijskih strank: zanje je bila značilna precejšnja razceplje- nost (spet nekoliko večja na Hrvaškem). Zlasti pa si nobena stranka ni mogla zagotoviti izrazitega primata v opoziciji. To je v Sloveniji po letu 2000 uspelo šele Socialdemokratski stranki Slovenije (pozneje Slovenski demokratski stranki), na Hrvaškem pa le malo pred tem SDP kot naslednici prenovljenih komu- nistov, ki so jo po 1990 sprva v vlogi največje opozicijske stranke izrinile druge. Slednja je v koaliciji z nekdaj precej močno stranko HSLS leta 2000 na volitvah tudi premagala HDZ. A čeprav je bilo najprej videti, da se bo prej vladajoča stranka v opoziciji povsem izgubila, ji vsi razkoli niso bistveno škodovali in se je že po enem mandatu znova vrnila na oblast. Na desni sredini se je dokončno uveljavila kot edina velika politična sila, podobno pa je na levi sredini štiri leta pozneje uspelo SDP. Nekdaj precej močne sredinske stranke so bile potisnjene na obrobje. Podoben razvoj se je po spremembi oblasti leta 2004, ko je SDS kljub tradi- cionalnemu nagibanju slovenskega volilnega telesa v levo (kar je povsem dru- gače kot na Hrvaškem, kjer so večino na volitvah do 2011 dosegle stranke, ki gravitirajo desno od sredine) postala najmočnejša stranka, začel tudi v Sloveniji.

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Redakcija končana S tudia H istorica S lovenica

UDK 821.111(73).09Steinbeck J. 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

O slovenski polpretekli kritiški misli in prezrtih romanih Johna Steinbecka

Danica Čerče

Dr., docentka Univerza v Ljubljani, Ekonomska fakulteta, Katedra za tuje jezike Kardeljeva ploščad 17, SI – 1000 Ljubljana e-pošta: [email protected]

Izvleček: Izhajajoč iz trditve, da je pisateljski svet Johna Steinbecka mnogo bogatejši, kot nam ga je predstavila z ideološkim predznakom zaznamovana slovenska kritika polpreteklega obdobja, pričujoči članek analizira tri Steinbeckove romane, ki so bili do nedavnega v slovenskem prostoru skoraj neznani: Neznanemu Bogu, Mesec je zašel in Nebeški pašniki.

Ključne besede: John Steinbeck, Neznanemu Bogu, Mesec je zašel, Nebeški pašniki, slovenska recepcija

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 2–3, str. 223–240, 24 cit., 4 slike Jezik: slovenski (izvleček slovenski in angleški, povzetek angleški)

223 D. Čerče: O slovenski polpretekli kritiški misli in prezrtih romanih ...

Čeprav je postal Steinbeck že v tridesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja sestavni in nepogrešljiv del ameriške literarne in družbenopolitične scene ter je prejel skoraj vsa možna literarna priznanja v domovini in največjo mednarodno knji- ževno nagrado, so se pohvalne kritike o njegovem delu ves čas izmenjavale z odklonilnimi, večkrat celo žaljivimi ocenami. Različna mnenja o Steinbeckov- em delu so v prvi vrsti pričevanja o znotrajkritiških spopadih, ki so se mnogo bolj kot o formalno estetskih vprašanjih odvijali o idejni podobi Steinbeckov- ih stvaritev. Zaradi močnega družbenokritičnega naboja in značilnega občutja nujnosti sprememb v romanih Negotova bitka (In Dubious Battle, 1936), Ljudje in miši (Of Mice and Men, 1937) in Grozdi jeze (The Grapes of Wrath, 1939), ki so pisatelju prinesli ugled in slavo, se je Steinbeck po eni strani priljubil širokim množicam in si po drugi nakopal vrsto neprikritih nasprotnikov.1 Slovesa, ki si ga je tako pridobil, se ni mogel več otresti; nasprotno, pokazalo se je, kako preroška je bila njegova izjava, da "ena sama uspešnica avtorja lahko za vedno uniči".2 Namesto da bi kritiki poskušali razumeti avtorjeve namene in ocenjevali njegov uspeh z gledišča uresničevanja teh namenov, so k Steinbeckovim delom pristopali z vnaprej izoblikovanimi postavkami o pravilnosti ali nepra- vilnosti njegovih filozofskih pogledov in jih označili za umetniško neprepričlji- va, če niso izpolnjevala njihovih pričakovanj. Že Steinbeckove prve stvaritve opozarjajo, da jih zaradi pogostega vpleta- nja mitov in simbolike ni mogoče brati in interpretirati na eni sami ravni in v njih natančno razmejevati tradicij realizma in naturalizma od novejših struj socialnega realizma in modernega romana. Enostavno razvrščanje in umešča- nje Steinbeckovih del v že obstoječe klišeje preprečuje tudi bogata raznolikost njegove literarne pisave, v kateri so pisatelju nenaklonjeni kritiški ocenjevalci prepoznavali znak izrazne negotovosti in umetniške nedoraslosti. V okolju, ki je vse prepogosto nagnjeno k temu, da drugačnost poistoveti s čudaštvom, odstopanje od vladajočih političnih in književnih izbir pa s krivoverstvom, so takšna izkrivljena mnenja neizbežna. Tudi zato je toliko bolj razveseljiva živahna dejavnost sodobne ameriške in svetovne kritiške misli, ki se je v poznih osemdesetih, še bolj pa v devetdesetih in na prelomu tisočletja namenila ponovno ovre- dnotiti pisateljeve umetniške dosežke, tokrat skozi neprimerljivo širšo optiko, da bi odgovorila tistim, ki so dokazovali, da je bil Steinbeck zgolj komercialno uspešen avtor, ki se je spretno naučil ugajati najširši publiki in uspel napisati nekaj "umetniško prepričljivih del samo v stanju svoje srdite jeze", kot je oma-

1 John Steinbeck, Negotova bitka (Ljubljana, 1952), prevedla Aljoša Furlan in Rado Bordon. Prvi slovenski prevod romana Of Mice and Men (Ljubljana, 1952) je opravila Meta Gosak in ga naslovila Ljudje in miši. Leta 2007 je roman izdala Mariborska literarna družba, tokrat v prevodu Danice Čerče in z naslovom O miših in ljudeh. 2 Thomas Fensch, Conversations with John Steinbeck (Jackson, 1988), 15.

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John Steinbeck (1902–1968) (ven- turegalleries.com)

lovažujoče izjavil Joseph Bennett.3 Izpostaviti preseganje časovnih in prostor- skih razsežnosti Steinbeckove besedne umetnosti, razbliniti mit, ki se je ustvaril okoli pisateljevega imena na osnovi njegovih najodmevnejših romanov, in na prvo mesto postaviti umetnine same ter v njih prepoznati tistega Steinbecka, ki si je trajno utrl pot med svetovne mojstre umetniške besede, je bilo tudi moje glavno vodilo pri pisanju o Steinbecku. To je ob predstavitvi treh manj znanih Steinbeckovih del, ki jih lahko prvič beremo v slovenskem jeziku, tudi osrednji namen pričujočega prispevka. Kot v drugih državah nekdanjega komunističnega režima si je Steinbeck tudi pri Slovencih bržkone pridobil še večje pisateljsko ime kot v svoji domovini. To dokazujejo hvalisave ocene na zavihkih prevedenih del ter intenziteta

3 Thomas Fensch, Steinbeck and Covici: The Story of a Friendship (Middlebury,1979), 117–118.

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slovenske publicistične, prevodne in izdajateljske dejavnosti od konca tridesetih let, ko so k nam segle prve vesti o pisatelju, do sredine devetdesetih let, ko je zanimanje za njegovo delo za nekaj časa povsem usahnilo. Pisateljeva podoba se je v največji meri oblikovala na osnovi zgoraj omenjenih del, zlasti romana Grozdi jeze, ki smo ga v slovenskem prevodu prebirali že leta 1943.4 Ker jih odli- kuje pronicljivost socialnega pogleda in so prežeti z napredno ideologijo, si je Steinbeck s temi deli pridobil sloves glasnika proletariata. Večina kritiških ocen je namreč popularizirala podobo tenkočutnega zagovornika malega izkorišča- nega človeka in neprizanesljivega kritika pridobitniško naravnane kapitalistič- ne družbe. Pri tem je izpostavila Steinbeckovo pripadnost struji socialnih rea- listov in se opredelila glede formalno-slogovnih značilnosti njegovega pisanja: občudovala je pisateljevo preprosto pogovorno govorico, večinoma enostavno pripovedno tehniko, avtorsko zavzeto pripoved, liričnost in humor. Najbrž se ne motimo v trditvi, da je zaradi opisanih prvin Steinbeckovega pripovedni- štva in sočasnih slogovnih premikov v slovenskem realizmu, ki so nastali kot posledica zaostrenega vprašanja umetnikovega odnosa do človeka in družbene stvarnosti, pisatelj postal idejno orodje vladajočega režima. Slovenska kritika je prezrla pisateljevo umetniško rast in večplastnost njegovih del in k njegovim romanom pristopala predvsem s stališča avtorjevega zadovoljevanja zahtev rea- listov Ljubljanskega zvona in še zlasti načel umetnostnega nazora Iva Brnčića. Slednje dokazuje tudi izrazito odklonilen odnos do nekaterih kasnejših stvaritev, zlasti do romanov Mesec je zašel (The Moon Is Down, 1942) in Zablodeli avtobus (The Wayward Bus, 1947); podobna usoda je doletela tudi vse Stein- beckove prve literarne poskuse. Najbrž je vzrok za to tudi v dejstvu, da so o pisatelju zvečine pisali publicisti, zaradi česar slovensko vrednotenje Steinbecka – z izjemo spremnih študij Janka Modra (1983) in Rape Šuklje (1964) – ni preseglo ravni kulturnega novinarstva, kot ugotavljam v Slavistični reviji (2000).5 Morda

4 V prvem slovenskem prevodu izpod peresa Rudolfa Kresala roman nosi naslov Sadovi jeze (Ljubljana, 1943), Janko Moder pa ga je naslovil Grozdi jeze (Ljubljana, 1983). Kresalov naslov aludira na marksistično zgodovinsko tradicijo in njeno popularno kolokacijo "sadovi dela". 5 Danica Čerče, "Steinbeck in Slovenci", Slavistična revija 48, št. 4 (2000): 459–472. Spremna študija Rape Šuklje, "John Steinbeck", v drugi slovenski izdaji romana Vzhodno od raja (Ljubljana, 1964), 5–39, presega informativnost dotedanjih publicističnih oznak Steinbeckovega literarnega opusa, čeprav tudi v tem zapisu ni moč prezreti avtoričinih čustveno obarvanih presojevalnih kriterijev. Avtoričina osrednja pozornost je namenjena interpretaciji romana Vzhodno od raja, in sicer njegovi kompozicijski, tematski in karakterni oznaki, izzoveta pa jo tudi simbolika in mit v romanu. Malo spremenjena študija spremlja tudi drugo in tretjo izdajo tega romana v zbirki Sto romanov Cankarjeve založbe (1977, 1987). Spremna beseda Janka Modra je izšla v Grozdih jeze, ki jih je v zbirki Nobelovci prav tako izdala Cankarjeva založba (Ljubljana, 1983), 587–610. Moder opazi temeljne posebnosti Steinbeckovega pisanja, med njimi svetopisemsko in arturjansko motiviko, simboliko, vpliv biologije, pogovorni jezik, humor, ter izpostavi izjemno raznolikost pisateljevih del, vseeno pa se ne more povsem izogniti ideološko obarvanim vrednostnim sodbam. V romanu Ljudje in miši, na primer, Moder opazi predvsem "izrazit družbeni protest", čeprav je v romanu še cela vrsta drugih pomembnih tem, ki so bistvenega pomena za celostno doživetje romana.

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se je Celjska Mohorjeva družba odločila za prve slovenske izdaje romanov To a God Unknown, The Moon Is Down in The Pastures of Heaven6 tudi zato, ker je od takrat izšlo še nekaj poglobljenih razprav in prva obsežna študija o Steinbeck- ovem delu v knjižni obliki (Pripovedna proza Johna Steinbecka), v katerih sem opozorila na vrzeli v poznavanju pisateljevega dela med slovenskimi bralci in izpostavila potrebo po ponovnem, z ideologijami neobremenjenem kritiškem pretresu Steinbeckovega ustvarjalnega opusa.7 Čeprav pričujoča študija ni tako zastavljena, velja vsaj mimogrede omeniti, da se je v drugih postkomunističnih državah nov val zanimanja za Steinbeck- ova dela, zlasti za tista, ki so bila zaradi splošnega ideološkega in duhovnega ozračja pomaknjena na obrobje ameriške in svetovne književnosti, začel že takoj po spremembi družbene ureditve.8 Čas bi že bil, si dovoljujem pripomniti, da se vsaj z nekaterimi od teh seznanimo tudi Slovenci, saj je Steinbeck v njih povedal vrsto misli, namenjenih tudi današnjemu slovenskemu bralcu.

Neznanemu Bogu

Neznanemu Bogu (To A God Unknown) je eden od treh Steinbeckovih romanov iz obdobja vzpona pisateljeve ustvarjalne moči.9 Ker v njih ni značilnih potez socialnega realizma, po katerih so prepoznavna tista dela, ki so pisatelju utrla pot v sam vrh ameriške književnosti, ampak raziskujejo odnos med človekom in njegovim naravnim okoljem, so bili našteti romani vse prevečkrat zaposta- vljeni tako pri kritikih kot pri bralcih. Slednje še zlasti velja za slovenski kulturni

6 John Steinbeck, To A God Unknown (New York, 1933); John Steinbeck, The Moon Is Down (New York, 1942); John Steinbeck, The Pastures of Heaven (New York, 1933). 7 Vse študije po letu 2000, vključno z monografijo Pripovedna proza Johna Steinbecka (Maribor, 2006), so izpod peresa avtorice pričujočega prispevka. Tudi vsi trije prevodi, ki so osrednja tema pričujoče študije, in spremljajoči zapisi, na katerih je osnovana, so delo avtorice: "Spremni zapis", v: John Steinbeck, Neznanemu Bogu (Celje –Ljubljana, 2009), 177–182; "Spremni zapis", v: John Steinbeck, Mesec je zašel (Celje–Ljubljana, 2011), 116–119; "Nebeški pašniki: Pripoved o neizpolnjenih pričakovanjih", v: John Steinbeck, Nebeški pašniki (Celje–Ljubljana, 2012), 199–206. 8 Kot podrobno analiziram v Reading Steinbeck in Eastern Europe (Lanham–New York–Toronto– Plymouth, 2011), je v devetdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja samo na Poljskem in Madžarskem izšlo kar trideset prevodov Steinbeckovih del (v Sloveniji je v tem času izšel samo ponatis Polentarske police), v Romuniji so samo z letnico 2010 izšla kar štiri pisateljeva dela, najnovejše ruske izdaje vključujejo zbirko legend Dejanja kralja Arturja in njegovih žlahtnih vitezov (The Acts of King Arthur and His Noble Knights, 1976), ki jih je Steinbeck prevedel po rokopisu Thomasa Maloryja. Poljaki so se v prejšnjem desetletju seznanili tudi z deli Nekoč je bila vojna (Once There was a War, 1958) in Ladijski dnevnik s Cortezovega morja (The Log from the Sea of Cortez, 1951). Navedenih del v slovenskem prostoru skoraj ne poznamo, kaj šele, da bi jih imeli v slovenskem prevodu. Tudi Čehi, ki se lahko pohvalijo z najdaljšim seznamom natisov Steinbeckovih del po prelomu tisočletja, so že kmalu po padcu vladajočih komunističnih sil začeli na novo prebirati Steinbeckova dela in jih vrednotiti z estetskimi namesto z ideološkimi merili. 9 John Steinbeck, Neznanemu Bogu (Celje–Ljubljana, 2009) (dalje: Steinbeck, Neznanemu Bogu).

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prostor, v katerem so skorajda neznani. Tudi v že omenjenih spremnih besedah Rape Šuklje in Janka Modra jim je namenjena komaj kakšna vrstica. Z izjemo romana Vzhodno od raja (East of Eden, 1952) nobeno drugo Ste- inbeckovo delo ni nastajalo tako dolgo kot prav roman Neznanemu Bogu. Idejo zanj je Steinbeck dobil že leta 1928 v osnutku nedokončane gledališke igre Websterja Streeta Zelena gospa (The Green Lady). Ker ni ugodil zahtevam po večji "popularizaciji zgodbe", je dolgo zaman iskal založnika in celo sam podvo- mil v tržno vrednost knjige, ki je imela v nasprotju z njegovimi najodmevnejšimi deli s socialno pragmatično usmeritvijo metafizično osnovo. Čeprav so v knjigi številna opisna poglavja, pisateljev osnovni namen ni bil obuditi podobe kmeč- kega življenja v idiličnem kalifornijskem okolju na začetku dvajsetega stoletja. S temo o veri v človeka in njegovo sposobnost, da kljubuje težkim okoliščinam in jih premaga, je želel v prvi vrsti preseči enostranski, deterministični pogled na svet in posredovati idejo o trajnejših vrednotah človekovega bivanja. Pri branju tega nevsakdanjega romana, ki ga zaznamujejo številne enkratne kombinacije krščanstva in poganstva, duhovnega in posvetnega, stvarnega in imaginarnega, zavestnega in nezavestnega, je večkrat težko potegniti ločnico med realnostjo in iluzijo. Slikoviti opisi narave, bogato obloženi z metaforiko, se združujejo s pisateljevim tenkočutnim pogledom v duševne tokove junakov, območje njihovih sanjskih izmišljotin, nostalgičnih spominov in asociacij, kar vse približuje predstavnost vsebine in ustvarja močan vtis dramatičnosti. Posebnost tega romanesknega besedila, ki dejansko bolj spominja na obsežno pesnitev ali zapis sanj kot na tradicionalno realistično pripoved, je v Steinbeckovem čaščenju narave in v njegovem naporu ustvariti jasnovidnega junaka, podobnega Jezusu Kristusu, ki zaradi svoje tenkočutnosti za skrivno- sti narave odreši umirajoči svet pred pogubo in ohrani kozmični red. Fabula romana je večinoma podana v linearni časovni liniji in postavljena v kmečko okolje Vermonta na prelomu prejšnjega stoletja. Medtem ko je imela prva Ste- inbeckova različica tega dela več vzporednic z igro, na kateri je roman zasno- van, v natisnjeni različici spominja na vir samo obsedenost glavnega junaka: ta je namreč bolestno prepričan, da lahko samo on reši umirajočo deželo. Številni kritiki pri tem poudarjajo podobnost z mitološkim kraljevim ribičem v Zlati veji (The Golden Bough, 1890) Jamesa Georgea Frazerja, ki je pustila sledi tudi v T. S. Eliotovi pesnitvi Pusta dežela (The Waste Land, 1922). Pomembna prvina v Steinbeckovem romanu, ne pa tudi v Streetovem delu, je ciklično ponavljanje sušnih let; suša ni samo zgodovinski okvir zgodbe, ampak tudi odločilni dejav- nik pri delovanju junakov. Osrednji lik Joseph Wayne se z očetovim blagoslovom in poln upanja na boljše življenje odpravi v Kalifornijo. Tam kupi rodovitno zemljišče in si posta- vi hišo pod mogočnim hrastom, za katerega verjame, da je po očetovi smrti postal bivališče očetovega duha. Kmalu po nastanitvi v novem okolju se mu

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John Steinbeck, Nezn- anemu Bogu, prev. Danica Čerče (Celje– Ljubljana: Mohorjeva založba, 2009)

pridružijo še vsi trije bratje z družinami: Thomas, Burton in Benjy. Ko v skriv- nostnem borovem gozdičku na slemenu za hišo s Thomasom odkrijeta jaso z ogromno skalo, prekrito z gostim temnim mahom, Joseph skali takoj pripiše verski pomen.10 Skala postane zanj tudi simbol rodovitnosti narave. Rast in raz- množevanje vsega živega Josepha tako očarata, da prevzame vlogo zaščitnika narave. Ker je edina jalova stvar na posestvu prav Joseph sam, si poišče ženo in poskrbi za potomca. S svojimi poganskimi navadami (čaščenjem mogočnega hrasta) prestraši brata Burtona, tako da ta skrivoma ugonobi drevo in zapusti posestvo. Zima, ki sledi, je sušna in pogubna. Družine se ena za drugo odpravijo na dolgo pot k zelenim pašnikom ob reki. Samo Joseph se ne more ločiti od umirajoče dežele. Domačijo sicer zapusti, toda samo zato, da se utabori ob skali, zadnji obrambi pred pogubnimi silami. Ko usahne tudi izvir v skali, se Joseph povzpne nanjo in si prereže žile v zapestju:

10 V Svetem pismu je Bog večkrat poimenovan "skala" v pomenu človekovega zatočišča.

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'Moral bi vedeti,' je zašepetal. 'Jaz sem dež.' Brezvoljno je pogledal navzdol po gorah svojega telesa, kjer so se hribi spuščali v previs. Čutil je močan dež in slišal njegovo bičanje in udarjanje ob tla. Videl je svoje hribe, kako temnijo od vlage. Potem je srce sveta zadela prebadajoča bolečina. 'Zemlja sem,' je rekel 'in dež sem. Iz mene bo hipoma pognala trava.' In nevihta se je okrepila in svet obdarila s temnim odtenkom in z vrenjem vodà.11

Josephova vloga v romanu je torej opredeljena z rešitvijo narave in zdru- žitvijo z njo; njegovo žrtvovanje lastnega življenja za zagotovitev harmonične- ga delovanja celote, katere del je on sam, je skrajna poteza odrešenika, čigar smrt obudi življenje. Ne samo s številnimi namigi na Staro zavezo (Josephova vloga izbranega brata in preroka, njegovo romanje v obljubljeno deželo, krstno ime itd.) in z neposrednim omenjanjem podobnosti med Josephom in Kristu- som, ampak tudi s predstavitvijo glavnih romanesknih oseb, zlasti Josephovih bratov in patra Angela, je Steinbeck odgovoril na vprašanje, kdo je "neznani Bog", ki ga slavi v epigrafu, iz katerega je vzel naslov romana. Omenjeni liki so namreč intonirani tako, da je njihovo zaznavanje sveta omejeno bodisi z lastnimi pomanjkljivostmi in predsodki bodisi z zunanjo prisilo. Joseph je edini sposoben videti stvari v celoti, prodreti v njihovo bistvo in kot takšen delovati v korist in ohranitev naravnega ravnovesja. "Neznani Bog" torej ni abstrakten ideal, ampak "človek s svojo mogočno, plodno in gonilno podzavestjo", je kri- tiku Wilburju Needhamu in tistim, ki so ga obtoževali misticizma, pojasnil tudi pisatelj sam.12 Poleg Jungove psihoanalitične misli so v romanu močno opazna filozofska načela, ki jih je Steinbeck privzel od Eda Rickettsa. Gre za tako imenovano "neteleološko" mišljenje, ukvarjanje z opazovanjem določenega stanja namesto z raziskovanjem mehanične vzročno-posledične povezanosti človekove- ga obstoja. Vpliv Rickettsove filozofije se med drugim odraža v Josephovem razumevajočem, skoraj stoičnem sprejemanju dogodkov na posestvu, zaradi česar pogosto deluje hladno, včasih že brezčutno. Kljub takšnemu dojemanju dogodkov je junakovo končno žrtveno dejanje, ki ga lahko simbolno razume- mo kot vrhunec človekovega soglasja z naravo, vendarle posledica močnega notranjega klica. V romanu so še nekatere druge nedoslednosti in slabosti, ki mu onemogočajo, da bi bil mojstrovina, ne pa da bi bil večplastno branje, ki bo ostalo v spominu. Kljub filozofskemu izhodišču in analiziranju čutenja in doživljanja junakov roman ni obremenjen z morbidnostjo, še manj dolgočasen ali celo nesmiseln, kot so se o njem izrazili nekateri strogi kritiki. Pisateljev slog

11 Steinbeck, Neznanemu Bogu, 150–151. 12 Robert DeMott, "Introduction", v: John Steinbeck, To a God Unknown (New York, 1995), vii–xl.

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pisanja je zaznamovan z duhovitostjo, bogato fantazijo, mojstrstvom v ostrini opazovanja in posredovanja podrobnosti ter izvirnostjo v tvorbi metafor in pri- spodob. Predvsem pa roman ni duhamoren zato, ker avtor celo na tej stopnji svoje razvojne linije, to je pred svojo osrednjo preokupacijo z družbenimi in političnimi problemi, na pretresljiv način sporoča, da bistvo človeške eksisten- ce ni v sebičnem zadovoljevanju lastnih potreb, ampak v njegovi sposobnosti prenesti središče pozornosti s sebe na svet okoli sebe in uporabiti svoje znanje v korist skupnosti. In morda še pomembnejše: človek in narava ne obstajata loče- no, ampak sta celota, je že leta 1933 izvirno sporočal Steinbeck. Takšno videnje človeka in narave pa je tudi (ali pa predvsem) za današnji čas zelo dragoceno.

Nebeški pašniki

Tudi Nebeški pašniki so nastali v obdobju, v katerem je Steinbeck tematiko in slog svojega pisanja šele iskal.13 Prvo je našel med preprostimi ljudmi rodne Salinaške doline, izhodiščno idejo za knjigo, v kateri ne pripoveduje samo ene, ampak več samostojnih in hkrati med seboj dopolnjujočih se zgodb, pa v delu Sherwooda Andersona Winesburg, Ohio (1919). Najbrž tudi zaradi nasprotujo- čega si kritiškega odziva na svoj prvi roman Čaša zlata (The Cup of Gold, 1929), je Steinbeck ob oddaji rokopisa zapisal takole: "Če bralec knjige ne bo ocenje- val s stališča kriterijev kratke zgodbe (kar moje zgodbe sploh niso), se mu bo zdela očarljiva, v nasprotnem primeru bo zanj izgubljena, še preden se bo lotil branja."14 Sodeč po začetnem kritiškem odzivu se je zgodilo prav to. Ker knjige niso uspeli nedvoumno zvrstno določiti, so nekateri kritiki v njej pogrešali kakšno bistveno značilnost kratkih zgodb in pisatelju očitali zaviranje dogajal- nega ritma z nepotrebnimi opisi in komentarji; tisti, ki so knjigo ocenjevali z gledišča romana, pa so bili nezadovoljni, češ da knjiga ni zasnovana po načelih organske celote. Kakor koli že, Nebeški pašniki dobro izpolnjujejo zahteve ciklične okvir- ne pripovedi: vsako poglavje se namreč bere kot samostojna in samozadostna enota, ki ne potrebuje dodatne osvetlitve z vidika celote. Po drugi strani pa so med posameznimi zgodbami močne povezovalne prvine, ki kot nekakšen nadomestek enovite zgodbe poskrbijo, da bralec ni prikrajšan za celovitost spoznavnih, etičnih in estetskih razsežnosti besedila. Vsaka od desetih zgodb ima svoj zaplet in razplet, vsaka se odvija v vzročnem in časovnem zaporedju in vse besedilne sestavine so nezgrešljivo naravnane na končni učinek. Kljub

13 John Steinbeck, Nebeški pašniki (Celje–Ljubljana, 2012). 14 Jackson Benson, John Steinbeck, Writer, 219.

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takšni pripovedni strategiji sta razplet in konec večkrat presenetljiva, čeprav pozornemu bralcu ne more uiti, da pisatelj na nevsakdanjost razpleta večino- ma namiguje že na samem začetku vsake pripovedi. V tem tiči razlog, zakaj je vsako od njih mogoče prebrati na dušek. In takšno branje avtor od bralca pravzaprav tudi pričakuje, saj bo ob branju po kapljicah zagotovo prikrajšan za kakšen estetski užitek, ki ga nudi vsaka enota. Ena od povezovalnih prvin med posameznimi enotami je časovni okvir. Čeprav pisatelj večkrat začenja s pogledom nazaj ali vpleta členitvene vložke, da bralca seznani s predzgodbo ali razloži kakšna medsebojna razmerja, se vse zgodbe odvijajo v naravnem zaporedju v obdobju enega leta (1928–1929). Za trdnejšo vez desetih samostojnih enot, ki so vpete med uvodno in sklepno (dva- najsto) poglavje in od katerih je vsaka namenjena eni družini ali posamezniku, pisatelj poskrbi še s skupnim dogajalnim prostorom. Odločilnega pomena za združitev navidezno nezdružljivih pripovedi sta začetno in zadnje poglavje, ki kot neke vrste prolog in epilog v starogrški drami bralca najprej seznanjata z naj- osnovnejšimi podatki za vzbuditev zanimanja, po končani zgodbi pa še z zanimi- vimi posledicami. Steinbeck v prologu dramatizira zgodovinski začetek naselitve v dolini, v epilogu pa prikazuje sodobne turiste, ki se z avtobusom pripeljejo po isti poti, po kateri je sredi osemnajstega stoletja pri zasledovanju pobeglih pokri- stjanjenih Indijancev v dolino prijezdil španski korporal; kot ta, ki si ob pogledu na prelepo dolino zaželi, da se na stara leta vrne in si v tej dolini ustvari dom, so od lepote prevzeti tudi turisti, le da njihova hrepenenja izvirajo iz stremljenja k večji moči in ugledu in razgrinjajo nekatere zelo očitne značilnosti sodobne potrošniške družbe. Že na osnovi povedanega je mogoče slutiti številne zorne kote Steinbeckovega pristopa k tematiki (zgodovinski, sociološki, teološki itd.), zato mu pomanjkanja temeljnega načrta gotovo ne moremo očitati. Ne nazadnje za povezovalni učinek poskrbijo obrobni junaki: vse dogajalne niti se namreč pletejo s pomočjo kakšnega člana družine Munroe. Njihova pri- sotnost nehote povzroči, da se skoraj vse življenjske usode berejo kot zgodbe o neizpolnjenih pričakovanjih, bolečih razočaranjih in spoznanjih. Kot je pisatelj razložil svojemu literarnemu zastopniku Mavisu McIntoshu, je Munroejeve zasnoval na resnični družini, nad katero je viselo zlo. Kjer koli so se naselili, povsod so povzročali nesrečo in žalost; tudi v tej dolini, ki je do njihovega prihoda slovela za srečno, so se začeli vrstiti tragični dogodki. Čeprav Steinbeck dolino preimenuje v Nebeške pašnike, že na prvih straneh sporoča, da je ime zavaja- joče, saj je kljub lepoti in blagostanju vse prej kot idilična. Uvodno poglavje se namreč zaokroži s tragično smrtjo španskega korporala, ki je ta kraj odkril in mu dal ime; njegovi neuresničeni načrti dajejo bralcu slutiti, da Nebeški pašniki kljub dobrim obetom ne bodo naklonjeni željam njenih prebivalcev. Poleg neizogibnega propada človekovih pričakovanj, ki je tematska stal- nica tako v teh zgodbah kot tudi v številnih Steinbeckovih delih iz kasnejše-

232 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

John Steinbeck, Mesec je zašel, prev. Danica Čerče (Celje–Ljubljana: Mohorjeva založba, 2011)

ga obdobja, pisatelj že na prvih straneh nakaže tudi nekatera druga tematska jedra, kot so zasužnjevanje domorodcev v imenu civilizacije, prepad med naravnimi zakonitostmi in splošno družbeno konvencionalnostjo, nezdružlji- vost osebnih hotenj z zahtevami družbe, vprašanje človekove identitete in inte- gritete, nevarnost iluzij in napačnih družbenih vrednot in druga. Čeprav se Ste- inbeckovi junaki upirajo raznovrstnim pritiskom s standardi in konvencijami urejene družbe, ki od človeka terja konformizem, je njihova donkihotska bitka največkrat izgubljena. To ni toliko zaradi časovne, socialne, kulturne ali kakšne druge determiniranosti, kot bi morda pričakovali glede na to, da pisatelj že prvo zgodbo posveti prekletstvu nad dolino in to temo kot rdečo nit vleče skozi vso knjigo, ampak v prvi vrsti zaradi junakov samih, zaradi njihove šibkosti, ki je vsakemu od njih najhujši sovražnik. Pri pregledovanju temeljnih vzrokov, ki Steinbeckove junake vpenjajo v ris neuspešnosti, se izkaže, da so to največkrat njihova neprilagodljivost, neodloč- nost, samoprevare, različne obsedenosti ali kakšne druge notranje omejitve. Edward Wicks, na primer, bolj znan z vzdevkom Oderuh, je zaslepljen z imagi- narnim svetom bogastva, ki mu onemogoča, da bi videl pravo bogastvo: ljubečo

233 D. Čerče: O slovenski polpretekli kritiški misli in prezrtih romanih ...

in razumevajočo ženo ter lepo, čeprav nekoliko umsko zaostalo hčer. Wicksov propad bolj kot Jimmie Munroe, ki se spentlja z njegovo hčerjo in tako nehote sproži plaz dogodkov, ki razkrinkajo Oderuhovo navidezno premožnost, poleg že omenjene obsedenosti z bogastvom povzroči še tiranska ljubezen, ki se kaže v njegovi nenormalni skrbi za hčerino nedolžnost. Juniusa Maltbyja okolica izloči zaradi nesprejemljivega načina življenja: namesto da bi obdeloval svojo kmetijo kot vsi drugi v dolini, Junius ves svoj čas posveča branju in filozofiranju. Tudi sin Robbie odrašča v svobodnem duhu, njuno srečno življenje pa se obrne na glavo, ko gospa Munroe, zgrožena nad otrokovo izstopajočo zanemarjenostjo, Robbieju podari nekaj oblačil. Nova oblačila, znak civilizacije in konformizma, uničijo njuno srečo in žalostna zapustita dolino. Dilema, ali sprejeti zahteve družbe in se jim podrediti ali pa bežati pred njimi, je Steinbecka neprestano zaposlovala; k njej se je vračal v romanih Polentarska polica (Tortilla Flat, 1935), Ulica ribjih konzerv (Cannery Row, 1945), Sladki četrtek (Sweet Thursday, 1954), če se omejimo samo na tista dela, v katerih je to najbolj izrazito. Ob upodabljanju dramatičnega stika dveh različ- nih svetov se pisatelj subtilno loteva številnih vprašanj človekovega sobivanja. Toda kljub karikiranju vedenjskih vzorcev samovšečne meščanske družbe, njenega pehanja za denarjem in površnih odnosov pisatelj nikakor ne zagovarja boemskosti in neprilagojenosti: z Juniusovo končno odločitvijo, da se vrne v San Francisco in si poišče službo knjigovodje, ki jo je opravljal že pred priho- dom v dolino, Steinbeck sporoča, da v sodobnem svetu ni prostora za ljudi, ki nočejo ali ne znajo uskladiti individualnih in družbenih hotenj.15 Tudi lik Tularecita, telesno iznakaženega najdenčka, ki je obdarjen z ume- tniško žilico, hkrati pa duševno zaostal in nepredvidljiv, je intoniran tako, da mora nujno propasti. "Ni nor; samo eden tistih je, ki jih Bog ni povsem dokon- čal," ga je po napadu na Berta Munroeja pred sodnikom zagovarjal krušni oče, ki je najbolje razumel prepad med naravnimi nagoni in hotenji posameznika ter zahtevami po podrejanju civilizacijskim normam.16 Morda najbolj očarljiva in zabavna v nizu je zgodba o sestrah Marii in Rosi Lopez, dveh pobožnjakaricah, ki sta po očetovi smrti prisiljeni sami poskrbeti zase. Tako odpreta restavracijo, ki pa ju komaj preživlja, zato začneta poleg slastnih tortilj prodajati še spolne užitke. Poseben čar in privlačnost te zgodbe je v njunem nenehnem iskanju opravičil za svoje ravnanje, v naporu, da sami sebe prepričata, da so storitve, ki jih nudita, samo nagrada najboljšim gostom v resta- vraciji (tistim, ki pojedo največ slastnih tortilj). S tovrstno razširitvijo ponudbe začne njun posel cveteti in zdi se, da sta se končno rešili revščine. Toda mirni

15 To je tudi osrednje sporočilo Polentarske police. 16 Nebeški pašniki, 46.

234 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

tok njunega družinskega življenja vrže iz varnih kolesnic Bert Munroe; dogodki, ki sledijo, izsilijo njuno priznanje, da se ukvarjata s prostitucijo. Kot Junius in Robbie Maltby tudi sestri Lopez osramočeni in razočarani zapustita dolino. V tej zgodbi Steinbeck ni samo ponovno ubesedil ideje o zahtevah "spo- dobne" družbe po konformizmu in dokazal, da njegovi netipični junaki, ki živijo v iluzijah, nimajo veliko možnosti; ko razgrinja rahlo čudaštvo glavnih protagonistk, s tem da ju izpostavlja različnim dvomom, občutkom krivde, var- ljivemu upanju, predvsem pa groteskni zadregi, ko sta javno razkrinkani, pisatelj pokaže tudi presenetljivo veliko igrivosti in duhovitosti. Ker stavi na moč ironije in pri tem kot glavno orodje uporablja karikiranje, je zgodba neke vrste zabavni predah, čeprav tudi druge še zdaleč niso obremenjene z morbidnostjo. Celo v zgodbi o vdovi Helen Van Deventer, ki je zaradi vztrajanja osrednje protagonistke v melanholiji in apatičnosti morda najbolj turobna, se Steinbeck mestoma prepusti lahkotnosti in bralca razvedri s svojim hudomušno ironič- nim posmehom. V letu prvega izida (1932) Nebeški pašniki pisatelju niso prinesli slave, danes pa je knjiga pogosto deležna pozornosti prevajalcev, založnikov in literarnih kritikov. Slednji so si edini, da ima prav ta knjiga ključni pomen v pisateljevi karieri. Ne samo zaradi podobne galerije epskih oseb in pisateljevega pogleda, da je ena največjih neznank, s katerimi se človek spopada, prav njegova narava, njegov notranji svet, ki ga brez kakšnih drastičnih sprememb najdemo tudi v Steinbeckovih najboljših delih; v Nebeških pašnikih je pisatelj odkril osrednjo temo svojega pisateljskega sveta in način za njeno ubeseditev. In ne nazadnje so Nebeški pašniki pomembni zato, ker s svojimi zgodbami o človekovi razpetosti med realnostjo in ideali, o njegovem notranjem boju z močmi in usmerjeno- stjo okolja ter s samim seboj ne odslikavajo samo duha časa in kraja njihovega nastanka, ampak ostajajo obče aktualni.

Mesec je zašel

Omenili smo že, da je ena od izrazitih značilnosti Steinbeckovega pripovedni- štva raznolikost njegovih del. Ker je pisatelj rad eksperimentiral s svojim medi- jem in neprenehoma iskal nova pripovednoustvarjalna izhodišča, spreminjal družbeno in geografsko okolje svojih del ter preizkušal nove kombinacije, kritiki in bralci nikoli niso vedeli, kakšna bo njegova naslednja knjiga. Tudi roman Mesec je zašel (The Moon Is Down) je bil za bralce novo tematsko doživetje.17 Po natisu največje uspešnice, ki je razblinila mit o Kaliforniji, je Steinbeck namreč

17 John Steinbeck, Mesec je zašel (Celje–Ljubljana, 2011).

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opustil literarno tematizacijo gospodarske krize in se usmeril k vojni tematiki, ki pa ni utrdila njegovega umetniškega ugleda. To dokazujeta zlasti po navodi- lih in brez srčne zavzetosti napisana propagandna igra Proč z bombami (Bombs Away, 1942) in zbirka reportaž Nekoč je bila vojna (Once There Was a War, 1958), ki jih je kot dopisnik časopisa New York Herald Tribune pošiljal z evropskih bojišč. Tudi drugi poskusi, da bi vojno tematiko prenesel v literarno delo, ki bi dosegalo umetniško veličino del iz predhodnega obdobja, so se izjalovili. Mednje sodita scenarija za Hitchcockov film Rešilni čoln (Lifeboat, 1944) in film Franka Butlerja Medalja za Bennyja (A Medal for Benny, 1945) ter roman Mesec je zašel. Izid romana spomladi 1942 (tik pred japonskim napadom na Pearl Har- bor) je pospremil val ogorčenega negodovanja. Kot so pisatelja tri leta prej mnogi obtoževali komunizma, so mu zaradi netipične predstavitve okupatorja zdaj očitali, da podpira nacizem. Kljub takšnemu odzivu se je roman dobro prodajal; izbrali so ga za knjigo meseca, filmski studio Twentieth Century-Fox pa je za filmske pravice plačal takrat rekordnih 300.000 dolarjev, kar je štirikrat več, kot je tri leta prej odštel za snemanje Grozdov jeze. Bistveno drugače so se na roman odzvali v tujini. Kot izčrpno popisuje Donald V. Coers (1995), so ga takoj po izidu skrivoma prevedli v številne tuje jezike, v okupirani zahodni Evropi in Skandinaviji je postal celo najpopularnejše branje.18 V nasprotju s šib- kim odzivom na roman v vzhodnoevropskih državah (v slovenskem prostoru z izjemo kratkih omemb o romanu niti pisali nismo, kaj šele, da bi ga prevedli) so v Franciji, Belgiji, na Nizozemskem in Danskem prav z ilegalno prodajo tega dela finančno podpirali družine ustreljenih ali deportiranih domoljubov.19 Med vojno je roman užival popularnost tudi v svobodni Švici, v Sovjetski zvezi je veljal za najbolj znano delo ameriške književnosti, skrivoma so ga brali tudi člani odporniškega gibanja v državah sil osi. Zaradi njegove potencialne moči v boju proti Japoncem, ki so si takrat lastili velik del Kitajske, je v obdobju med 1943 in 1946 roman kar štirikrat izšel tudi v kitajskem prevodu. Leta 1946 je Steinbeck zanj dobil priznanje norveškega kralja Haakona VII. za pomemben prispevek k osvobodilnemu gibanju. Da delo ni samo propaganda, ki ne preživi krize, ki ga je ustvarila, kot roman še danes podcenjujoče označujejo nekateri kritiki, med drugim dokazuje dejstvo, da se tudi po vojni redno pojavlja na seznamih prevajalcev in založnikov v vseh delih sveta. Že samo zaradi viharnega odziva, če že ne zaradi romana samega, je prav, da se z njim končno natančneje seznanimo tudi pri nas.

18 Donald V. Coers, "Introduction", v: John Steinbeck, The Moon Is Down (New York, 1995), vii–xxiii. 19 V večini vzhodnoevropskih držav roman po prvi prevodni izdaji v štiridesetih ali petdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja ni doživel ponatisa. Izjema sta Poljska in Češka s ponatisi leta 1995 in 2007. Prva romunska izdaja romana je iz leta 2007.

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John Steinbeck, Nebeški pašniki, prev. Danica Čerče (Celje– Ljubljana: Mohorjeva založba, 2012)

Mesec je zašel je nastal na prigovarjanje vodje obveščevalnih agencij in kot pisateljev prispevek k skupnemu boju proti Hitlerjevi imperialistični vojski. Ob tem je potrebno omeniti, da je Steinbeck večkrat zastavil svoje pero v politične namene, najprej sredi tridesetih let, ko je s serijo ostrih časopisnih člankov prvič pritegnil pozornost predsednika Roosevelta, njegove soproge in ameriškega kongresa ter z odkrivanjem socialnih nasprotij takratne družbene ureditve neposredno sprožil postopke za izboljšanje razmer. Že v času pisanja Grozdov jeze je postal svetovalec Rooseveltovega volilnega odbora in pisec Rooseveltovih govorov, kasneje pa je sodeloval še s štirimi ameriškimi predse- dniki in s predsedniškim kandidatom Adlaijem Stevensonom. Čeprav pisateljeve politične zadolžitve še vedno niso povsem pojasnjene, njegovo politično delovanje vse do zadnje epizode izžareva misel o pomembnosti spoštovanja državljanskih pravic in zahtevo po vladi, ki bo služila človeštvu. Prav zato toliko bolj preseneča Steinbeckova neprikrita podpora ameriški vojni v Vietnamu, ki je konec šestdesetih let temeljito omajala njegov ugled in povzročila naglo upadanje Steinbeckove priljubljenost v svetu. Osrednja ideja v romanu je izpostaviti pomen ljudskega odpora. Ob predstavitvi gorja okupiranih in njihovega pogumnega kljubovanja okupatorjevim silam pa se je pisatelj posvetil tudi raziskovanju številnih vprašanj človekovega sobivanja, njegovega hrepenenja, možnosti izbire med dobrim in zlim, osebnih stisk, ki jih sproži bodisi nasprotje med osebnimi načeli in ideologijami bodisi nezdružljivost idealov z resničnostjo, če omenimo samo tiste miselne votke, ki najbolj štrlijo iz pripovedi. Kljub takšni obravnavi tematike so se ameriški kritiki bolj kot z umetniško vrednostjo romana ukvarjali z njegovo propagandistično močjo. Kar so umetniku Steinbeckovega kova najbolj zamerili, je prizanesljivost

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pri opisu okupatorja. Pomanjkanje črno-bele tehnike predstavitve osrednjih junakov je tudi najverjetnejši vzrok, da romana vse do leta 2012 nismo imeli v slovenski različici. Številne dialoge Steinbeck namreč uporablja in izrablja za to, da okupatorjevo vojsko izriše kot čisto navadne ljudi z običajnimi čustvi: ne samo, da okupiranemu prebivalstvu utemeljujejo svoje nasilno dejanje in se, dokler je to mogoče, izogibajo nasilju; pogrešajo dom, svoje družine in tople človeške odnose. "Ali ne moreva samo za kratek čas pozabiti, da je vojna? Ali se ne moreva samo za kratek čas pogovarjati kot človeka? /…/ Tako osamljenega se počutim, da sem že skoraj bolan od tega. Osamljen sem v tišini in sovraštvu," se domačinki Molly izpove polkovnik Tonder.20 Pogosto jih obhajajo dvomi, strah in negotovost. Okupator je torej prav tako ranljiv kot prebivalstvo, ki so si ga podredili, sporoča Steinbeck, to spoznanje pa je bistvenega pomena v boju z njim. Okupirano prebivalstvo namreč lahko pripelje do končne zmage.

Pred dvajsetimi leti se je Lanser boril v Belgiji in Franciji. Prizadeval si je, da ni razmišljal o tem, kar je vedel: da je vojna izdajalska in osovražena, da je zmešnjava, ki jo povzročijo nesposobni generali, da je mučenje in ubijanje in bolezen in utru- jenost, dokler ni končana, da vojna ničesar ne spremeni in prinese samo nove težave in sovraštvo. Dopovedoval si je, da je vojak, ki mora izvrševati ukaze. Od njega ne pričakujejo, da dvomi ali razmišlja, ampak da izvršuje ukaze; in skušal je pozabiti boleče spomine na prejšnjo vojno in zatreti védenje, da bo spet tako. Ta vojna bo drugačna, se je prepričeval vsaj petdesetkrat na dan; ta bo zelo drugačna.21

K tej glavni temi pa pisatelj po svoji stari navadi primakne še marsikaj drugega: od nesmiselnosti vojne in kritike vojaškega usposabljanja, ki vojake pripravlja na zmage, ne pa tudi na poraze, do obsodbe slepega sledenja vsemogoč- nim avtoritetam in številnih vprašanj morale in etike. Čeprav se zdi, da je polo- žaj okupiranih brezizhoden, saj vsakemu uporniškemu dejanju sledijo surove represalije, roman ni pesimističen. Luč upanja prihaja iz ust glavnih junakov, domoljubnega župana Ordena in njegovega prijatelja Winterja. "Ljudje ne marajo, da jih kdo okupira /…/, zato ne bodo ostali okupirani," v sklepnem pri- zoru, tik pred svojo usmrtitvijo, preroško razmišlja župan.22 "Svobodni ljudje ne morejo začeti vojne, ko pa se ta začne, se lahko branijo. Tuja drhal, ki sledi svojemu voditelju, tega ne more, zato napadalci vedno dobivajo bitke, okupirani pa zmagujejo vojne."23 Nobenega dvoma ni, da pisateljevi pogledi niso niti časovno niti geograf-

20 Mesec je zašel, 77. 21 Prav tam, 27. 22 Prav tam, 114. 23 Prav tam.

238 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

sko zamejeni, ampak so veljavni za vse generacije. Pa ne zato, ker je pisatelj zgodbo postavil v neimenovano državo, se izognil neposrednemu imenovanju okupatorja, izdajalca Curselinga iz prve različice romana, ki je s svojim imenom preveč spominjal na norveškega Quislinga, pa preimenoval v Corella. Tisti, ki zgodbi želijo določiti časovne in prostorske koordinate, namreč nimajo težke- ga dela, da v mrzli, temačni in zasneženi pokrajini prepoznajo Norveško, v oku- patorjevi armadi z oficirji, ki pogosto omenjajo "voditelja" in njegov "novi red", pa nemško vojsko. Čar in privlačnost tega dela izpred sedemdesetih let, ki je prav tako kot Grozdi jeze nastalo iz pisateljeve jeze in ogorčenja nad tistimi, "ki so drugim prizadejali krivice", in ki ga prav tako povezuje tema o nehumanosti med ljudmi in o človekovi sposobnosti, da to nehumanost moralno premaga, izvirata iz njegovega sporočila o nepremagljivosti človekovega duha.24 Toda prvo delo je svetovno priznana mojstrovina, drugemu pa preboj med takšna dela ni uspel. Tudi če je Mesec je zašel samo propaganda, vseeno razkriva števil- ne resnice, predvsem pa raziskuje, kako naj se človek sooči in preživi v politič- nih in moralnih krizah. Ker se te kar vrstijo, se ni bati, da bi roman izgubil svojo svežino.

Sklep

Že na osnovi tako skope obravnave motivno-tematskih sestavin in pripove- dne perspektive v treh Steinbeckovih romanih, ki jim je bila zaradi podreja- nja kritike vladajoči politični opciji in sprevračanja književnosti v ideološko orodje odvzeta možnost objektivnega ovrednotenja in predstavitve, je mogoče ugotoviti, da so vredni naše skrbne pozornosti. Čeprav niso napisani s podobno osebno zavzetostjo kot Steinbeckove največje mojstrovine, imajo z njimi vendarle marsikaj skupnega: od notranje ubranosti v oblikovnem in idejnem ustroju, galerije romanesknih oseb, humorja, kritične in aktualistične note do mitov, legend in simbolov; v njih je pisateljeva vera v človeka in dovzetnost za človekove osebne in družbene stiske. Toda namesto da jih ocenjujemo v primerjavi z njimi, jih je potrebno obravnavati in sprejemati z gledišča pisateljevih dosežkov v vsakem od njih. S to predstavitvijo smo vsaj deloma povrnili dolg iz preteklih let in dokazali, da je Steinbeck eden tistih umetnikov, ki sicer globoko zarezujejo v pretekle družbenopolitične sfere, hkrati pa sveže, vznemirljivo, pa tudi izzivalno razgrinjajo vprašanja, ki zadevajo vsakega od nas.

24 Robert DeMott, Steinbeck’s Typewriter: Essays on His Art (Troy–New York, 1997), 167.

239 D. Čerče: O slovenski polpretekli kritiški misli in prezrtih romanih ...

Danica Čerče

ABOUT SLOVENE CRITICAL THOUGHT IN THE PERIOD OF COMMUNIST REGIME AND JOHN STEINBECK'S MARGINALISED NOVELS

SUMMARY

Until very recently, Steinbeck's literary reputation in Slovenia rested on his socially-conscious novels of the late 1930s, with most of his mid- and post-war works as well as his first literary attempts remaining undeservedly marginalised. Rather than accepting aesthetic criteria as the only standard of a book's value, Slovene critics were primarily in pursuit of social aspects and progressive ideas in his works. Assessed through an ideological lens, their sole value resided in their usefulness to the prevailing social and political mindset, which they undoubtedly served – not only The Grapes of Wrath (1939) with its agenda of social solutions, but also works that clearly indicate Steinbeck's departure from social realism. Since the credit for Steinbeck's popular acclaim in Slovenia goes to his initial role of objective social chronicler, the writer aroused considerable resentment when he began to deal with different themes and worked in literary forms that allowed him to escape the limitations of prevailing literary fashion. The level of Steinbeck's acceptance in Slovenia reached its nadir in the 1990s, with hardly any critical mention of the writer and only a single publication of his work. Since then, the situation has improved both in the field of translation and criticism. Perhaps it is also because of the publication of the first book-length study of the writer's work (Pripovedništvo Johna Steinbecka) and its imperati- ve that Steinbeck's works be approached without preconceived ideas that the Slovene marker is becoming more and more receptive to Steinbeck's writing from the early and mid-war period. This is noticed in translation of works like To a God Unkown, The Moon Is Down and The Pastures of Heaven, which were virtually unknown to Slovene readers until their recent publication by Celjska Mohorjeva družba.

240 S tudia H istorica S lovenica

UDC 674.23:94(497.43) 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops for the Development of Slovenian Furniture Design – the Example of the Joinery Stojan from Teharje Mirjana Koren Senior Curator Regional Museum Maribor Grajska ulica 2, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected] Sonja Ifko Ph.D., Assistant Professor University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arcitecture Cojzova cesta 2, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: In the 19th century new methods of design were introduced in the joiner's workshops of central Europe, which were based on traditional craftsmanship knowledge, and simultaneously enforced new principles of design, that had been introduced by the industrialisation. This time marks the beginning of the evolution of contemporary furniture design. This article will, using the tradition of the joinery of the Stojan family from Teharje as an example, explore the conditions, under which the craftsmen in the area of today's Slovenian Styria had been living at the end of the 19th and throughout the 20th century. The article will also reveal the history of yet another family business, where the furniture wasn't merely manufactured. In this workshop not only new technologies of woodworking had been developed, but the products were also designed.

Key words: Joinery, design, furniture, Stojan, Wagner, Teharje, Slovenia

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 241–264, 59 notes, 6 pictures, Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene)

241 M. Koren, S. Ifko: The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops ...

From the Craft Production of Furniture to Industrial Design

At the end of the 18th century the industrialisation of the production processes had began in Great Britain. The industrialisation found its way through Belgi- um, France, Germany and Switzerland to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and finally after the construction of the railway in the middle of the 19th century also reached our region. Meanwhile, when the academic field of architecture concerned itself with the problems of finding the appropriate neo historic initial points1 of design throughout the whole 19th century, the now new industrialists/engineers as well as the craftsmen were studying the usage of new techniques of processing and started to introduce new materials. The manufacturers started to devote their attention towards product design more intensely with the upturn of the Arts & Crafts2 movement in Great Britain. This trends spread over the continent at the end of the 19th and in the beginning of the 20th century. The introduction of the woodworking machinery, which had already been invented, was prevented by the size of the engines and their high prices. It wasn't until the inven- tion of the planning machine in the year 1875, that a system for woodworking had become available, which after the year 1890 also found its way into the joiner's workshops. From then on initially gas engines and later on electro motors of smaller sizes were at one's disposal.3 The bourgeois furniture heralded the radical changes, which manifested themselves in Central Europe in the refined Biedermeier forms in the first half of the 19th century. But this refinement demanded greater drawing and joiner skills. A considerable number of joiners developed the city of Vienna into the most powerful manufacturing centre of Biedermeier furniture. The fact, that the year of 1816 records 279 masters and 578 cabinetmakers, who registered their residence in Vienna, depicts the artistic aspirations of the Viennese joinery.4 More than 2500 drawings of furniture, chandeliers and patterns for the draping of curtains, from the legacy of Jozef Ulrich Danhauser5 have been pre-

1 Nikolaus Pevsner, Pioniri modernog oblikovanja (Zagreb, 1990). 2 Around the year 1860 a reactionary movement started to emerge, which resisted the low level of decorative art and strived for the revival of traditional crafts. In the field of furniture design the movement had modeled itself upon the craftsmen of the Middle Ages, it defended the simple shapes, but it also demanded high quality of execution. Even though it rejected the use of machines in the beginning, the movement started to use them later on itself. 3 Peter Benje, Maschinelle Holzbearbeitung. Ihre Einführung und die Auswirkungen auf Betriebsformen, Produkte und Fertigung im Tischlergewerbe während des 19. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland (Darmstadt, 2002). 4 Georg Himmelheber, "Epoha Bidermajera," in: Stilovi, nameštaj, dekor : Od Luja XV do danas, ed. Pierre Verlet (Beograd, 1972), 144. 5 Ulrich Danhauser (* 1780; + 1892).

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served at the museum Österreichisches Museum für angewandte Kunst. The museum is also storing a respectable collection of graphic sketches from the joiner A. Einholzer. The fact, that besides the chief joiner craftsman Carl Leis- tler6 the industrialist Michael Thonet7 was employed as a subcontractor for the renovation of the Liechtenstein castle in Vienna, vividly depicts the current of the evolution in furniture. While Leistler technically masterly manufactured his part of the commission in the second rococo style, Thonet was given his first commissions for larger series of machine-made chairs out of bend wood.8 Based on the model of their colleagues from the movement Arts & Crafts the Viennese architects, designers, craftsmen and industrialists, together with the school for the production of everyday objects and furniture K. k. Kunstgew- erbeschule9, founded the Wiener Werkstätte.10 The logic of the Biedermeier served as a inspiration for the production of modular furniture, that were manufactured within the Vereinigte Werkstätten für Kunst im Handwerk,11 an association for the production of unique speci- mens or of small-series of interior design objects. The first European economic relevant organisation that was based on the idea of connecting products from artists, designers, craftsmen and industrialists made pieces was the Deutscher Werkbund.12 Its context implied that we were no longer referring to furniture as a craftsmen product, but as an industrially designed product.

The Education for the Joinery Craft

As the cities grew, so did the demand for furniture. In the territory of today's Slo- venia, craftsmen were found in every spot, but there were two main joinery centres. The first one was in Solkan and the second one in Šentvid. The centre in Solkan was influenced by Krmin and Mariano from the province Friulian, and the joiners in Šentvid were influenced by Ljubljana from the province Carniola. The joinery of South Styria was under the influence which came over Graz from Vien- na. This way we can also explain the upcoming of a larger number of furniture

6 Carl Leistler (* 1805; + 1857). 7 Michael Thonet (* 1796; + 1871). 8 Franz Windish-Graetz, Dunajski bidermajer (Ljubljana 1981), 71–74. 9 The K. k. Kunstgewerbeschule was founded in the year 1867 by the museum K. k. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie, which was founded in the year 1863. 10 The Wiener Werkstätte were founded in the year 1903. 11 The Vereinigte Werkstätten für Kunst im Handwerk were founded in the year 1898 in Munich and in Bremen. 12 The Deutscher Werkbund was founded in the year 1907. It reflected the aspiration of Germany towards the industrialisation and the competition with Britain and America.

243 M. Koren, S. Ifko: The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops ...

factories, which produced bended furniture. Those factories operated in Styria in the last third of the 19th century, after the patent from Michael Thonet had expi- red in the year 1869.13 With the growth of the industry, industrial schools also started to develop in the cities. In the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the educational systems evolved slower than in other countries of Western Europe. The craftsmen, who came from Lower Styria had mostly received their education in Graz. The school K. k. Kunstgewerbeschule in Graz14 was founded in the year 1876. It distinguished itself by the complexity of the programs and through the learning process. The school had two main departments. At the builders department five winter courses had been organised, in which not only builders but also carpenters, stonecutters, joiners and locksmiths were educated. The carpenters and stonecutters attended the school for four, the joiners and locksmiths for three winter courses. The department of arts and crafts offered courses over three years. The modellers, joiners, wood turners and carvers studied for four years while the ceramic painters studied for three years. Chasers, casterers, engravers, craftsmen for galvanoplastics and ornamental blacksmiths studied for four years at the professional school for metal-crafts. The female students, who attended the professional school for artistic embroidery studied the art of white embroidery for two years and coloured embroidery for three years. Beside these departments, the school also organised a training workshop for drawing and for moulding. Alongside the professional subjects, the school also taught the craft-documentation, accountancy and bookkeeping. Next to the theoretical part of classes, the learning process also took place in workshops for woodworking, metal crafts and ceramic crafts that were connected to the school. The school system devoted special attention towards drawing, which was considered to be a necessary requirement for every progressive craftsman. The school employed 39 teachers,15 amongst which were architects, structural and mechanical engineers, painters and sculptors. Every year, the school was attended by around 350 students. The shortfall of the Austro-Hungarian educational system for craftsmen was obvious even on the Slovenian grounds. In Carniola the first two schools were established in Ljubljana and Idrija. There were also schools in Triest, Gorica and Klagenfurt.16

13 Maja Lozar Štamcar, "Pohištvo iz upognjenega lesa," in: Gradovi minevajo, fabrike nastajajo: industrijsko oblikovanje v 19. stoletju na Slovenskem, ed. Mateja Kos in Matija Žargi (Ljubljana, 1991), 53. 14 The school is running up to today, under the name Höhere technische Bundeslehr- und Versuchsanstalt Graz Ortweinschule und Versuchsanstalt für Bautechnik. 15 The teachers were: the principal, two directors of the main departments, 13 professors, five interns, two assistants, two male specialist subject teachers, two female specialist subject teachers, six assistant teachers for the technical school, five workshop masters and one joiner for assisting the joinery master. 16 Aleksandra Serše, Strokovno šolstvo v osrednji Sloveniji do leta 1941: s posebnim ozirom na obrtno šolstvo na področju Kranjske (Ljubljana, 1995).

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The first biannual incomplete secondary school in Ljubljana was founded in the year 1888. Within the framework of this school Ivan Šubic17 also founded a professional school for wood industry, which counted joinery and cabinetry, turnery, carving trade, wickerwork and later on even mill building and carpen- try amongst its departments. In the year 1908 the curriculum at the department for statuary art included:

religious education, technical and constructive drawing, decorative drawing, modelling, artistic morphology, constructions, practical mechanics, language of instruction, German language, common regulations, crafts-numeracy education, crafts-accountancy, crafts-bookkeeping and calculation, jurisprudence, first aid in case of accidents within the field of crafts, calligraphy, gymnastics, hands-on joinery- education, turnery, carving trade, classes in the training workshop and statuary art.18

We can claim with certainty that the school in Graz was of a higher quality. The fact, that Jože Plečnik19 also attended the school's department of arts and crafts can also be ascribed to this. In the year 1892 a newspaper recorded:

The Slovene is talented for a diversity of crafts, but he lacks schooling. The guilt, that we have been overtaken by other nations, lies in the fact, that we were not as concerned with education as elsewhere. And indeed we have an even greater desire for our school to rapidly expand to such an extent, that our sons won't have to go to study in Graz, but will be able to educate themselves at home, in their own language. Especially needed is a school for master builders, so we could gain good native master builders, masons, carpenters, joiners and stonecutters, and would not have the greater part of larger buildings constructed mainly by foreigners, which until now had unfortunately been the common practice. It is about time, that in this regard the people of Slovenia stand on their own feet.20

The courses for masters were held at the museum K. k. Technologisches Gewerbemuseum in Vienna. The courses taught the craftsmen about the organisation of work in the workshop, the preparation of estimates of costs and offers, and the technologies of the resources. The joiners were also intro-

17 Ivan Šubic (* 1856; + 1924). 18 France Golob, Ivan Šubic : Utemeljitelj obrtne in umetno-obrtne šole na Slovenskem (Škofja Loka, 1984), 98–114. 19 Plečnik atended the school K. k. Kunstgewerbeschule in Graz during the 16th of september 1888 and the 15th june of 1892 (Arhiv Arhitekturnega muzeja Ljubljana, Plečnikova zbirka; "Dopisi," Slovenski narod, 20. 7. 1892, no. 163, 3). 20 "C. kr. državna obrtna šola v Gradcu," Kmetijske in rokodelske novice, 6th of June 1892, no. 33, 262.

245 M. Koren, S. Ifko: The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops ...

duced with woodworking tools. The courses for joiners lasted for 8 weeks. They were organised four times a year. The condition for the registration were com- mendatory letters from the municipal office and cooperative or from some other expert society. The lower limit for the age of the participants, who had to be acquitted from the military service, was defined at the age of 24 and the upper limit with the age of 45. The tuition for the master course for the joiners amounted to 40 guilders. The Imperial-Royal Ministry of Commerce also stimulated the courses for the acquirement of master craftsmen's certificates with the exemption of school tuitions and with granting of scholarships to less wealthy craftsmen. The scholarship for the joinery course for the Viennese joiners came up to 80 guilders and for the journeymen 70 guilders. The tuition for foreign joiners was appointed up to 120 guilders and for the journeymen up to 96 guilders. Those participants, who did not have a permanent stay in Vienna, were even refunded their travel expenses by the ministry.21 Every year the ministry announced a public proclamation about the master courses in Vienna. The proclamation in Ljubljana was laid out in the office of the Chamber of commerce and craftsmanship.

The Joiner Family Stojan

The joineries in Slovenia also represented the important carriers of progress, because they were introducing new expressions in design, which had developed in the 19th century. Even though the joineries were still bound to the traditional procedures of craftsmen's work, they acted as the carriers of novelties in the field of woodworking and the field of designing wood products. It was the time of the intensive industrialisation, that has introduced contemporary trends of design in the field of joinery as a craft. This era was defined through the logic of functionality, which was founded upon the industrialisation. The investigation of the tradition of one of such workshops, which had successfully been operating for more than a hundred years in Teharje, confirms the claimed thesis and sets a framework for the success story of the family Stojan. The stated connection between the Stojan family and woodcraft began with Anton Stojan22 (born in 1812 in Teharje 11, died in 1838), married to Helena Drnovšek23 (born in 1807, died in 1867), who was a carpenter and a

21 "Mojstrski tečaji za stavbene mizarje, krojače in čevljarje," Kmetijske in rokodelske novice, 13th of September 1898, no. 12, 114, 115. 22 Archdiocesan Archives Maribor / Nadškofijski arhiv Maribor (hereinafter: NŠAM), RMK Teharje 1805−1834, 40; NŠAM, SA Teharje za leto 1917, KO5A. 23 NŠAM, PMK Teharje 1830−1867, 3.

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well builder, and whose life took a tragic turn when, at the age of 26, he was buried underground as he was digging a well.24 His son Martin Stojan, Sr. (born in 1832, died in 1907)25 married Agnes Ostrožnik (born in 1842, died in 1917).26 It was his wife's fortune, which made it possible for him to buy a homestead, where he later arranged his joiner's workshop. He founded the company in the year 1863 at the address Teharje 18. In this case we are talking about a joinery of a semi rural character, which was determined by the agricultural family estate and its later rearrangement into a craft-agricultural estate. The family did not turn its back to the agricultural nature of the estate, since it provided the family with food and generated an additional income by selling the estate's surplus and therefore offered an essential support to the family budget. The housewife is the one, who deserves the credit concerning this matter. The semi rural character of the craft was also practical, because the farm could easily be rearranged for the purposes of the new intended purpose. The large areas, which were needed by the craft for the spaces, that were meant for production and storage, would pose a much greater problem, if they would had to be integrated into the relatively densely built- up town, as they did there. The joiner's craft in Teharje surely gained some of its commercial visibility due to the stock of resources, which were derived from the oak and beech forests in the outback of Teharje. In the year 1907 Martin's son Martin Stojan, Jr. (born in 1874, died in 1968) married the rich heiress Ana Gajšek (born in 1880, died in 1971) from Kompolje nad Štorami. The couple to be married signed a prenuptial agreement, according to which Ana gained the ownership over the half of the homestead in Teharje. It was Ana's dowry that enabled the extension of the workshop and its modernisation. The couple had eight children.27 In 1966, at the age of 92, the father passed the farm buildings and the workshop with the deed of conveyance on to his youngest son Mirko Stojan (born in 1921, died in 1969). After the premature death of Mirko in the year 1969, the Stojan workshop, which was founded in 1863, stopped working after exactly 106 years. The joinery of the Stojan family reached the peak of its success in the time, when it was led by Martin Stojan Jr. The path of his education, on which he was introduced to the current state in the field of the expertise, the improvement and the out-fitting of the contemporary workshop, with which he created the

24 NŠAM, PMK Teharje 1826−1870, 39. 25 NŠAM, RMK Teharje 1805−1834, 130. 26 They had seven children. All girls were trained as cooks, all boys were joiners. 27 Dragica was a merchant, Josipina a cook, Martin was a joiner and later on he graduated at the University for Machine Engeneering. Vladimir was a commercialist, he lived in Maribor. The daughter Mirica died as a baby. Ciril and Metod were twins. Metod died at birth, Ciril and Mirko were educated to become joiners.

247 M. Koren, S. Ifko: The Importance of the Joiner's Workshops ...

conditions for the technological progress, a wide range of pretentious clients and unfortunately only a few preserved works, confirm the thesis, that it was the craftsmen, who have played the key role when it came to the introduction of new directions in the field of furniture design in Slovenia.

The Education of Martin Stojan Jr.

In 1888, after Martin Stojan Jr. had finished theprimary school, he started his three-year apprenticeship in his father's workshop in Teharje on the 1st of December to become a joiner and cabinet maker. He finished hisapprenti - ceship on the 26th of December in 1891. The relationship with his father was rather difficult. The old-fashioned father must have been cautious and unfavo- urable towards changes, which were brought to our craftsmen by the newspaper Kmetijske in rokodelske novice, with its column "Obrtnija". The continuation of the formal school career of Martin Stojan Jr. had long been unexplained. His school exercises in freehand drawing, descriptive geom- etry and furniture design, from the year 1892 until 1893, have been preserved. They have been titled in German and signed with his name.28 The data, which has been gathered from the city archive Stadtarchiv Graz, bears testimony to his arrival in Graz from Teharje and the registration of his residence on the street Pfitznergasse 20 on the 18th of September 1892, which was in the time of the beginning of the course. He de-registered his residence at Karlauerstrasse 3 in Graz, on the 4th of July in 1894, which corresponded with the time, when his three year education could have finished.29 The only bewildering fact was, when in 2001 the technical school in Graz Höhere Technische Bundeslehr- und Versuchsanstalt Graz – Ortweinschule published a work30 with the cita- tion of all graduates, under which Martin Stojan is not listed.31 His inscription in the passport from the era of the Third Reich, where there are no entries of his "years in Graz" under the category for education, is another fact, which opposes to the theory, that Martin Stojan Jr. successfully finished the school in Graz. But despite both facts, in the course of this research study, his diploma from the

28 Regional Museum Maribor / Pokrajinski muzej Maribor, Furniture collection, unit Stojan (hereinafter: POMUM-unit Stojan). 29 City Archives Graz / Stadtarchiv Graz (hereinafter: SAG), Meldezettelkartei der Polizeidirektion Graz 1892–1925, Veränderungen der Wohnungs-Anmeldung. 30 Eugen Gross, Die Grazer Ortweinschule Bau – Kunst – Design 1876–2001 (Graz, 2001). 31 The principle of the school also allowed the possibility of data loss due to fires, which have befallen the school repeatedly. Because the name Martin Rudolf comes up two times amongst the names of the graduates from the class of 1896, it was assumed, that this was the mistake, which affected Martin Stojan's entry in the documents.

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Photography of the graduates of the master craftman's examination for joiners at the museum K. k. Technologisches Gewerbemuseum, Vienna 1899 (Archive of the Regional Museum Maribor)

school of Graz32 was discovered, thus affirming the previousassumption s, that Martin Stojan Jr. had finished the school in Graz in the year 1894. In the year 1899 he attended the master craftsman's examination for joiners at the museum K. k. Technologisches Gewerbemuseum in Vienna. He passed the exam in the same year on the 8th of August.

The Beginnings of the Professional Path of Martin Stojan Jr. and the Development of the Joiner's Workshop

There are no preserved proofs about the work of Martin Stojan Jr., after he finished the school in Graz. The only thing that is known, is that he returned home, then worked in this father's workshop for a year and a half and later obtained work for five months in Graz. He left Graz and went to Zagreb for three years.33 What we can be sure of is the fact, that he tried to introduce the knowledge which he had gathered in Vienna into his father's workshop. At first he worked as a joiner in a workshop, which he arranged at his neighbour and he arranged

32 POMUM-unit Stojan. 33 SAG, Meldezettelkartei der Polizeidirektion Graz 1892–1925, Veränderungen der Wohnungs- Anmeldung.

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the room in which he slept next to his father's workshop. On the 17th Decem- ber in 1900 he registered himself as a joiner in the commercial register at the district of Celje.34 In the year 1907 Martin Stojan Jr. bought the homestead from his parents. A year after his marriage, that is in 1908, he bought a piece of his neighbour's land and constructed a new mechanized workshop. The increase of commissions instigated him to expand his capacities and the greater accessibility of internal-combustion engines further instigated him to mechanisation, which was a result of the general industrial progress. The construction and installation works took place during the years 1908 and 1910. Martin Stojan Jr. tore down the south part of the house and built a two-storied workshop. The machine workshop was located on the ground floor. Beside it was a space with the power machine and a space for petrol was located next door. A space for apprentices was also set up on the ground floor. When the power machine was moved to the workshop, this space was used for storing plywood and coffins, which were manufactured by the workers. The workshop for manual work was located on the first floor. A hole was positioned in the middle of the space, through which the wood and products could be transported between the floors. The master's business room, his office, was situated near the workshop for manual work. It had been separated from the workshop by a nicely manufactured partition wall with doors. On the first floor Martin Stojan Jr. had extended the space for helpers. In the year of 1912 he constructed a storage facility in the courtyard of his workshop, which was meant for storing and the natural drying of raw materials. When a cellar wall made of concrete was moved, an accident occurred, in which Martin's leg was so badly injured, that he limped from then on.

The Electrification of the Workshop

The discoveries, which started at the end of the 18th century and ended in the year 1887 with the three-phase electric power, discovered by Nikola Tesla, were the foundation for the accessibility of electric energy to the widest circle of con- sumers. The first extensive electrification in Slovenia was enabled due to the construction of the hydroelectric power plant Fala in the time from 1912 and 1918 and the building of the power line from Fala to Laško in the year 1924. That was also the time when the outskirts of the town Celje were electrified.35

34 Historical Archives Celje / Zgodovinski arhiv Celje (hereinafter: ZAC), SI_ZAC/0796 Zbirka registrov in kartotek obrtnih, trgovskih in gostinskih obratov, I. A-42, R–Š. 35 "Elektrifikacija mesta Celje in okolice," Nova doba, 26th of September 1922, no. 110, 1.

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The map of the machine workshop of the joinery, 1908 (Archive of the Regional Museum Maribor)

During the time of construction of Stojan's workshop, the electricity for the lighting in Teharje was derived from a small hydroelectric facility along the river Voglajna at Stolarna. That is why the machine drive, which ran on petroleum, was the only option. It is unknown, if Martin Stojan Jr. is the one who had the old petroleum-machine drive modified into one, which ran on diesel, or if he had exchanged it with one. What we do know is that the propellant was diesel fuel. At the end of the thirties of the 20th century a large and powerful

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electric motor took over the power supply in the workshop, which was placed into the transmission shaft at the planning machine. All devices were driven over the transmission, but this time in the opposite direction. The separated electric motors were gradually connected to each of the machines, however not earlier than after the year 1947, which is also proved by the letter to his son Mirko from the same year. In the letter he informs his son, that he is looking for electric motors, coils, a transformer… so he can "assemble and carry out the alteration of the machine drive from diesel on to electricity". It is unknown when exactly he succeeded to do so, but other letters tell us, that in the year 1952 all of his machines were driven by electric energy.

Machinery and Tools

The machine drive was a two-cycle engine with a swing-wheel, made from cast-iron, which ran on petroleum. It was installed in a special space in the machine workshop, where an ephemeral 10 litre reservoir was placed. Near the engine room a 200 litre reservoir for storing fuel was placed in a separate space, which was built out of concrete and had iron doors. The belts for the transmission passed from the engine room to the machine workshop trough a duct. The transmission was fitted under the floor of the machine workshop near the pillar, which was placed in the centre of the workshop's space. From there the belts were connected to all of the following work tools: a planning machine, a bandsaw, a milling machine, a circular saw and a sander. The wood was cut to length with a handsaw in the storage. This part of the workshop could be accessed from the level of the premises, passing two double doors. The long pieces of wood were transported to the workshop over an opening in the workshop's wall. A small space meant only for metal processing was also located on the ground floor, since the chips of metal and fats must not come in contact with the planning tables. Six slicers, one veneering press and a foot driven lathe, with one pedal were located at the workshop. The Regional Museum Maribor (Pokrajinski muzej Maribor) preserved 563 pieces of hand tools.36 We can claim with certainty, that this is not the whole amount of tools, which had been used while the workshop was still running. The workshop stopped working over more than 40 years ago. Since then a lot of hand tools, that were used to carry out repairs in the household, had been lost. Some of the tools got sold along with the machines. The largest amount of

36 The tools are included in the museum's inventory book under the numbers N.016786 and N.017593.

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preserved tools is represented by the 167 planes. The majority of the planes are moulders. Their usage was replaced with the milling machines. This is probably the reason, why the younger generation of craftsmen thought that the planes are dispensable and uninteresting, and were therefore left in the workshop until the year 2011. The collection offers almost every type of plane, that has been used by the craft. The frames of the planes are mainly made out of beech wood. Due to the durability of the material the manufacturer's marks have been preserved. The marks have also been preserved on the blades. Martin Stojan Jr. has mainly used the planes of the company Weiss & Sohn from Vienna, which was founded in Vienna in the year of 1820 by the Bavarian joiner Johann Baptist Weiss. Along- side Weiss, other important contemporary manufacturers of planes and their blades can be found, amongst which the following companies are represented: Peugeot frères, Herman, Gruber's, Flir,37 Ulmia, Munssen & Co, A. Haysens, I. F. Mulle & Sohn, Friedrich Dick, J. P. Müller Söhne, H.S.& S, R. Mayer, Coutinho, Caro & Co, Ward & Payn, Friedrich Plettenberg… A particularly special object is the American metal plane of the Stanley label, no. 113.38 The chisels are from labels of the above mentioned manufacturers, but we can also find:WG, Robert Frohn Sohn, Franz, Charles Hill, Michael Pfurtscheller, Stahlschmidt Werkzeuge Companie, S. Smith & Sons Sheffield, Göss stahl in Henry Taylor… The chisel of the manufacturer with the label Felber from Maribor will be undergoing a special research in the future. The master inherited some of the tools from his father, but the majority of them had been bought. He improved some pieces and made some of the tools himself. The hand tools had numbers of the wall cabinets, in which they were placed after a day of work, imprinted in the wood. The name of the joiner Franz Konrad is carved into one of the planes. The initials of the master M.S. can be found on the hammer for the marking of the selected wood.

Raw Materials, Operating Procedures and Transport

Based on the testimonies of the interlocutors,39 the preserved objects and archival documents, we are able to make conclusions about the procedures,

37 In The year of 1844 the company was founded by Franz Freiherr von Wertheim in Krems, who received the silver distinction at the exhibition Industrijska razstava in Ljubljana in the same year. 38 The company was founded by Frederick Stanley in New Britain, Connecticut and is running until today. 39 The interlocutors for the research were: Peter Martin Krapež (* 1935 Celje), Vladimir Jurca (*1918), Lana Stojan (*1975), Klinar Danilo (*1950), Vengust Stanko (*1930).

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which were carried out in the Stojan workshop. Solid wood was used as the raw material. For the production of the joinery the least expensive wood from spruces and fir trees was almost exclusively used, however sometimes wood from pines and larchs was applied, which was more expensive but also more durable. For the interior furniture the hard wood of the deciduous trees (beech tree, oak tree, nut tree, ash tree, maple tree, cherry tree, pear tree and sometimes as an exception apple tree), along the already mentioned wood from the tree species, was used. Beside the domestic species, we can also observe the appearance of exotic wood, primarily ebony, that was, due to its high price, used only for certain details. The wood that was intended for the joinery production and also the fine wood of the domestic species, was purchased by the master in the surrounding countryside. The fine wood was purchased from wholesalers from Celje, Graz and Klagenfurt. The plywood was supplied from Zagreb. The master wanted to acquire the raw materials for his products himself, since that way he could test the quality of the wood and hence guarantee the quality of his products. In the middle of the 19th century plywood, made out of fine deciduous trees and exotic trees and ply, entered the market. With the upcoming of the new materials, the technological operating procedures also changed. The panel board, which was the carrying element onto which the plywood was glued, came into use. In the veneer press battens made out of spruce were pressed between two plies. In comparison to solid wood, this kind of panel board did not bend and you could lay wood of a lesser aesthetic value into its core. The boards were processed and were of the right dimensions, plastered with slats made of solid wood. After that the plywood was placed on a surface, which was coated with glue, and then everything was laid in to the press again. The finished product had the same appearance as those, which were made out of solid wood, with the only difference, that it was more stable. This procedure was used for the more expensive furniture, the cheaper furniture had still been produced out of solid wood, mostly out of spruce. With the exclusive usage of solid wood the larger surfaces for doors and wall panels were carried out as frames with filling materials. Around the year 1935 fibreboards sprang up, which were used for the production of certain parts of the furniture. The materials, that would have been factory-made, were not used during that time. Gluten adhesives – bone glues were used for the glueing. The glue was bought in bars, which were soaked in water and then cooked under constant stirring. Smaller amounts of the already cooked glue had to be heated in a hot water bath, each time before they were used. That is the reason why there was a fireplace located in the workshop, over which the trivet including the vessel with the glue was placed.

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When the raw products were ready, they were glutted (closing of cracks at knurls, spots of resin and to cover the mistakes) to be corrected. For this purposes wood dust was used, which was mixed with a little gypsum and glue. For adding a little colour, dust was scraped from bricks. When the object was dry, it was whetted. For the first whet a float stone with water and sand paper were used. The whole procedure was manual. Special attention was devoted to surface processing. When the joinery was delivered, it was coloured with a primer, which was based on linseed oil (ordinary, with no pigments). All of the following layers, that had to be spread on the products, lied in the responsibility of the house painters, after the installation. The surface processing of the interior furniture was finalised. In this case the furniture, which was made out of soft wood from the spruce and fir tree, was first coloured with coating paint out of oil, and lacquered at the end. The joiners mixed the smaller amounts of pigment dust in a flat mortar out of stone and the larger amounts of components in a mill. The pigments were grinded up to two or three times and then linseed oil was added to the mixture. The surface was single-coloured or processed with a coat in two colours, where a special technique was used, to create the look of fine wood. This procedure was used for the final processing of floors and of cheaper furniture for bedrooms and living rooms. The furniture, made out of fine wood, was burnished. Before the objects were burnished, the wood used to be leached. During this procedure colours were used, that were dissolved in water or spirit, which then absorbed in to the unprocessed surface. The aim was to point out the natural structures of the wood or to give it a different unnatural colour. A great amount of dining rooms have been leached to gain the look of holm oak. The process of burnish- ing was tedious, because the solution of shellac was applied in many, very fine coats, until the surface did not get the high polished look. Since there was no special space for the painting, this work had usually been planned for Saturdays. Before this task, the workshop had to be thoroughly swept with wet sawdust, to prevent the dust from being blown up. The surface protection on the basis of a nitro varnish and the spraying-on of the layers only occurred in the workshop shortly before the Second World War. For the transport of the wood from the warehouse they used a handcart, which was basically a scaled-down cart 2.5m in length. For the transport of larger deliveries of finished furniture, a horse-drawn cart was used. Two planks were attached on each side. Slats were nailed onto the bottom side of the legs of the furniture, which were then nailed onto the planks, thus fixating the furniture during transport. Such a transport to e.g. Klagenfurt took 2 days. The carter was driving the cart with the furniture, and the master accompanied the cart on bicycle, constantly checking the state of the roadway.

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Organisation of Work

Besides the master, up to six journeymen and four apprentices worked in the workshop. The period of the apprenticeship lasted for three years. After the master, the journeymen handled the joiner's obligations; however they could not make any business decisions. The master Martin Stojan Jr. was the absolute and uncompromising ruler of the workshop. He arranged the business and the purchase of the materials, assigned the duties to the employees and performed the control. He took the orders personally in his office or by post. He designed the products himself according to the order and the wishes of the customers. He prepared the drafts and drew up the details. In the design process he imi- tated modern trends, which is proven by the preserved catalogues of furniture and semi-finished products. For the offers to his clients he prepared cost estimates, and guaranteed repairs for all of his products.

The work and influence of the joinery Stojan

The preserved tools bear witness to the fact, that there were several orders for wooden components in the workshop of Martin Stojan Jr., and according to the informants the orders varied during different periods. Thus initially the wooden component prevailed. Between the years 1931 and 1960 there definitely has been more furniture in production, than wooden components. In the year 1908 the equipment for the church of St. Martin in Teharje has been produced40 in the workshop according to the plans of the renowned architect from Graz Adolf Wagner. On the territory of present day Slovenia, Adolf Wag- ner41 prepared the plans for the church of the Jesus' heart42 in Ljubljana, the parish church of St. Stephan43 in Sora near Medvode, the parish church of St. Martin44 in Šmartno near Litija and the parish church of St. Martin45 in Teharje.46 The well preserved state of the church furnishings allowed for a comparative quality analysis and confirmed the part of the thesis, which addresses the influence of joineries, in the concrete example the joinery of Martin Stojan Jr., on the introduction

40 Marijan Marolt, Dekanija Celje, II. book: Cerkvene umetnine izven celjske župnije (Maribor, 1932), 190–196. 41 Adolf Wagner (* 1844; + 1918). 42 1881–1883. 43 1884. 44 1899–1900. 45 1906–1908. 46 Franci Lazarini, Cerkvena arhitektura lavantinske škofije v času knezoškofa dr. Mihaela Napotnika (1889–1922): doctoral dissertation (Maribor, 2012), 124–130.

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Beches, Church of Jesus' heart, Ljubljana, 1881–1883, parish church of St. Martin in Šmartno near Litija, 1899–1900, parish church of St. Martin in Teharje, 1906–1908 (Photo: Sonja Ifko, Mirjana Koren)

of modern design principles, brought about by the industrialisation. We cannot say for sure, that Martin Stojan Jr. has had an decisive influence on the design of the church furnishings in the church in Teharje, however we may establish, that there is a greater connection between Stojan's47 sketches and the produced solutions as regards the design, than between the furnishings of the first three churches (Ljubljana, Sora, Šmartno) and the furnishings of the church in Teharje. Also significant is the fact, that during the time when he had been planning the church in Teharje, Wagner was 62 years of age, and Stojan 32. Only seven years had passed since the education of Stojan in Vienna. New planning methods for furniture constructions allowed for each piece of furniture to be an independent statical unit. Toward the beginning of the 20th century, the furniture designer thus enjoyed a much greater creative liberty than his predecessors from former periods. Wagner exploited this liberty with the equipment for the first three churches for the realisation of the rich adornments in the Neo-Gothic style. The equipment in Teharje on the other hand involves solutions, which actually lean towards an architectural integrity designed in the style of the Neo-Renaissance, however the adornments are reduced; the joints and static support structure are modestly designed. The equipment appears to the visitor as a convincing, high quality joinery work and is, after more than a hundred years of active use, still in excellent condition. This also makes this interpretation, according to which the credit goes to Martin Stojan Jr., highly plausible. The workshop's archive keeps several plans for the entrance door for the school in Dramlje, as well as for individual clients. Among these is also G. Stiger.48

47 POMUM-unit Stojan. 48 The shop of Gustav Stiger (est. 1903) with grocery, colonial and delicate foods at retail and whole- sale operated on the square Glavni trg 3 in Celje. It emerged from the 1842 established shop Traun & Stiger. In the thirties the brothers Gustav and Werner had been co-owners. Stiger exported local products to foreign countries (wild chestnuts to Austria, dried mushrooms to Italy, walnuts to Austria and Hungary and beans to Germany). Much more extensive was the import of colonial goods (coffee from Brazil, tee and rice from Holland, onions from Italy, raisins and figs from Greece, sulphur from Germany, blue vitriol from Italy, colophons from Greece and fragrances from English India).

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Sketches by Martin Stojan Jr. for the choir bench and the kneeler for the church of St. Martin in Teharje, 1906–1908 (Archive of the Regional Museum Maribor)

Also preserved in the fund of the Joinery collection Stojan are several drafts for shop-windows for commercial shops in Celje.49 Among them are Franz Pac- ciaffo, Bijouterie and Ketten-Fabrik, K. K. Hoflieferant,50 Peter Kostič,51 Hoppe & Urch52 and Jozef Weren, Confection, Modewaren.53 Martin Stojan Jr. manufactured and supplied furniture for the wealthy citizens of Celje, Laško, Ljubljana and Klagenfurt. For Suppanz54 he produced a

49 We would like to thank Dr. Maria Počivalšek, Musem of Contemporary History Celje, for her help in the research of their history. 50 Between both World Wars, Celje with its goldsmith's tradition had, besides numerous goldsmiths also two major workshops of gold and silver jewellery: Aurea and Pacchiaffo (since 1844). At the turn from the 19th to the 20th century the company had the name Erste steiermärkische Gold- und Silberbijouterie Fabrik Franz Pacchiaffo, k. und k. Hoflieferant. The factory was located on the street Gledališka ulica 4, and the salesroom on the square Glavni trg 4. Between both World Wars the company operated as Pacchiaffo & Knez. Also during this time, it remained the most important goldsmith's company in the country. 51 Before the First World War, the shop with fancy goods Peter Kostič (est. 1880) was located on the square Glavni trg 2 in Celje. 52 Before the First World War, manufactured and fashion goods and clothing were sold by the shop of Josip Weren and Franc Urch on the square Glavni trg 17 (since 1905). 53 Among the older manufacture shops in Celje was also the Weren's shop on the street Prešernova 1. Josip Weren, who had been born in the Hungarian part of the Monarchy, had already opened his first shop in Celje (Pri škofu – At the Bishop) in the year 1914. The major adaptation of the shop on the corner of square Glavni trg and the street Prešernova ulica had been completed in the year 1934. Over the passengers Weren purchased and then sold quality wool products from Czechoslovakia, cotton fabrics from Austria, fabrics from synthetic fibres and wool for knitwear from Germany, male fabrics and trench coats from Great Britain and fabrics for smokings and trench coats from Poland. They also resold underwear, kerchiefs, socks and corsets. 54 Suppanz had a shop at home in Pristava, in the vicinity of Šmarje pri Jelšah. The man had been the owner of the renowned export company Matheis, Suppanz & Co., which was conducting business on the entire territory of Styria, predominantly with eggs and farm products, and has also had a seat in Maribor.

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chest of drawers. Dr. Josip Vrečko was also among his clients.55 According to the testimony of the interlocutors, the protestant vicar from the surroundings of Teharje was also among Stojan's clients, while in his order- register Stojan recorded the delivered and charged work to the customer Karl May.56 Another of Stojan's clients from Zagreb was also Rudolf Empting.57 The research has shown, that the latter had been leading the local group of the foreign organisation of the German National-socialist working party (NSDAP), which from December 1936 onwards also organisationally united the members from the area of Celje, Brežice and Sevnica.58 Like other joineries, the workshop Stojan also produced different types of coffins, ranging from the simplest types made of pine-wood and decorated with paper ornaments to large oak coffins made upon special order. Such an exquisite "black painted coffin with ornaments and a funeral cross" had been made in the year 1917 for the price of 940 Dinar for the master's grandmother Agnes Ostrožnik.59 The collection of the Regional Museum Maribor (Pokrajinski muzej Mari- bor) keeps a cither, which Martin Stojan Jr. had made for himself. According to the interlocutors he equipped the entire Tamboura orchestra from Teharje, which has been active between the years 1920 and 1930, with instruments.

The Decline of the Joinery Workshop Stojan

It is a fact, that the tradition of the joinery workshop Stojan had reached its climax with Martin Jr. and also begun its decline with him. In the course of the research two theories about the reasons for the decline of this craft's tradition emerged. The first is economic, and the second of a personal-family related nature.

55 Before the First World War and after it, Josip Vrečko had an advocacy on the street Rotovška ulica in Celje. 56 The renowned German writer of trivial literature Karl May indeed spent some time in Slovenia around the year 1907, namely in the health resort Dobrna. The first pastor of the evangelist municipality in Celje had been Fritz May (* 1869 Vienna; + 1928 Celje), who started his work in Celje in the year 1900. After him, his position had been taken over by his son Gerhard May (* 1898 Graz; + 1980 Vienna) in the year 1925, who later became the Austrian evangelical bishop. The same surname does not necessarily mean a family relationship, however the possibility exists, that Karl May had visited Pastor Fritz May in Celje, where he had seen the object, made by Martin Stojan Jr., also placing some orders himself. 57 The Villa on the street Bosanska ulica 45, where Empting had been living, has today been completely renewed and no longer features any traces of Stojan's work. 58 Tone Ferenc, Nacistična raznarodnovalna politika v Sloveniji v letih 1941–1945 (Maribor, 1968), 105. 59 ZAC, SI_ZAC/0511 Zbirka logotipov in fotografij podjetij, a.š. 2, signature 286 (mizarska obrt).

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Draft of the shop-window of the shop Hoppe & Urch, Glavni trg 17, Celje, around 1910 (Archive of the Regional Museum Maribor)

The decline and the lack of economic success of the workshop respectively began in the year 1926, when the company of an acquaintance of Martin Sto- jan Jr. went bankrupt. The master and two businessmen (the merchant Franc Kramer and the bricklayer Franc Nerad) had been his warrantors for a substantial loan. As the guaranty, all three had pledged their properties. In order to save his property, Stojan had to pay his part of the obligations between the years 1926 and 1932. For this reason, his workshop had often been illiquid during the years 1926 and 1932. The conditions were somewhat stabilised with the selling of a part of Stojan's premises and the payment of the debt in the years 1939 and 1940. Since the year 1912, when Martin Stojan Jr. finished his investments in the modernisation of the workshop until the end of the Second World War, when he turned 69 (that is in 33 years), he only operated his business under normal conditions for a little more than 12 years. Martin's son Mirko Stojan should have taken over the father's workshop. Due to the horrors he had witnessed during the Second World War, Mirko suffered such physical and psychological damages that his father refused to pass the workshop on to his son for a long time. Mirko passed away three years later, when he finally took over the family workshop.

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Photography of the Tamboura players from Teharje, 1920–1930 (Archive of the museum Žewlezarski muzej Štore)

Conclusion

The latest discoveries which emerge from the present research are the result of the first comprehensive study of the exactly 150 years old family business Stojan and an attempt of its thorough examination. Only little of their furniture has been preserved. The photographic documentation of this period had been modest, therefore only a few photographs are available. The family preserved most of the hand tools which, due to the high quality and resistance of the building materials had proven as the strongest witness to the ambitions of the craftsmen, their working potency and economic ability. Precious drafts and workshop plans have been preserved. Only the large quantity of the tools, and the vast workshop archive have encouraged this research into the influences and the importance of this joinery workshop. An important aspect in the evaluation of the Stojan workshop influences on the Slovenian design tradition is the cooperation between Martin Stojan Jr. and the architect Adolf Wagner in the year 1908 for the fabrication of the interior fittings for the parish church of St. Martin in Teharje. The furniture, which has verifiably been produced by Stojan, as well as the drafts for the equipment of this particular church, which bear his signature and have only been discovered in the course of the concerned research, speak in favour of the claim, that the young joiner, who had only recently completed his education in Vienna

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has had an influence on the work of the renowned architect, and thus imple- mented modern design principles on the territory of present day Slovenia. The quality of the joinery products bears further prove to the craftsman's influence on the design practice.

Mirjana Koren, Sonja Ifko

POMEN OBRTNIH MIZARSKIH DELAVNIC ZA RAZVOJ SLOVENSKEGA POHIŠTVENEGA OBLIKOVANJA – PRIMER MIZARSTVA STOJAN S TEHARIJ

POVZETEK

V članku so predstavljene ključne točke razvojne poti, ki je pripeljala do indu- strijskega oblikovanja pohištva. Na primeru mizarskega obrata družine Stojan s Teharij spregovorimo o pogojih, pod katerimi so delovali obrtniki ob koncu 19. in v 20. stoletju na območju današnje slovenske Štajerske. Martin Stojan ml. (1874–1968), ki je obrt nasledil po svojem očetu, je bil ključna oseba v razvoju družinske obrtne delavnice. Izobraževal se je v Gradcu in na Dunaju, kjer se je seznanil z aktualnim strokovnim dogajanjem. Z gradnjo, opremljeno- stjo in posodobitvami svoje mizarske delavnice ter z novostmi v tehnoloških postopkih, ki jih je uporabljal, je izkazal ambicije, ki jih je v obrtniku sprožil stik z mestom Dunaj, tedaj mizarskim centrom srednje Evrope. Stik z Duna- jem in stroko je vzdrževal tudi kasneje preko domačega časopisja. Kljub velikim finančnim težavam, ki so večino časa spremljale obratovanje mizarske delavnice Stojan, je bila delavnica ena tistih pomembnih nosilk razvoja, ki so v slovenski prostor uvajale oblikovalske izraze, porojene v mizarskih metropolah 19. stoletja. Čeravno navezana na tradicionalne obrtne postopke dela, je uvajala novosti pri obdelavi lesa in oblikovanju pohištva. To trditev potrjujejo količina

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ohranjenega ročnega orodja za obdelavo lesa in delavniški arhiv, ki priča o širo- ki paleti zahtevnih naročnikov, ter žal redka ohranjena dela. V delavnici Martina Stojana ml. so leta 1908 po načrtih graškega arhitekta Adolfa Wagnerja (1844–1918) izdelali opremo za cerkev sv. Martina na Tehar- jah. Dobra ohranjenost cerkvenega pohištva vseh štirih Wagnerjevih sakralnih realizacij na območju Slovenije je omogočila kvalitetno primerjalno analizo in potrdila tezo o vplivu delavnice Martina Stojana ml. na uvajanje sodobnih obli- kovalskih trendov v slovenski prostor. Da je Martin Stojan ml. odločilno vplival na oblikovanje cerkvenega pohištva v teharski cerkvi, ne moremo z gotovostjo trditi, lahko pa ugotovimo, da obstaja večja oblikovna sorodnost med Stojano- vimi skicami in izvedenimi rešitvami kot pa med pohištvom prvih treh izvede- nih Wagnerjevih cerkva in pohištvom v cerkvi na Teharjah. Oprema teharske cerkve je ključno drugačna od drugih Wagnerjevih realizacij in je po več kot sto letih uporabe še vedno v odlični kondiciji. Tudi zato je interpretacija, po kateri gre zasluge za to pripisati Martinu Stojanu ml., zelo verjetna.

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UDC 81'322.5:808.51:32(410)"19" 1.01 Original Scientific Paper

The Art of Words in British Politics in the 20th Century Chamberlain's and Churchill's Use of Language: A Comparative Analysis Katja Plemenitaš Ph.D., Assistant Professor University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department for English and American Studies Koroška 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected] Eva Lina Friš e-mail: [email protected] Nik Šabeder e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The article presents a comparative analysis of two speeches given by two prominent British politicians: a speech by Winston Churchill and a speech by Neville Chamberlain. Both politicians are associated with the defining moments of the 20th century. They both acted in the middle of a crisis era during which they strove, each in his own way, to gain the trust of their audience through speeches. The analytical framework of the comparative study is based on the concept of the tactics of charismatic leadership (Charismatic Leadership Tactics – CLT) developed by scholars from the University of Lausanne. The findings of the comparative analysis indicate that Churchill's speech uses more elements of particular types of these tactics and is thus more linguistically diverse and effective than Chamberlain's speech.

Key words: Winston Churchill, Neville Chamberlain, rhetoric, political speeches, British history, contemporary political history

Studia Historica Slovenica Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 265–290, 21 notes, 2 pictures, 3 tables Language: Original in English (Abstract in English and Slovene, Summary in Slovene)

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Introduction

Language is one of the most important means of persuasion used by politicians in their effort to make people accept their political goals and align themselves with their particular policies. Even in today's political world, a world which is dominated by constant multimedia influences and visual communication, the use of language in the form of various genres of political discourse has remained an essential tool of political persuasion. The ever increasing presence of spin doctors, speech writers and a host of various types of advisers in modern political life is a testament to the fact that the political elite is highly aware of the continuing significance of political discourse as a direct means of persuasion in the modern political process. A well composed and well prepared speech thus still plays a very important role in political life and helps to achieve political interests and goals of politicians. It is one of the most important factors that influence the people's acceptance of politicians, the trust in politicians and whether they are going to follow them or not. In addition, the best politicians in history were often excellent speakers. A good example of such a politician was Winston Churchill, who is considered as one of the greatest speakers of the 20th century. This article presents a linguistic study of Winston Churchill's famous speech We shall fight on the beaches and contrasts it with the speech The peace of our time by Neville Chamberlain. The analysis is based on a modified version of the approach to speech analysis called Tactics of charismatic leadership from 2011 (Charismatic Leadership Tactics – CLT), which was developed by scientists at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland1. The linguistic analysis of the two speeches can thus be seen as an attempt to illustrate if and how charisma can be measured linguistically.

The Historical Context

Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill were the leading politicans in the UK and their defining moments were connected to the World War II. The big economic crisis at the end of the twenties of the last century allowed the rise of Nazism and Fascism, which with their aggressive politics threatened the peace of Europe and the world. Churchill and Chamberlain both played an important, although consider-

1 John Antonakis, Marika Fenley, Sue Liechti, "Can charisma be taught? Tests of two interventions", Academy of Management Learning & Education 10, No. 3 (2011): 374–396 (hereinafter: Antonakis, Fenley, Liechti, "Can charisma be taught? Tests of two interventions").

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Neville Chamberlain (www.bbc.co.uk) able different role during one of the most critical time of the 20th century. They both tried to gain their political success and sympathy of the people by using their rhetorical skills. However, Churchill, the successful military leader, Nobel- prize winner and brilliant orator, was one of the most charismatic political figures of the 20th century, whereas Chamberlain's role was ultimately unsuccessful. According to Ponton2, Chamberlain and Churchill are contrasting examples of speaker's ethos, i.e. the respect engenedered by the speaker's character during their political career. In 1938, Chamberlain's ethos was at its peak when he returned from the Munich conference promising the British people "'peace' in our time", but when he died a few years later, he was much less popular. Churchill, on the other hand, was considered by many as a war-monger during the 1930's, and the greatest Englishman of his time by 1945.

2 Douglas M. Ponton, Talking us Round. Linguistic Aspects of Persuasive Political Rhetoric (Lulu.com, 2007), 21 (hereinafter: Ponton, Talking us Round. Linguistic Aspects of Persuasive Political Rhetoric).

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In those crucial historical moments of the 20th century both Chamberlain3 and Churchill4 gave a speech attempting to align the people with their positions.

History of Rhetoric and Public Speaking

The word rhetoric is derived from the Greek word rhetoriké, art or skill of a rhétor or public speaker. The word first appeared in Plato's dialogue Gorgias from the second decade of the fourth century BC.5 Almost every communication is somehow rhetorical, since it can affect the beliefs, actions and emotions of a listener. Simplest verbal means are the height of voice, repetition, tone of voice. Even texts with extremely low rhetorical values, such as a phonebook, have a kind of rhetoric in it. Rhetoric in ancient Greece was the art of public speaking, which was developed mainly under the Athenian democracy. This art was discussed and described in many manuals, speeches, discussions and lectures. Teachers of public speaking and performance, philosophers and orators, who used rheto-

3 Neville Chamberlain's speech The peace of our time, House of Commons (October 3, 1938). Neville Chamberlain (1869–1940) was the British Prime Minister from May 1937 to May 1940. He delivered this speech righ after he returned to London from Munich were he signed the Munich Agreement and the Anglo-German Declaration with Adolf Hitler. His premiership was dominated by the question of policy toward the increasingly aggressive Germany, and his actions at Munich were widely popular among Britons at the time (Dušan Nećak, Božo Repe, Kriza: Svet in Slovenci od prve svetovne vojne do sredine tridesetih let (Ljubljana, 2008), 26). It is primarily remembered for its ironic value: less than a year after the agreement, following continued aggression from Germany and its invasion of Poland, Europe was plunged into World War II. 4 Winston Churchill's speech We shall fight on the beaches, House of Commons (June 4, 1940). When Nazi Germany attacked France on May 10, 1940, Chamberlain step down as Prime Minister. Appeasement hadn't worked; it was time for action. The same day that Chamberlain resigned, King George VI asked Churchill to become Prime Minister. Winston Churchill (1874–1965) was the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from May 1940 to July 1945 (and again from 1951 to 1955) (David McDowall, An illustrated history of Britain (Essex, 1995), 166). During the German invasion of France in 1940, the Germans surrounded the Anglo-French troops and pushed them to the sea. Hitler ordered the destruction of the surrounded army by aviation. The British, in turn, organized the rescue of the surrounded soldiers by sending all the available ships to Dunkirk. The operation Dinamo started in the early morning hours of May 26 and continued till June 4, 1940, when the British managed to evacuate 338,226 soldiers (including 26,000 French soldiers) and a lot of military equipment from the coast of Dunkirk. The evacuation unfolded with the help of several thousand vessels, from big Transocean ships to small fishing boats, amid constant German artillery and plane attacks. Despite the Allied efforts, the Germans managed to capture a lot of arms and around 1.2 million soldiers (Ian Dear, M. R. D. Foot, Oxford Companion to World War II (Oxford, 2001), 350–361). On June 4, Churchill reported to the House of Commons, with the short term goal of preparing the British for the threat of invasion and the long term goal of signalling a warning to the Germans, solidarity with the French, and a call for help from the Empire and the United States (http://winstonchurchill.org (January 4, 2013)). 5 George A. Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times (Chapel Hill, 1999), 19 (hereinafter: Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric).

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Winston Churchill (artofmanliness.com)

ric in practice, reflected on it, thus creating what we now call classical rhetoric. Classical rhetoric was then taken into the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and later periods, and adjusted to the needs of each period. What is called secondary rhetoric refers to the rhetorical means in a speech or literature which do not serve oral persuasive purpose and whose rhetorical role is taken by the text.6 This rhetoric is primarily seen as fixed phrases and other rhetorical figures. Secondary rhetoric contributes to the fact that the speaker or writer achieve their purpose indirectly. It animates, for example, a page in a book or it makes a speech more interesting and attractive, thereby increasing the speaker's popularity. History shows that many politicians use rhetorical techniques in political propaganda. This is especially true for secondary rhetoric.

6 Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric, 21.

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Recent Approaches to Rhetorical Analysis

In light of the significance of political language in important areas of life, the linguistic analysis of what constitutes good persuasive rhetoric remains to be of interest to scholars and general public alike. In more recent time, this interest has produced the field of political discourse analysis consisting of many approaches which analyze political language from different perspectives. In modern day-to-day political life, the linguistic analysis of political discourse is motivated by the pragmatic goal of finding the elusive formula of what makes linguistic persuasion effective so that it can be used in future political discourse for achieving pragmatic effects. Although modern linguistics has opened up the potential for linguistic analysis of discourse, there is no unified methodological approach to political discourse analysis. Different approaches share a general common goal, however, in their endeavor to uncover the linguistic patterns and contexts that explain the essence of political discourse in linguistic terms. Critical approaches additionally use the linguistic analysis for the purpose of uncovering inherent injustices or discriminations produced through discourse and raising awareness of possible manipulation by the political elite. According to Ponton7 the term political discourse analysis thus applies to a variety of approaches, such as descriptive studies, pragmatic studies, conver- sation analysis, classical rhetorical analysis, historical/cultural analysis, cognitive, semantic analysis (the appraisal framework), corpus linguistics, critical discourse analysis and multi-modal analysis. Different strands of the analysis of political discourse thus include a range of theories with different focus points, analyzing political language from different perspectives and using different methodologies in their analytical endeavor. Classical rhetorical analysis, which has its roots traditional rhetorical analysis based on Greek rhetoricians (e.g. Aristoteles' pathos, ethos and logos) can be applied to modern political discourse. In traditional rhetorical analysis there is often focus on rhetorical figures and tropes. They are arguably the most visible linguistic features that the general public associates with rhetoric and are often emphasized by speech- writing specialists, although the effect and significance of individual rhetorical figures are difficult to evaluate. But even such features may be explained from a different perspective by more recent approaches. In modern critical analysis, for example, metaphor has received special attention as more than just a rhetorical figure in the cognitive analysis by Lakoff and Johnson8 which convincingly demonstrates that metaphor is far from being just a decorative element of

7 Ponton, Talking us Round. Linguistic Aspects of Persuasive Political Rhetoric, 21. 8 George Lakoff and Mark Johnson Metaphors we live by (Chicago, 2003).

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style but has an important role in argumentation. This article illustrates one of the more recent approaches from the last decade called Charismatic Leadership Tactics, an approach which attempts to explain the subjective and elusive concept of charisma in linguistic and dis- coursal terms. The analysis presented in this article uses Dlugan's version of the above approach. Below we present a brief outline of Dlugan's general approach to speech analysis.

Speech Analysis Theory According to Dlugan

According to Dlugan "(S)tudying other speakers is a critical skill, one of the 25 essential skills for a public speaker. The ability to analyze a speech will accelera- te the growth of any speaker."9 Dlugan notes that the speech objectives are the most important point in the analysis. We have to know the speaker's objectives to critically analyze a speech by asking the following questions: What is the speaker's goal? Is it to educate, to motivate, to persuade, or to entertain? What is the primary message being delivered? Why is this person delivering this speech? Are they the right person? Was the objective achieved? The second thing that has to be taken into consideration is the audience and context for the speech. As it is expected from a good speaker, he/she will need to use different techniques depending on the size of the audience. Simi- larly, different techniques will be applied when addressing people of different intellect and different age groups. The following questions should be asked here: Where and when is the speech being delivered? What are the key demo- graphic features of the audience? Are they technical experts, students, elderly, athletes, business leaders, etc.? How large is the audience? In addition to the live audience, is there an external target audience (e.g. on the Internet or mass media)? Of course, the speech content and structure are also very important:

The content of the speech should be selected and organized to achieve the primary speech objective. Focus is important – extraneous information can weaken an otherwise effective argument.10

9 See Andrew Dlugan, "Speech Analysis #1: How to Study and Critique a Speech", 2008, http://sixminutes.dlugan.com/speech-evaluation-1-how-to-study--critique-speech/ (January 4, 2013) (hereinafter: Dlugan, "Speech Analysis #1"). 10 Dlugan, "Speech Analysis #1".

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According to Dlugan, it is also important to look at other preceding speakers . Were their messages similar, opposed, or unrelated? The speech opening is another stage of critical evaluation. "Due to the primacy effect, words, body language, and visuals in the speech opening are all critical to speaking success."11 Here Dlugan emphasizes the efficiency to draw the audience to the speech: it has to start with a memorable beginning, either in the form of a story, a joke, a startling statistic, a controversial statement or a powerful visual. The speech body is the main part of a speech. In this part we have to consider if all the arguments, stories, anecdotes relate back to the primary objective and if examples or statistics provided support the arguments. All the metaphors used have to be comprehensible and the speech itself has to be logical and easy to follow, with smooth transitions from one part to another. The last but not least important part of the speech is the speech conclusion. "Like the opening, the words, body language, and visuals in the speech conclusion are all critical to speaking success. This is due to the recency effect." The conclusion has to be memorable, and of course concise. Apart from all the speech objectives, delivery skills and techniques are as important. Dlugan compares them to a gigantic toolbox from which the best speakers know precisely when to use every tool and for what purpose."12 Dlugan categorizes the delivery skills and techniques into the following 8 categories, each explained with answers to a specific set of questions:

a) Enthusiasm and Connection to the Audience Here it is important to ask the following questions: • Was the speaker enthusiastic? How can you tell? • Was there audience interaction? Was it effective? • Was the message you- and we-focused, or was it I- and me-focused?

b) Humor Regarding the use of humour in speeches, the following questions are useful: • Was humor used? • Was it safe and appropriate given the audience? • Were appropriate pauses used before and after the punch lines, phrases, or words? • Was it relevant to the speech?

11 Ibidem. 12 Ibidem.

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c) Visual Aids Visual aids are an important elements in modern speeches. The following questions regarding the use of visual aids should be asked. • Were they designed effectively? • Did they complement speech arguments? • Was the use of visual aids timed well with the speaker's words? • Did they add energy to the presentation or remove it? • Were they simple and easy to understand? • Were they easy to see? • Would an additional visual aid help to convey the message?

At the time which is the focus of the comparative analysis presented here, the visual aids were, of course, much more limited than today.

d) Use of the Stage Area The question here is if the speaker used all the available space that he/she was provided with.

e) Gestures and Eye Contact For a good speaker, posture and movements are also important. The questions asked here are the following: • Did the speaker's posture display confidence and poise? • Were gestures natural, timely, and complementary? • Were gestures easy to see? • Does the speaker have any distracting mannerisms? • Was eye contact effective in connecting the speaker to the whole audience?

f) Vocal Variety The vocal impression of the speech can be addressed with the following questions: • Was the speaker easy to hear? • Were loud and soft variations used appropriately? • Was the pace varied? Was it slow enough overall to be understandable? • Were pauses used to aid understandability, heighten excitement, or provide drama?

g) Language The appropriate use of language should be evaluated with the following questions: • Was the language appropriate for the audience?

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• Did the speaker articulate clearly? • Were sentences short and easy to understand? • Was technical jargon or unnecessarily complex language used? • What rhetorical devices were used?

h)Intangibles Sometimes, a technically sound speech can still miss the mark. Likewise, technical deficiencies can sometimes be overcome to produce a must-see presentation. Here the following questions should be considered: • How did the speech make you feel? • Were you convinced? • Would you want to listen to this speaker again? • Were there any original ideas or techniques?13

Framework for the Analysis

In the analysis of Churchill and Chamberlain's speeches we have decided to adopt the framework of charismatic leadership tactics by Dlugan. Dlugan's model is based on the model of 12 tactics demonstrated frequently by charismatic leaders which was proposed by the researchers at the University of Lau- sanne in 2011. These tactics include nine verbal and three non-verbal tactics.14 Based on the 12 tactics identified in the charismatic leadership tactics approach,15 Dlugan's modified version of the approach focuses on eight charismatic leadership tactics:16 These tactics are the following: • Demonstrate moral convictions. Link your messages with underlying moral principles and state your intention to "do the right thing". • Reflect the sentiment of the group. Listen to the concerns of your audience, and emphasize shared history, struggles, or desires. • Set high expectations. Set daring goals for both yourself and your audience. • Communicate confidence. Assure your audience that the high goals can be achieved.

13 See for details Dlugan, "Speech Analysis #1". 14 Antonakis, Fenley, Liechti, "Can charisma be taught? Tests of two interventions": 374–381. 15 See Andrew Dlugan, "What is Charisma? Can it be Learned?", 2012, http://sixminutes.dlugan.com/ charisma-learn/ (January 4, 2013) (hereinafter: Dlugan, "What is Charisma? Can it be Learned?"). 16 Andrew Dlugan, "Speech Analysis: Winston Churchill's 'Iron Curtain'", 2012, http://sixminutes.dlugan.com/speech-analysis-winston-churchill-iron-curtain/(4th January, 2013) (hereinafter: Dlugan, "Speech Analysis").

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• Use metaphors, smiles, and analogies. Help your audience understand your messages in terms of concepts or experiences which they already know. • Employ contrast. Define yourself (and your ideas) clearly by emphasi- zing what you (and your ideas) are not. • Organize content into triads (three part lists). Leverage the magical rule of three to make your messages easier to remember. • Ask rhetorical questions. Engage your audience with questions that prompt them to get involved cognitively.

In the following section, these tactics are illustrated with examples from the analysed speeches.

Tactic 1: Demonstrate Moral Convictions This tactic is demonstrated in those points of the speeches where Churchill or Chamberlain imply that their personal motives are selfless and pure or that they feel a duty to do or reject something. Example: – There is, however, another class, for which I feel not the slightest sympathy. – (Churchill's speech)

Occurrences of demonstrating moral convictions are colour-coded in grey (Demonstrate moral convictions) in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Tactic 2: Reflect the Sentiment of the Group This tactic consists in invoking the common experience with the audience, for example when military terms and concepts familiar to the speaker's audience are used or when the speaker acknowledges the apprehensions and aspirations of the audience. An example of this is when Churchill mirrors the thoughts of his audience by stating what they feel: – It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. – (Churchill's speech)

Occurrences of reflecting the sentiments of the group are coded as Reflect the sentiment of the group in the speech transcript in the appendix.

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Tactic 3: Set High Expectations "Charismatic leaders do not set easily attainable goals for their listeners."17 In their speeches, Chamberlain, and especially Churchill challenge their listeners with big goals that require a huge commitment and perseverance. Examples: – But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive war. – (Churchill's speech) – The path which leads to appeasement is long and bristles with obstacles –(Chamberlain's speech)

Occurrences of setting high expectations are coded as Set high expectations in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Tactic 4: Communicate Confidence Politicians frequently combine the high expectations with statements of confidence that they can be achieved. Examples: – we shall not flag or fail – (Churchill's speech) – we shall fight with growing confidence – (Churchill's speech) – what I am sure – (Chamberlain's speech)

Occurrences of communicating confidence are coded asCommunicate confidence in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Tactic 5: Use of Metaphors, Similes and Analogies Metaphors provide vivid and emotional imagery of any topic that is discussed and can support the proposed argumentation. Examples: – out of the jaws of fear and shame – (Churchill's speech) – the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe – (Churchill's speech) – the march of events – (Chamberlain's speech)

Occurrences of metaphors, similes and analogies are coded as Use metaphors, similes and analogies in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Tactic 6: Employ Contrast Contrasting words and phrases draw attention to significant topics. Examples:

17 Dlugan, "Speech Analysis".

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– night and day, Sunday and weekdays – (Churchill's speech) – by discussion instead of by force of arms – (Chamberlain's speech)

Occurrences of contrast are coded as Employ contrast in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Tactic 7: Organize Content Into Triads (three part lists) Like contrast, triads highlight important topics, as demonstrated by these examples: – killed, wounded and missing – (Churchill's speech) – the method, the conditions and the time of the transfer of the territory – (Chamberlain's speech)

Triads are coded as Organize content into triads in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Tactic 8: Ask Rhetorical Questions Rhetorical questions reinforce the alignment of the speaker with the audience. Example: – Could there have been an objective of greater military importance and significance for the whole purpose of the war than this – (Churchill's speech)

Rhetorical questions are coded as Ask rhetorical questions in the speech transcript in the appendix.

Results of the analysis of Churchill's and Chamberlain's Speeches

As indicated above, the analysis of the speeches is based on the general framework of Carismatic Leadership Tactics (CTLs). These tactics include nine verbal and three non-verbal tactics.18 The particular model used here is the approach by Duglan which focuses on the following eight tactics:19 1. Demonstrate moral convictions 2. Reflect the sentiment of the group 3. Set high expectations 4. Communicate confidence 5. Use metaphors, similes and analogies

18 Antonakis, Fenley, Liechti, "Can charisma be taught? Tests of two interventions": 374–381; Dlugan, "What is Charisma? Can it be Learned?". 19 Dlugan, "Speech Analysis".

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6. Employ contrast 7. Organize content into triads 8. Ask rhetorical questions

In the analysis of the speech transcript enclosed in the appendix, these charismatic leadership tactics are coded as shown in Table 1.

Table 1: Key for CTLs

Demonstrate moral convictions Use metaphors, similes and analogies

Reflect the sentiment of the group Employ contrast

Set high expectations Organize content into triads

Communicate confidence Ask rhetorical questions

Results

Table 2: Results for Chamberlain's speech Peace of our time: Chamberlain's use of verbal tactics in the speech

Tactic No. of occurrences

Demonstrate moral convictions 11

Reflect the sentiment of the group 3

Set high expectations 2

Communicate confidence 2

Use metaphors, similes and analogies 3

Employ contrast 3

Organize content into triads 3

Ask rhetorical questions 0

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Table 3: Results for Churchill's speech We shall fight on the beaches: Churchill's use of verbal tactics in the speech

Tactic No. of occurrences

Demonstrate moral convictions 12

Reflect the sentiment of the group 14

Set high expectotions 6

Communicate confidence 9

Use metaphors, similes and analogies 35

Employ contrast 5

Organize content into triads 8

Ask rhetorical questions 3

Conclusion

As the outcome shows, Churchill was on the right side of history, whereas Chamberlain's political achievements were diminished by the events of World War II. From historical perspective, Churchill was thus a far superior politican to Chamberlain. The comparative analysis presented here is an attempt at discovering if there is a correlation between Churchill's and Chamberlain's effectiveness as politicans and their effectiveness as speakers measured in terms of specific linguistic strategies they used in their speeches. The overall results of the analysis seem to indicate that Chamberlain's speech is not as effective as Churchill's speech, because Chamberlain does not include all the 'charismatic' tactics to the same degree as Churchill does. Both speakers want their audience to know and understand their moral values and political goals, so both speeches contain a high degree of moral convictions. Chamberlain uses them eleven times in his entire speech, while Churchill uses them twelve times. As Chamberlain's speech is shorter, he uses them to an even higher degree than Churchill. Through their speeches, both Churchill and Chamberlain strive to connect with the people personally and convince them that they have good intentions. They both frequently use the tactic of reflecting the sentiments of the audience. The results show that Churchill connects with people more, as he uses the tactic of reflecting the sentiments of the group fourteen times, while Chamberlain uses it only three times. This is significant even if we account for the different length of the speeches, on average Churchill uses it about twice per page and

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Chamberlain uses it only once per page. Both politicians also use the tactic of setting high expectations in their effort to make a positive impression on the public and in encourage morally defeated people and prepare them for possible hardship. Chamberlain uses it two times in his speech while Churchill uses it six times. This is a similar amount if we take into account the difference in the length of both speeches. They also use a similar amount of the tactic of communicating confidence, which is important for reassuring the audience. Chamberlain uses it two times and Churchill uses it nine times. Taking into account the difference in the length of the speeches, the degree to which this tactic is used in both speeches is again similar. There is also a similar degree of the use of other tactics, such as employing contrast and using triads. Employing contrast is used three times by Cham- berlain and five times by Churchill, while organizing content into triads is again used three times by Chamberlain and eight times by Churchill. Chamberlain's speech does not contain any rhetorical questions, whereas Churchill's speech contains three. The greatest difference between the two speeches, however, involves the tactic of using metaphors, similes and analogies. The results of the analysis show that Chamberlain uses it only three times, while Churchill uses it as many as thirty-five times. We can conclude that the speeches are quite similar in the degree of their use of tactics such as moral convictions, reflecting the sentiment of the group and setting high expectations and communicating confidence, and even in some focusing tactics, such the use of contrast and triads. Churchill, however, uses a slightly greater amount of the tactic of reflecting the sentiment of the group and a much greater amount of the rhetorical tactic of emplying metaphor, similes and analogies. Based on the analysis of Churchill's and Chamberlain's speeches, we conclude that Churchill connects better with the audience through the tactic of reflecting the sentiments of the group, and even more importantly, that he uses a much greater amount of the 'charismatic' tactics which give his speech a certain artistic quality while also supporting his argumentation, and this contributes considerably to the effectiveness of his speech.

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Katja Plemenitaš, Eva Lina Friš, Nik Šabeder

UMETNOST BESEDE V BRITANSKI POLITIKI 20. STOLETJA Chamberlainova in Churchillova raba jezika: primerjalna analiza

POVZETEK

Problematiko kompleksnosti javnega govora so poznali in spoštovali že v anti- ki. Javno govorništvo se je že tedaj uveljavilo na številnih področjih družbenega življenja. Že vse od tedaj je glavni cilj vseh javnih govorcev pritegniti njihove poslušalce in jih prepričati v svoje ideje. V trenutkih pretresov so priljubljeni politiki, ki so dvigali moralo ljudi, pogosto uspeli prav po zaslugi govorniškega talenta. Opisano velja nedvomno za britanska politika, ki sta prav tako delovala v najbolj kriznem obdobju 20. stoletja in poskušala, vsak na svoj način, obdržati zaupanje ljudi – Winstona Churchilla in Nevilla Chamberlaina. Zgleda njunih govorov smo analizirali s pomočjo posebne metode taktik karizmatičnega vodenja iz leta 2011 (Cha- rismatic Leadership Tactics – CLT), ki so jo razvili znanstveniki na univerzi v Lausanni v Švici. Po analiziraju govorov in primerjavi med analizama smo potrdili domne- vo, da imajo Churchillovi govori več "karizmatičnih" prvin in so bolj jezikovno razgibani od Chamberlainovih.

APPENDIX I

Neville Chamberlain's speech The peace of our time with coded annotations

Before I come to describe the Agreement which was signed at Munich in the small hours of Friday morning last, I would like to remind the House of two things which I think it very essential not to forget when those terms are being considered. The first is this: We did not go there to decide whether the predominantly German areas in the Sudetenland should be passed over to the German Reich. That had been decided already. Czechoslovakia had accepted the Anglo- -French proposals. What we had to consider was the method, the conditions

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and the timeof the transfer of the territory. The second point to remember is that time was one of the essential factors. All the elements were present on the spot for the outbreak of a conflict which might have precipitated the catastrophe.We had populations inflamed to a high degree; we had extremists on both sides ready to work up and provoke incidents; we had considerable quantities of arms which were by no means confined to regularly organised forces. Therefore, it was essential that we should quickly reach a conclusion, so that this painful and difficult operation of transfer might be carried out at the earliest possible moment and concluded as soon as was consistent, with orderly procedure, in order that we might avoid the possibility of something that might have rendered all our attempts at peaceful solution useless… …To those who dislike an ultimatum, but who were anxious for a reason- able and orderly procedure, every one of [the] modifications [of the Godesberg Memorandum by the Munich Agreement] is a step in the right direction. It is no longer an ultimatum, but is a method which is carried out largely under the supervision of an international body. Before giving a verdict upon this arrangement, we should do well to avoid describing it as a personal or a national triumph for anyone. The real triumph is that it has shown that representatives of four great Powers can find it possible to agree on a way of carrying out a difficult and delicate operation by discussion instead of by force of arms, and thereby they have averted a catastrophe which would have ended civilisation as we have known it. The relief that our escape from this great peril of war has, I think, everywhere been mingled in this country with a profound feeling of sympathy. [Hon. Members: Shame.] I have nothing to be ashamed of. Let those who have, hang their heads. We must feel profound sympathy for a small and gallant nation in the hour of their national grief and loss. Mr. Bellenger: It is an insult to say it. The Prime Minister:I say in the name of this House and of the people of this country that Czechoslovakia has earned our admiration and respect for her restraint, for her dignity, for her magnificent discipline in face of such a trial as few nations have ever been called upon to meet. The army, whose courage no man has ever questioned, has obeyed the order of their president, as they would equally have obeyed him if he had told them to march into the trenches. It is my hope and my belief, that under the new system of guarantees, the new Czechoslovakia will find a greater security than she has ever enjoyed in the past. . . . I pass from that subject, and I would like to say a few words in respect of the various other participants, besides ourselves, in the Munich Agreement. After everything that has been said about the German Chancellor today and in the past, I do feel that the House ought to recognise the difficulty for a man in

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that position to take back such emphatic declarations as he had already made amidst the enthusiastic cheers of his supporters, and to recognise that in con- senting, even though it were only at the last moment, to discuss with the representatives of other Powers those things which he had declared he had already decided once for all, was a real and a substantial contribution on his part. With regard to Signor Mussolini, … I think that Europe and the world have reason to be grateful to the head of the Italian government for his work in contributing to a peaceful solution. In my view the strongest force of all, one which grew and took fresh shapes and forms every day war, the force not of any one individual, but was that unmistakable sense of unanimity among the peoples of the world that war must somehow be averted. The peoples of the British Empire were at one with those of Germany, of France and of Italy, and their anxiety, their intense desire for peace, pervaded the whole atmosphere of the conference, and I believe that that, and not threats, made possible the concessions that were made. I know the House will want to hear what I am sure it does not doubt, that throughout these discussions the Dominions, the Governments of the Dominions, have been kept in the closest touch with the march of events by telegraph and by personal contact, and I would like to say how greatly I was encouraged on each of the journeys I made to Germany by the knowledge that I went with the good wishes of the Governments of the Dominions. They shared all our anxieties and all our hopes. They rejoiced with us that peace was preserved, and with us they look forward to further efforts to consolidate what has been done. Ever since I assumed my present office my main purpose has been to work for the pacification of Europe, for the removal of those suspicions and those animosities which have so long poisoned the air. The path which leads to appeasement is long and bristles with obstacles. The question of Czechoslova- kia is the latest and perhaps the most dangerous. Now that we have got past it, I feel that it may be possible to make further progress along the road to sanity.20

APPENDIX II

Winston Churchill's speech We shall fight on the beaches with coded annotations

From the moment that the French defenses at Sedan and on the Meuse were broken at the end of the second week of May, only a rapid retreat to Amiens

20 See Great Britain, Parliamentary Debates, Commons, Vol. 339 (October 3, 1938).

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and the south could have saved the British and French Armies who had entered Belgium at the appeal of the Belgian King; but this strategic fact was not immediately realized. The French High Command hoped they would be able to close the gap, and the Armies of the north were under their orders. Moreover, a retirement of this kind would have involved almost certainly the destruction of the fine Belgian Army of over 20 divisions and the abandonment of the whole of Belgium. Therefore, when the force and scope of the German penetration were realized and when a new French Generalissimo, General Weygand, assumed command in place of General Gamelin, an effort was made by the French and British Armies in Belgium to keep on holding the right hand of the Belgians and to give their own right hand to a newly created French Army which was to have advanced across the Somme in great strength to grasp it. However, the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe around the right and rear of the Armies of the north. Eight or nine armored divisions, each of about four hundred armored vehicles of different kinds, but carefully assort- ed to be complementary and divisible into small self-contained units, cut off all communications between us and the main French Armies. It severed our own communications for food and ammunition, which ran first to Amiens and afterwards through Abbeville, and it shore its way up the coast to Boulogne and Calais, and almost to Dunkirk. Behind this armored and mechanized onslaught came a number of German divisions in lorries, and behind them again there plodded comparatively slowly the dull brute mass of the ordinary German Army and German people, always so ready to be led to the trampling down in other lands of liberties and comforts which they have never known in their own. I have said this armored scythe – stroke almost reached Dunkirk – almost but not quite. Boulogne and Calais were the scenes of desperate fighting. The Guards defended Boulogne for a while and were then withdrawn by orders from this country. The Rifle Brigade, the 60th Rifles, and the Queen Victoria's Rifles, with a battalion of British tanks and 1,000 Frenchmen, in all about four thousand strong, defended Calais to the last. The British Brigadier was given an hour to surrender. He spurned the offer, and four days of intense street fighting passed before silence reigned over Calais, which marked the end of a memorable resistance. Only 30 unwounded survivors were brought off by the Navy, and we do not know the fate of their comrades. Their sacrifice, however, was not in vain. At least two armored divisions, which otherwise would have been turned against the British Expeditionary Force, had to be sent to overcome them. They have added another page to the glories of the light divisions, and the time gained enabled the Graveline water lines to be flooded and to be held by the French troops. Thus it was that the port of Dunkirk was kept open. When it was found

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impossible for the Armies of the north to reopen their communications to Amiens with the main French Armies, only one choice remained. It seemed, indeed, forlorn. The Belgian, British and French Armies were almost surrounded. Their sole line of retreat was to a single port and to its neighboring beaches. They were pressed on every side by heavy attacks and far outnumbered in the air. When, a week ago today, I asked the House to fix this afternoon as the occasion for a statement, I feared it would be my hard lot to announce the greatest military disaster in our long history. I thought – and some good judges agreed with me – that perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 men might be re-embarked. But it certainly seemed that the whole of the French First Army and the whole of the British Expeditionary Force north of the Amiens-Abbeville gap would be broken up in the open field or else would have to capitulate for lack of food and ammunition. These were the hard and heavy tidings for which I called upon the House and the nation to prepare themselves a week ago. The wholeroot and core and brain of the British Army, on which and around which we were to build, and are to build, the great British Armies in the later years of the war, seemed about to perish upon the field or to be led into an ignominious and starving captivity. That was the prospect a week ago. But another blow which might well have proved final was yet to fall upon us. The King of the Belgians had called upon us to come to his aid. Had not this Ruler and his Government severed themselves from the Allies, who rescued their country from extinction in the late war, and had they not sought refuge in what was proved to be a fatal neu- trality, the French and British Armies might well at the outset have saved not only Belgium but perhaps even Poland. Yet at the last moment, when Belgium was already invaded, King Leopold called upon us to come to his aid, and even at the last moment we came. He and his brave, efficient Army, nearly half a million strong, guarded our left flank and thus kept open our only line of retreat to the sea. Suddenly, without prior consultation, with the least possible notice, without the advice of his Ministers and upon his own personal act, he sent a plenipotentiary to the German Command, surrendered his Army, and exposed our whole flank and means of retreat. I asked the House a week ago to suspend its judgment because the facts were not clear, but I do not feel that any reason now exists why we should not form our own opinions upon this pitiful episode. The surrender of the Belgian Army compelled the British at the shortest notice to cover a flank to the sea more than 30 miles in length. Otherwise all would have been cut off, and all would have shared the fate to which King Leopold had condemned the finest Army his country had ever formed. So in doing this and in exposing this flank, as anyone who followed the operations on the map will see, contact was lost

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between the British and two out of the three corps forming the First French Army, who were still farther from the coast than we were, and it seemed impossible that any large number of Allied troops could reach the coast. The enemy attacked on all sides with great strength and fierceness, and their main power, the power of their far more numerous Air Force, was thrown into the battle or else concentrated upon Dunkirk and the beaches. Pressing in upon the narrow exit, both from the east and from the west, the enemy began to fire with cannon upon the beaches by which alone the shipping could approach or depart. They sowed magnetic mines in the channels and seas; they sent repeated waves of hostile aircraft, sometimes more than a hundred strong in one formation, to cast their bombs upon the single pier that remained, and upon the sand dunes upon which the troops had their eyes for shelter. Their U-boats, one of which was sunk, and their motor launches took their toll of the vast traffic which now began. For four or five days an intense struggle reigned. All their armored divisions – or what Was left of them – together with great mass- es of infantry and artillery, hurled themselves in vain upon the ever-narrowing, ever-contracting appendix within which the British and French Armies fought. Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of countless merchant seamen, strained every nerve to embark the British and Allied troops; 220 light warships and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the difficult coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said, themselves free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these that our men carried on, with little or no rest, for days and nights on end, making trip after trip across the dangerous waters, bringing with them always men whom they had rescued. The numbers they have brought back are the measure of their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships, which brought off many thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked were a special target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered in their duty. Meanwhile, the Royal Air Force, which had already been intervening in the battle, so far as its range would allow, from home bases, now used part of its main metropolitan fighter strength, and struck at the German bombers and at the fighters which in large numbers protected them. This struggle was protract- ed and fierce. Suddenly thescene has cleared, the crash and thunder has for the moment – but only for the moment – died away. A miracle of deliverance, achieved by valor, by perseverance, by perfect discipline, by faultless service, by resource, by skill, by unconquerable fidelity,is manifest to us all. The enemy was hurled back by the retreating British and French troops. He was so roughly handled that he did not hurry their departure seriously. The Royal Air Force engaged the main strength of the German Air Force, and inflicted upon them losses of at

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least four to one; and the Navy, using nearly 1,000 ships of all kinds, carried over 335,000 men, French and British, out of the jaws of death and shame, to their native land and to the tasks which lie immediately ahead. We must be very care- ful not to assign to this deliverance the attributes of a victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there was a victory inside this deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the Air Force. Many of our soldiers coming back have not seen the Air Force at work; they saw only the bombers which escaped its protective attack. They underrate its achievements. I have heard much talk of this; that is why I go out of my way to say this. I will tell you about it. This was a great trial of strength between the British and German Air Forc- es. Can you conceive a greater objective for the Germans in the air than to make evacuation from these beaches impossible, and to sink all these ships which were displayed, almost to the extent of thousands? Could there have been an objective of greater military importance and significance for the whole purpose of the war than this? They tried hard, and they were beaten back; they were frustrated in their task. We got the Army away; and they have paid four- fold for any losses which they have inflicted. Very large formations of German aeroplanes – and we know that they are a very brave race – have turned on several occasions from the attack of one-quarter of their number of the Royal Air Force, and have dispersed in different directions. Twelve aeroplanes have been hunted by two. One aeroplane was driven into the water and cast away by the mere charge of a British aeroplane, which had no more ammunition. All of our types – the Hurricane, the Spitfire and the new Defiant – and all our pilots have been vindicated as superior to what they have at present to face. When we consider how much greater would be our advantage in defending the air above this Island against an overseas attack, I must say that I find in these facts a sure basis upon which practical and reassuring thoughts may rest. I will pay my tribute to these young airmen. The great French Army was very largely, for the time being, cast back and disturbed by the onrush of a few thousands of armored vehicles. May it not also be that the cause of civilization itself will be defended by the skill and devotion of a few thousand airmen? There never has been, I suppose, in all the world, in all the history of war, such an opportunity for youth. The Knights of the Round Table, the Crusaders, all fall back into the past – not only distant but prosaic; these young men, going forth every morn to guard their native land and all that we stand for, holding in their hands these instruments of colossal and shattering power, of whom it may be said that Every morn brought forth a noble chance And every chance brought forth a noble knight, deserve our gratitude, as do all the brave men who, in so many ways and on so many occasions, are ready, and continue ready to give life and all for their native land.

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I return to the Army. In the long series of very fierce battles, now on this front, now on that, fighting on three fronts at once, battles fought by two or three divisions against an equal or somewhat larger number of the enemy, and fought fiercely on some of the old grounds that so many of us knew so well – in these battles our losses in men have exceeded 30,000 killed, wounded and missing. I take occasion to express the sympathy of the House to all who have suffered bereavement or who are still anxious. The President of the Board of Trade [Sir Andrew Duncan] is not here today. His son has been killed, and many in the House have felt the pangs of affliction in the sharpest form. But I will say this about the missing: We have had a large number of wounded come home safely to this country, but I would say about the missing that there may be very many reported missing who will come back home, some day, in one way or another. In the confusion of this fight it is inevitable that many have been left in positions where honor required no further resistance from them. Against this loss of over 30,000 men, we can set a far heavier loss certainly inflicted upon the enemy. But our losses in material are enormous. We have perhaps lost one-third of the men we lost in the opening days of the battle of 21st March, 1918, but we have lost nearly as many guns – nearly one thousand – and all our transport, all the armored vehicles that were with the Army in the north. This loss will impose a further delay on the expansion of our military strength. That expansion had not been proceeding as far as we had hoped. The best of all we had to give had gone to the British Expeditionary Force, and although they had not the numbers of tanks and some articles of equipment which were desirable, they were a very well and finely equipped Army. They had the first- fruits of all that our industry had to give, and that is gone. And now here is this further delay. How long it will be, how long it will last, depends upon the exer- tions which we make in this Island. An effort the like of which has never been seen in our records is now being made. Work is proceeding everywhere, night and day, Sundays and week days. Capital and Labor have cast aside their interests, rights, and customs and put them into the common stock. Already the flow of munitions has leaped forward. There is no reason why we should not in a few months overtake the sudden and serious loss that has come upon us, without retarding the development of our general program. Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our Army and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonizing week, must not blind us to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster. The French Army has been weakened, the Belgian Army has been lost, a large part of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow

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to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand Army, he was told by someone. "There are bitter weeds in England." There are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned. The whole question of home defense against invasion is, of course, power- fully affected by the fact that we have for the time being in this Island incom- parably more powerful military forces than we have ever had at any moment in this war or the last. But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive war. We have our duty to our Ally. We have to reconstitute and build up the British Expeditionary Force once again, under its gallant Commander- in-Chief, Lord Gort. All this is in train; but in the interval we must put our defenses in this Island into such a high state of organization that the fewest possible numbers will be required to give effective security and that the largest possible potential of offensive effort may be realized. On this we are now engaged. It will be very convenient, if it be the desire of the House, to enter upon this subject in a secret Session. Not that the government would necessarily be able to reveal in very great detail military secrets, but we like to have our discussions free, without the restraint imposed by the fact that they will be read the next day by the enemy; and the Government would benefit by views freely expressed in all parts of the House by Members with their knowledge of so many different parts of the country. I understand that some request is to be made upon this subject, which will be readily acceded to by His Majesty's Government. We have found it necessary to take measures of increasing stringency, not only against enemy aliens and suspicious characters of other nationalities, but also against British subjects who may become a danger or a nuisance should the war be transported to the United Kingdom. I know there are a great many people affected by the orders which we have made who are the passionate ene- mies of Nazi Germany. I am very sorry for them, but we cannot, at the present time and under the present stress, draw all the distinctions which we should like to do. If parachute landings were attempted and fierce fighting attendant upon them followed, these unfortunate people would be far better out of the way, for their own sakes as well as for ours. There is, however, another class, for which I feel not the slightest sympathy. Parliament has given us the powers to put down Fifth Column activities with a strong hand, and we shall use those powers subject to the supervision and correction of the House, without the slightest hesitation until we are satisfied, and more than satisfied, that this malignancy in our midst has been effectively stamped out. Turning once again, and this time more generally, to the question of invasion, I would observe that there has never been a period in all these long cen-

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turies of which we boast when an absolute guarantee against invasion, still less against serious raids, could have been given to our people. In the days of Napoleon the same wind which would have carried his transports across the Channel might have driven away the blockading fleet. There was always the chance, and it is that chance which has excited and befooled the imaginations of many Continental tyrants. Many are the tales that are told. We are assured that novel methods will be adopted, and when we see the originality of malice, the ingenuity of aggression, which our enemy displays, we may certainly prepare ourselves for every kind of novel stratagem and every kind of brutal and treacherous maneuver. I think that no idea is so outlandish that it should not be considered and viewed with a searching, but at the same time, I hope,with a steady eye. We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those which belong to air power if it can be locally exercised. I have, myself, full confidence thatif all do their duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home, to ride out the storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His Majesty's Government – every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the nation.The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail.We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.21

21 http://www.winstonchurchill.org/learn/speeches/speeches-of-winston-churchill (January 4, 2013).

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UDK 811.163.6'373.7 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

Za kaj mora pri Slovencih "preteči še precej vode"

Irena Stramljič Breznik

Dr., redna profesorica Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta Oddelek za slovanske jezike in književnosti Koroška cesta 160, SI – 2000 Maribor e-mail: [email protected]

Mija Kovač

e-mail: [email protected]

Izvleček: Prispevek s pomočjo besedilnokorpusne analize prikazuje rabo, obliko, sestavinske variacije in pragmatične značilnosti frazema precej vode bo še preteklo, ki abstraktno kategorijo veliko časa konkretizira s predstavo o potrebni veliki količini pretečene vode. S tega vidika predstavlja nasprotno perspektivo kot frazem potrebovati kaj kot Sahara vode, ki tematizira majhno količino oz. pomanjkanje vode. Raziskava podaja rezultate korpusne analize prvega in jih v zaključku sooča z že spoznanimi pragmatičnimi lastnostmi drugega frazema.

Ključne besede: frazeologija, frazem, besedilni korpus, pragmatika, voda

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 291–302, 20 cit., 1 preglednica Jezik: slovenski (izvleček slovenski in angleški, povzetek angleški)

291 I. Stremljič Breznik, M. Kovač : Za kaj mora pri Slovencih ...

0 Uvod

Voda je pomembna naravna dobrina, ki je pogoj za življenje na Zemlji. Prekri- va več kot 70 odstotkov Zemljine površine in je eden izmed najstarejših ter najpomembnejših obnovljivih virov energije. Zaradi teh lastnosti predstavlja gospodarjenje z vodo velik izziv, s katerim se ukvarja tudi Generalna skupščina Združenih narodov, ki je leto 2013 razglasila za Mednarodno leto sodelovanja na področju voda. Na tak način je želela spodbuditi interdisciplinarno sodelovanje, saj je le-to nujno za vzpostavitev ravnotežja med različnimi potrebami po tem dragocenem viru.1 V ta kontekst sodi tudi prispevek, ki predstavlja rezultate besedilnokorpusne analize frazema precej vode bo še preteklo, s katero smo želeli pridobiti informacije o pojavitvah frazema, njegovi obliki, frazeoloških variacijah in pragmatičnih značilnostih. Pomen obravnavanega frazema se nanaša na veliko količino časa, enačeno z veliko količino vode. Lahko torej rečemo, da frazem temelji na merjenju časa s tem, da se ta primerja s časom tečenja vode.2 Če frazem precej vode bo še preteklo gradi na predstavi o tekoči vodi kot neomejenem viru, ki v naravi neprestano kroži in s konkretno sliko predstavlja abstraktno kategorijo časa, potem je v frazemu potrebovati kaj kot Sahara vode predstavljena tudi nasprotna perspektiva, tj. tista, ki kaže vodo kot omejen vir in s predstavo o njenem pomanjkanju v puščavi intenzificira pomen 'kaj zelo potrebovati'.3 Pričujoč prispevek je torej nadaljevanje te frazeološke analize, ki koncept vode kot omejenega oz. neomejenega vira zaokroža v celoto.

1 Pojavitve frazema v korpusu Gigafida

Gradivo za besedilnokorpusno analizo frazema precej vode bo še preteklo izhaja iz prosto dostopnega referenčnega, enojezičnega pisnega korpusa Gigafida4, ki zajema besedila med leti 1990 in 2011. Enostavno iskanje je za niz precej vode bo še preteklo ponudilo samo eno pojavitev, enak rezultat ponudi tudi napredno iskanje, pri katerem smo besedi precej v njeno okolico v razdalji do deset mest levo in desno dodali besedo voda in nato po enakih pogojih še pre-

1 Adriana Aralica, "Leto 2013 posvečeno sodelovanju na področju voda", Društvo za Združene narode za Slovenijo (2013), http://www.unaslovenia.org/node/2236 (dostop 23. 9. 2013). 2 Janez Keber, Slovar slovenskih frazemov (Ljubljana, 2011), str. 1044 (dalje: Keber, Slovar slovenskih frazemov). 3 Irena Stramljič Breznik, Mija Kovač, "Kaj Slovenci potrebujemo kot Sahara vodo", v: "Voda" v slav- janskoj frazeologii i paremiologii, ur. Zoltan Andraš, Fedoszov Oleg in Szabolcs Janurik (Budimpešta, 2013), str. 604–611 (dalje: Stramljič Breznik, Kovač, "Kaj Slovenci potrebujemo kot Sahara vodo"). 4 Referenčni korpus slovenskega jezika Gigafida, http://www.gigafida.net/ (dostop 23. 9. 2013).

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ostale sestavine frazema. Da bi dobili več različnih rezultatov, smo z odvzema- njem posameznih sestavin spreminjali iskalni niz. Največ rezultatov je ponudil iskalni niz voda preteči (824), ki pa vsebuje tudi veliko za analizo nerelevantnih pojavnic (npr. Veliko časa je potrebno in veliko vode mora preteči čez njo, da se ostri robovi skale obrusijo ter postanejo gladki in zaobljeni.). Za najprimernejše- ga se je izkazal iskalni niz precej voda preteči s 135 pojavitvami, med katerimi jih je bilo 125 pomensko ustreznih.

Preglednica 1: Pojavitev frazema po letih in virih

precej vode bo še preteklo

PO VIRIH PO LETIH Delo 25

1991 1 Dnevnik 25

1994 2 Gorenjski glas 7

1995 3 Dolenjski list 7

1996 1 Časopisi Ekipa 5

1997 12 drugo 5

1998 8 Finance 3

1999 7 Večer 1

2000 2 Skupno 78

2001 6 drugo 19

2002 9 Delo Revije 9

2003 9 Revije Adria media 6

2004 9 Mladina 5

2005 8 Skupno 39

2006 7 rtvslo.si 2

2007 13 siol.net 2

2008 18 Internet dz-rs.si 2

2009 3 internet, ustanove 1

2010 4 Skupno 7

2011 3 Leposlovje DZS 1

SKUPNO 125

293 I. Stremljič Breznik, M. Kovač : Za kaj mora pri Slovencih ...

Iz preglednice 1 je razvidno, da se je obravnavani frazem v korpusu prvič pojavil leta 1991. Od takrat do leta 1997, ko se število pojavitev dvigne na 12, se raba frazema giblje med eno in tremi, kasneje pa med dvema in devetimi pojavitvami. Raba je najpogostejša v letih 2007 in 2008, takrat število pojavitev naraste na 13 in 18. Temu sledi padec v rabi med leti 2009 in 2011, ko niha med tremi in štirimi pojavitvami. Preglednica 1 navaja tudi podatke o virih, iz katerih je mogoče razbrati, da je raba omenjenega frazema najpogostejša v publicistiki, saj je med besedili, v katerih se pojavlja, kar 93,6 odstotkov publicističnih, od tega je 66,67 odstotkov časopisov in 33,33 odstotkov revij. Kljub temu, da se je frazem precej vode bo še preteklo v korpusu Gigafida prvič pojavil leta 1991, ne moremo reči, da gre za prvi primer rabe tega frazema nasploh, ampak kvečjemu, da gre za prvi korpusni primer rabe. Frazem lahko namreč pod iztočnicama voda in preteči v obliki še dosti vode bo preteklo najdemo že v Slovarju slovenskega knjižnega jezika5 (1970–1991, elektronska izdaja 2005), pred tem pa se je pojavil že v Pleteršnikovem Slovensko-nemškem slovarju6 (1894–1895, elektronska izdaja 2006), v katerem se pod iztočnico preteči nahaja frazem preteklo bode še mnogo vode. Skozi čas se je frazem oči- tno spremenil, pri čemer se je spreminjala samo njegova oblika, pomen pa je ostal enak.

2 Oblika frazema in variacije njegovih sestavin

Za eno temeljnih lastnosti frazeoloških enot velja stalnost, od nje pa je odvisna normativnost, ki je zaradi možnih variant in pogostih kršitev stalnosti v njihovi večsestavinski zgradbi težko določljiva. Za določanje norme je potrebna opredelitev izhodiščne oblike frazema, ki sestoji iz zaporedja, vrste in minimalnega števila sestavin ter razmerja med njimi, prav tako pa tudi opredelitev oblik rabe, ki pomenijo spremembo oziroma prilagoditev oblike frazema zaradi rabe v besedilu.7 V razmerju do izhodiščne oblike frazema je treba opredeliti še variacije te oblike:8 a) neprenovitvene modifikacije, imenovane tudi fraze- ološke variante, ki spreminjajo zgradbo frazema v okviru potencialne norme

5 SAZU in ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša in avtorji, Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika z Odzadnjim slovarjem slovenskega jezika in Besediščem slovenskega jezika z oblikoslovnimi podatki: Elektronski vir (Ljubljana, 2005). 6 Maks Pleteršnik, Slovensko-nemški slovar: Elektronski vir (Ljubljana, 2006). 7 Erika Kržišnik, "Norma v frazeologiji in odstopi od nje v besedilih", Slavistična revija 44, št. 2 (1996): str. 133 (dalje: Kržišnik, "Norma v frazeologiji in odstopi od nje v besedilih"). 8 Kržišnik, "Norma v frazeologiji in odstopi od nje v besedilih": 134, 141; Erika Kržišnik, "Izraba seman- tične potence frazemov," v: Slovensko jezikoslovje danes, ur. Ada Vidovič Muha (Ljubljana, 2006), str. 263–264, 269.

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in bistveno ne vplivajo na pomen; Rode9 jih po načinu nastanka deli na gra- femske, morfemske (oblikoslovne), besedotvorne, leksikalne (sestavinske) in sintaktične (skladenjske); b) prenovitvene modifikacije, v katerih prihaja do interakcije med pomenoma frazeološke in proste besedne zveze; in c) napačne rabe frazemov, ki odstopajo od norme in od tvorca niso narejene zavestno. V prispevku se po vzoru Slovarja slovenskih frazemov10 kot izhodiščna oblika frazema obravnava frazem precej vode bo še preteklo. Gre za glagolski frazem, v katerem nastopa t. i. predikacijska sintagma. To pomeni, da ima frazem mesto osebka zasedeno z obvezno in nespremenljivo sestavino frazema, glagol pa zaradi tega ne more biti v nedoločniku, kot je to običajno pri drugih glagolskih frazemih, ko jih navajamo v slovarski obliki, npr. nositi vodo v Savo. Osebek predstavlja samostalniška besedna zveza precej vode v rodilniku, ki je pogojen s količinskim izrazom ob jedrnem samostalniku.11 Frazem je sestavljen iz več sestavin, in sicer samostalnika voda, dovršnega glagola preteči, nedoloč- nega količinskega števnika precej in poudarjalnega členka še. V nadaljevanju se bomo osredotočili na možne sestavinske, oblikoslovne in skladenjske variacije v rabi obravnavanega frazema.

2.1 Sestavinske variacije

Sestavinske variacije temeljijo na nadomestitvi posameznih sestavin frazema z drugimi leksemi, ki so pogosto sopomenski, pomensko sorodni ali sodijo v skupno pomensko polje.12 V gradivu je mogoče zaslediti zamenjave za vse sestavine frazema.

2.1.1 Samostalnik voda in dovršni glagol preteči zaradi ohranitve celovitosti pomena obravnavanega frazema nimata veliko zamenjav, poleg tega le-te v večini ostajajo v skupnem pomenskem polju. Samostalnik voda se v korpusnem gradivu pojavlja z dvema pomenoma, ki ju navaja Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika13 (2005), in sicer 'naravna prozorna tekočina brez vonja, barve in okusa' in 'ta tekočina kot reka, jezero, morje'. Zaradi tega zamenjave načeloma izvirajo iz pomenskega polja teh dveh pomenov: znoj (kar precej znoja preteče, preden

9 Matej Rode, "Semantični odnosi v frazeologiji", Slavistična revija 25, št. 3–4 (1975): str. 439 (dalje: Rode, "Semantični odnosi v frazeologiji"). 10 Keber, Slovar slovenskih frazemov, str. 1043–1044. 11 Jože Toporišič, Slovenska slovnica (Maribor, 2004), str. 607–608. 12 Rode, "Semantični odnosi v frazeologiji": 439. 13 SAZU in ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša in avtorji, Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika z Odzadnjim slovarjem slovenskega jezika in Besediščem slovenskega jezika z oblikoslovnimi podatki.

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je večja greda globoko prelopatana), znoj in solze (preteklo bo še precej znoja in solza, da bo ta rod tudi zmagoval), bencin (verjetno pa bo preteklo še precej bencina, preden bodo avtomobili te vrste zreli za družinske), reka (Interesi so tu zelo različni, zato bo preteklo še precej Ljubljanice, preden bomo našli skupni jezik.). Omenjeno pomensko polje prerašča raba samostalnika impulzi (Še kar precej impulzov po žicah pa je moralo preteči, da se je /…/ pojavil gospodar našega današnjega življenja, mobilni telefon.), ki pa imajo isti glagolski koloka- tor (teči). V gradivu je še nekaj pojavitev, ki imajo samostalniško sestavino voda zamenjano s samostalniki, ki se nanašajo na čas, npr. precej časa bo še preteklo, precej let bo še preteklo, precej desetletij bo še preteklo … V tem primeru ne moremo govoriti o sestavinski variaciji, temveč o dobesedni rabi frazema, saj je prav čas tisti, na katerega se frazem precej vode bo še preteklo nanaša. Zamenjava besede čas z besedo voda je mogoča zaradi konceptualizacijske metafore čas teče oziroma čas je premikanje. Gre za človekovo univerzalno izkustvo, ki pojmovanje časa povezuje s premikanjem.14 2.1.2 Glagolska sestavina, s katero je frazem v gradivu najpogosteje realiziran, je dovršni glagol preteči, katerega pomen sovpada s četrtim pomenom v Slovar- ju slovenskega knjižnega jezika15 (2005) 'tekoč preiti'. Zamenjuje se z drugimi dovršnimi glagoli, ki se nanašajo na kakršnokoli premikanje z nenehnim giba- njem svojih delov oziroma delcev: pretočiti se (Dotlej, ko bo parlament ustanovil komisijo za volilni sistem in ustavne spremembe, se bo pretočilo še precej vode.), poteči (A kljub temu ostaja dejstvo, da bo poteklo še precej vode, preden bosta strani uskladili stališče o najbolj spornih zadevah.) in steči (Danes bo steklo še precej vode, preden se bo vaš cilj uresničil.). 2.1.3 Največ zamenjav je v gradivu mogoče najti za nedoločni količinski štev- nik precej. Največkrat je zamenjan s takimi, ki izražajo veliko ali malo količi- no oziroma mero česa: veliko (/…/ bo do dejanske uporabe evropskega sistema navigacije preteklo še veliko vode), preveč (Če se kdo spravi na tiste komuniste privilegirance /…/, je to popolnoma legitimno. Sicer nekoliko mimo, ker je od takrat preteklo že preveč vode.), malo (Naj preteče malo vode, pa bomo mogoče /…/ ponovno predlagali razmislek Komisiji za Poslovnik.), manj (/…/ bo do izida zadnje knjige v slovenskem jeziku /…/ po potoku Raščici preteklo manj vode, kot je je od izida Trubarjevega Katekizma in Abecedarija davnega l. 1550.), premalo (Je premalo vode preteklo, da bi spremenil stališče do kiča.), dosti (Predvi- devam pa, da bo do uveljavitve zakona preteklo še dosti vode.), ogromno (/…/ bo po Soči in pritokih preteklo še ogromno vode, preden bo dosežen glavni cilj iz

14 Silva Bratož, Metafore našega časa (Koper, 2010), str. 104–105. 15 SAZU in ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša in avtorji, Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika z Odzadnjim slovarjem slovenskega jezika in Besediščem slovenskega jezika z oblikoslovnimi podatki.

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repopulacijskega programa.), obilo (Preden boste nabrali surovine in si ustvarili orenk postojanko, bo preteklo obilo vode.), dovolj (Od lani je torej preteklo že dovolj vode, da se je tekaško bistvo izkristaliziralo.), ničkoliko (Od zadnjega zelo odmevnega atentata /…/ je preteklo že ničkoliko vode.). V tej vlogi lahko nasto- pajo tudi količinski pridevniški zaimki: koliko (Vprašanje je samo, koliko vode bo po Savinji še preteklo do izvedbe načrtov.), toliko (Od lanskih počitnic je preteklo že toliko vode, da smo začeli načrtovati nove.), mnogo (Še mnogo vode bo preteklo, preden bodo v praksi zaživeli ukrepi.), kaj (Sicer pa počakajmo, da preteče še kaj vode in morebiti naplavi še kakšno nesnago.), nekaj (Nekaj vode bo še preteklo do komercialnih sistemov). Namesto nedoločnega števnika precej pa se lahko uporablja tudi samostalnik, ki izraža veliko količino česa, in sicer oceani (Oceani vode so že pretekli od te Springsteenove izjave) in morja (/…/ zato bi /…/ najbrž preteklo morje vode, preden bi se opogumil in z vami navezal stik). 2.1.4 Zamenjava poudarjalnega členka še z drugim iste pomenske kategorije ne vpliva na ohranjanje celovitosti pomena frazema, saj je njegova vloga zgolj poudarjanje pomena besede, na katero se nanaša. Zamenjan je s členkoma že (Že precej vode je preteklo, odkar sem igral tako dobro.) in kar (bo najbrž preteklo kar precej vode, preden iztrebki ne bodo več grenili življenja Berlinčanov). Ta zadnji je lahko dodatno poudarjen, saj sta mu v nekaj primerih dodana še členka še (A je preteklo še kar precej vode, preden je šla ponovno v službo.) in že (Preteklo je že kar precej vode, a od prospekta ni še ne duha ne sluha).

2.2 Oblikoslovne variacije

Oblikoslovne variacije predstavljajo oblikoslovne spremembe posameznih sestavin frazema. V gradivu je bilo mogoče opaziti oblikoslovne spremembe pri glagolski in samostalniški sestavini. Glagolski sestavini se spreminjata glagolski čas in naklon. Med že omenje- nimi 125 pomensko ustreznimi korpusnimi pojavitvami, ki so rezultat iskalne- ga niza precej voda preteči, jih je kar 112 oblikoslovnih. Ena izmed teh pojavitev predstavlja spremembo naklona glagolske sestavine frazema, ki se iz povedne- ga spremeni v pogojni naklon (/…/ zato bi do resnične uvedbe pristaniške uprave preteklo še precej vode.). V ostalih 111 pojavitvah so opazne spremembe v času glagolske sestavine. V Slovarju slovenskih frazemov16 je navedeno, da se frazem precej vode bo še preteklo lahko uporablja tudi v pretekliku in redko v sedanjiku. Rezultati korpusne analize to ugotovitev potrjujejo: 111 pojavitev

16 Keber, Slovar slovenskih frazemov, str. 1044.

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(56,76 %) je v izhodiščni obliki, katere glagolska sestavina je v prihodnjiku (Vse- kakor bo preteklo še precej vode, preden se bodo strasti pomirile.), v pretekliku se glagolska sestavina frazema pojavlja v 42,34 odstotkih vseh pojavitev (/…/ a od tistih časov je preteklo že precej vode,), v sedanjiku pa zgolj v 0,9 odstotka (Do prvega poljuba lahko pri meni preteče precej vode.). Samostalniški sestavini se spreminja število. V večini korpusnega gradiva se samostalnik voda pojavlja v edninski obliki, nenazadnje tudi gre za neštevni, edninski samostalnik, saj poimenuje snov (Mislim, da bo preteklo še precej vode, preden bomo Slovenci postali politično korektni.). Ima pa tudi števno obliko, ki je v Slovarju slovenskega knjižnega jezika17 navedena pod drugim pomenom gesla voda ('tekočina kot reka, jezero, morje'). V obravnavanem korpusnem gradivu se nahajajo štiri pojavitve samostalnika voda v množini (Od Vidmarje- vih najboljših časov je preteklo že mnogo voda).

2.3 Skladenjske variacije

Skladenjske variacije se nanašajo na spremembo ustaljenega skladenjskega vzorca frazema. V prispevku so predstavljene njegove razširitve, gre za vrivanje leksemov med obvezne sestavine frazema. Gradivo zajema a) besednozvezne razširitve, kamor sodita dodajanje ujemalnega pridevniškega prilastka samostalniku voda: bo preteklo še veliko rečne vode, bo preteklo precej straniščne vode, bo preteklo še veliko kalne vode, je preteklo že veliko mrtvakov polnih voda; in razširjanje samostalniške besedne zveze v osebku v priredno samostalniško besedno zvezo z vezalnim ali ločnim priredjem: bo preteklo vode in vode, bo preteklo še precej vodika in vode, preteče nekaj časa in vode, bo preteklo še kar precej vode in elektrike, bo preteklo še precej vode – pira, bo preteklo še precej vode oziroma denarja; b) prislovnodoločilne razširitve (razširjanje s prislovnim določilom prostora): bo preteklo še precej vode v/po reki (do končne podobe Visokega bo v Poljanski Sori preteklo še precej vode; bo do popolne normalizaci- je odnosov med obema stranema po blatnem Dnestru očitno preteklo še precej vode.), bo preteklo še kar precej vode pod mostom (Pod dravskimi mostovi je vmes preteklo precej vode in strasti so se sčasoma umirile.), bo preteklo še precej vode skozi hidroelektrarno; c) povedkove razširitve (sprememba glagolske besedne zveze v glagolsko-imensko besedno zvezo – naklonski izraz in nedo- ločnik): bo moralo/je moralo/mora preteči še precej vode (Tako da bo moralo preteči še precej vode, predno bo ZK korupcija zvodenela.), utegne preteči kar

17 SAZU in ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša in avtorji, Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika z Odzadnjim slovarjem slovenskega jezika in Besediščem slovenskega jezika z oblikoslovnimi podatki.

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nekaj vode, je bilo potrebno preteči kar nekaj vode (vendar je bilo potrebno pre- teči nekaj vode, preden je nastal lendarni Hasselblad H4D-60); in č) priredne razširitve (razširitev frazema iz enega stavka v dva, ki sta v prirednem odnosu – vezalnem ali stopnjevalnem): bo preteklo še precej vode in zraslo še precej poševnih zgradb, je preteklo že precej vode in v naše glave penetriralo nešteto reklam, več vode kot preteče, bolj se zdi /…/. Med skladenjske variacije pa šteje- mo tudi elipso. Elipsa je neizraženost v skladenjskem vzorcu sicer predvidene besede oziroma jezikovne prvine in kot jezikovnosistemska prvina prispeva k ekonomičnosti izražanja.18 Po pogostnosti pojavitev sodi predvsem na besedilno ravnino, sicer pa je kot sistemska elipsa lahko obravnavan že neizraženi potencialni stavčni člen.19 V gradivu sta primera elipse neizražen poudarjalni členek še (V resnici pa bo preteklo precej vode, preden bomo videli prva omrež- ja LTE.) in neizražen nedoločni števnik precej (zgleda da bo še preteklo vode, preden bomo spet gledali Galicijski derbi ...).

3 Pragmatične značilnosti frazema

3.1 Pragmatične značilnosti je mogoče razbrati iz besedilno realizirajočih sestavin glagola nekega frazema. Obravnavanemu frazemu je v nekaj primerih dodan četrti delovalnik (za koga ali kaj), v večini primerov pa neobvezno dopolnilo – prislovno določilo časa. Ker ima frazem možnost povedne strukture nadrednega stavka, je lahko četrti delovalnik razvezan v predmetni odvisnik v tožilniku, prislovno določilo časa pa v časovni odvisnik. Četrti delovalnik je v primerih iz korpusnega gradiva nakazan z veznikom da, ki mu sledi predmetni odvisnik. Če predmetne odvisnike posamostalimo, so odgovori na vprašanje, za kaj bo preteklo še precej vode, naslednji: za ponovno uvrstitev Škofje Loke na zemljevid najboljših slovenskih moštev, za pridobitev reda, za dojetje neenakopravnosti z ostalimi državljani Slovenije, za vrnitev v čase nekdanje slave, za pridobitev relevantnih primerljivih kazalnikov na področju okolja, za razpis prvega uradnega prvenstva U-21. Neobvezno dopolnilo frazema je v gradivu realizirano s prislovnim določi- lom časa (uvajajo ga predlogi za tvorjenje časovnih predložnih zvez in časov- ni prislovi) in časovnim odvisnikom (uvajajo ga vezniki za časovni odvisnik). Vprašalnice, s katerimi se vprašamo po neobveznem dopolnilu frazema, so:

18 Jože Toporišič, Enciklopedija slovenskega jezika (Ljubljana, 1992), str. 68. 19 Mira Krajnc Ivič in Andreja Žele, "Elipsa kot stavčnopovedni in besedilni pojav", Filologičeskie zametki 10, št. 2 (2012), http://philologicalstudies.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=vi- -ew&id=350&Itemid=134. (dostop 8. 10. 2013), str. 337–338. Navedeno po František Daneš idr., Větné vzorce v češtině (Praha, 1987), str. 62–63; František Daneš, Jazyk a Text I, II. /JaT I, II/ : Výbor z lingvistického díla Františka Daneše, ur. Oldřich Uličný (Praha, 1999, 2000), str. 97.

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a) od kdaj bo preteklo še precej vode: odgovor se lahko začne s predlogom od (od tistega, tako imenovanega 'Vučkovega zakona'), prislovom odtlej (Odtlej [od sezone 2003/04] je preteklo že precej vode) ali veznikoma odkar (odkar je skupina Bepop nastala v oddaji Popstars) in kar (kar sem ga [vozniški izpit] sama naredila); b) do kdaj bo preteklo še precej vode: odgovor se lahko začne s predlogom do (do zadnjega albuma skupine Dan D), prislovom dotlej (Ampak dotlej [do mej, ki bodo samo na papirju] bo preteklo še precej vode.) ali veznikom dokler (dokler se bo sklep /…/ pozitivno pokazal na položnicah); c) kdaj bo preteklo še precej vode: odgovor uvajajo predlog pred (Pred nakupom pre- streznih lovcev) in zveza predlogov od-do (od sprožitve alarma do njihovega prihoda v Krško), prislov vmes (Vmes [od začeta devetdesetih do danes] je pod Šuštarskim mostom preteklo že precej vode) ali vezniki preden (preden bodo elektronski zapisi v celoti nadomestili papirnate), predno (predno bo ZK korupcija zvodenela) in ko (ko boste ugotovili, da so vas duhovi preteklosti pustili pri miru celo uro).

3.2 Neredko se zgodi, da prav zadovoljitev tistega, kar posameznik ali druž- ba najbolj potrebujeta, traja najdlje časa. To lahko potrdimo s primerjavo pra- gmatične analize obravnavanega frazema precej vode bo še preteklo in frazema potrebovati kaj kot Sahara vodo.20 Opaziti je namreč mogoče nekaj povezav oz. podobnosti med obema. Oba frazema se najpogosteje pojavljata v naslednjih kontekstih. (1) Politika: precej vode bo še preteklo do (sprejema zakona, dogovora članic o spremembah, uresničevanja prenovljene strategije, politične korektnosti) in enako kot Sahara vodo potrebujemo tudi (zakon, reforme, korektnost). (2) Šport: precej vode bo še preteklo do (uvrstitve/preboja v ligo, konč- ne rešitve obstanka v ligi) in podobno kot Sahara vodo potrebujemo (točke, zmago, rezultat, uveljavitev, uspeh). (3) Človekove potrebe: precej vode bo še preteklo do (naslednjih prostih dni, do miru pred duhovi preteklosti) in enako kot Sahara vodo potrebujemo tudi (sprostitev, dopust, mir).

Poleg omenjenih se frazem precej vode bo še preteklo pojavlja še v povezavi z gospodarstvom (do serijske uporabe rotacijskega motorja, do zaključka privatizacije Slovenske železarne, do uskladitve mnenja o gradni hitre ceste, pridobitve načrta gradbenih del), računalniško znanostjo (do srečanja povpreč- nih uporabnikov s 3D LCD zasloni, nadomestitve papirnatih zapisov z ele-

20 Stramljič Breznik, Kovač, "Kaj Slovenci potrebujemo kot Sahara vodo", str. 609–610.

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ktronskimi, uveljavite XML zapisa podatkov, uporabe 5MB tekstur), kulturo (do izida glasbenega albuma/glasbenih plošč, do pridobitve velike vloge, do otvoritve botaničnega vrta), zdravstvom (do uvedbe rutinskega cepljenja, do ukrepanja proti negativnim lastnostim nanodelcev, do uporabe gensko spremenjenih živil) in s človekovimi potrebami (do odhoda v služ- bo, do zaljubljenosti dveh ljudi, do prvega poljuba, do iskanja stanovanja).

4 Sklep

Glagolski frazem precej vode bo še preteklo s pomenom 'precej časa bo še potrebno' se v slovenskem jeziku pojavlja precej pogosto. Besedilnokorpusna analiza je pokazala, da njegova raba prevladuje na področju publicistike, od leta 2010 pa se vse pogosteje pojavlja tudi na spletu. Njegova oblika je spre- menljiva na več jezikovnih ravneh, v gradivu se je pojavilo veliko sestavinskih, oblikoslovnih in skladenjskih variacij, pogoste pa so tudi njegove okoliščinske razširitve (kdaj bo preteklo še precej vode). Na podlagi primerjave pragmatičnih značilnosti frazemov precej vode bo še preteklo in potrebovati kaj kot Sahara vodo, ki gradita na dveh nasprotujočih si predstavah o veliki oz. majhni količi- ni vode, smo ugotovili, da se frazema uporabljata v podobnih kontekstih in se lahko pomensko dopolnjujeta. Zato lahko zaključimo z mislijo: Precej vode bo še preteklo, preden bomo Slovenci dobili to, kar potrebujemo kot Sahara vodo.

301 I. Stremljič Breznik, M. Kovač : Za kaj mora pri Slovencih ...

Irena Stramljič Breznik, Mija Kovač

WHY THE SLOVENE LANGUAGE USES THE IDIOM PRETEČI ŠE PRECEJ VODE ('A LOT MORE WATER WILL FLOW')

SUMMARY

Using corpus analysis, the article presents the use, form, element variations and pragmatic characteristics of the idiom precej vode bo še preteklo ('a lot more water will flow'), which concretizes the abstract category of a lot of time with the image of a great quantity of water which will flow before something happens. The analyzed verbal idiom with the meaning 'a lot of time will pass' is used frequently in the Slovene language. The corpus analysis of the idiom shows that it is most frequently used in newspapers and magazines, and since 2010 its use on the internet has also increased. The corpus analysis also shows that the form of the idiom is variable on several linguistic levels. By comparing the pragmatic characteristics of the idiom precej vode bo še preteklo ('a lot more water will flow') and the idiom potrebovati kaj kot Saha- ra vode ('to need something as the Sahara needs water'), which are based on the opposing conceptualizations of great and small quantity of water, we have established that the idioms are used in similar contexts and even complement each other in meaning. Therefore we can conclude: Precej vode bo še preteklo before the Slovenes get kar potrebujemo kot Sahara vodo.

302 S tudia Historica S lovenica Ocene / Reviews

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Stjepan Matković

Izabrani portreti pravaša: prilozi hrvatskoj političkoj povijesti

Hrvatski institut za povijest Zagreb, 2011, 247 p.

Stjepan Matković has spent several years researching the political life in Croatia from mid-19th century to mid-20th century. In 1999 he published his Ph.D. thesis on political party Čista stranka prava (Pure Party of Rights) and since then he has researched and written about politics and Croatian political parties in the 19th and 20th century. He continues his scientific work with this publication. The book consists of 14 chapters, containing texts that have been already published in different scientific magazines. The author collected them, corrected some mistakes and added new historiographic facts. The last chapter of the book is a first publication of autobiography of Aglaja Frank, the wife of a well- known member of Croatian parliament and political emigrant Ivo Frank. In the first chapter, Između starog i modernog pravaštva, Matković defines the idea of "modern stage of Party of Rights" as the era which started around 1890, when Croatian lands were under the rule of Ban (Viceroy) Khuen-Hédér- vary who successfully suppressed the political opposition. In that circumstances the members of the Party of Rights gave up their radical ideas and tried to achieve their national political program legally, through their work in the parliament. He describes the influence of its founder, Ante Starčević, on the development of the political thought and analyzes why the cooperation between the Party of Rights and the People's Party was unsuccessful. He shows the circumstances that led to splitting of the Party of Rights (1895) and its results. In the second chapter Valorizacija Eugena Kvaternika u svjetlu pravaških ideologija i hrvatske historiografije od kraja 19. stoljeća do 1918 the author analizes the positions of both fractions of the Party of Rights (frankovci and domo- vinaši) about Evgen Kvaternik. The author realizes that both fractions started to move away from Kvaternik and his ideas. He also shows the positions of other Croatian political parties about Kvaternik. At the beginning of the 20th century Kvaternik and his ideas were again popular among members of milinovci (a

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fraction that split from the Party of Rights under the leadership of Mile Starče- vić in 1908). Matković also analyzes the Croatian historiographic works about Kvaternik and his Rakovica Revolt. The third chapter, Politički profil Eugena Kumičića na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće, denies until now valid thesis that Eugen Kumičić joined Frank and his political party, but stayed ideologically connected with the ideas of A. Starčević. Matković proves that it was just the opposite: that they were ideologically very similar. The fourth chapter, Kumičićeva pisma Kerubinu Šegviću: prilog hrvatskoj političkoj i kulturnoj povijesti (1897–1904) is an addition to the previous chapter because in the published letters Kumičić explains his political and other ideas. The fifth chapter Ante Tresić Pavičić i njegova rana pravaška iskustva Mat- ković describes a part of Tresić's life when he joined the Party of Rights, which happened at the end of the 19th century. Frank's Pure Party of Rights supported Tresić's literary work although he advocated the idea that the Croats and the Serbs should make a compromise. He later joined another fraction, the domo- vinaši, because they helped him to join the Matrix Illyrica. He was involved in a love affair with a tragic ending and the domovinaši force him to leave their party. He then joined Frano Supilo and advocated a Yugoslav idea. The next chapter Frano Supilo i Josip Frank: sukobi dvaju značaja hrvatske politike deals with the analysis of relations between the political opponents and important Croatian politicians at the break of the centuries and also depicts basic problems of Croatian politics until the fall of Habsburg empire: how to find the solution for Croatian national question. Author continues with the essays that show the life and work of the influ- ential politicians of the Party of Rights just before and after the fall of the Habs- burg Empire. The first paper with the title Crtica za životopis Svetozara Ritiga, is about life and work of a priest, religious historiographer, founder of Institute for Old Slavic Language in Zagreb and a very engaged politician Svetozar Ritig. The next chapter with the title Doprinos proučavanju pravaštva u istočnoj Hrvatskoj: izbori i saborsko zastupanje Ilije Abjanića shows how the Party of Rights spread in Slavonija. After anti-Serbian demonstrations (1902) and national movement (1903) the fraction frankovci becomes the most important political party in Slavonija and Ilija Abjanić becomes its important leader. In the next chapter Opsjednuti pravaš: Dragutin Hrvoj u hrvatskom politič- kom životu the author gives attention to a less visible, but nevertheless important member of Party of Rights, Dragutin Hrvoje. Matković describes his political path at the beginning of the 20th century when the Party of Rights faced a problem of possible future of Croatian lands under the supremacy of the Habs- burg Empire. A fraction of the Party of Rights, the milinovci, started to advocate the Yugoslav idea. Hrvoje was unsatisfied with this so he joined the frankov-

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ci and he stayed a member of this fraction also after the fall of the Habsburg Empire. The chapter Politički put dr. Ante Pavelića (1869–1938) od početka do stvaranja Narodnog vijeća SHS describes how the frankovci split into two parts in 1908 and what was the role of Ante Pavelić in this splitting. The author describes the reasons and Pavelić's actions that led him to leadership of Party of Rights after the death of Mile Starčević in 1917. Chapter Prijedlog Frana Milobara o preuređenju Austro-Ugarske s počet- ka 20. stoljeća. Matković analyzes historiographic texts about Fran Milobar, describes his life and analizes Milobar's proposal of reorganization of the Habs- burg Empire (1908). Next chapter O Ivanu Peršiću: kroničar i aktivni sudionik hrvatske povijesti od kraja 19. stoljeća do početka drugoga svjetskog rata is about Ivan Perišić, who started his political path as a member of frankovci, later joined the milinovci fraction, during the World War 1 joined the Yugoslav national program. The chapter Prilozi za politički životopis Ive Franka i evoluciju pravaštva describes the life of Ivo Frank from his earliest political activity as a college student when he joined the group of students who protested against hungarisa- tion in Zagreb 1895. Most of the chapter deals with the political activity of Ivo Frank after the death of his father in 1911, during the World War 1 and after it, when Frank has to emigrate, and his activities in the emigrants' organization where he advocated the idea of an independent Croatian state. The last chapter, Prilozi: Zapisi Aglaje Frank consists of first published memories of Aglaja Frank (Ivo frank's wife) in German and Croatian language. Her memories are an excellent source for cultural and social life in Zagreb at the time when Frank was a candidate for a member of the parliament (1911) and later, when he emigrated.

This book of Stjepan Matković is an important and relevant contribution to the knowledge of the Croatian history, its political, social and cultural life in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

Nataša Podgoršek Ph.D., Asisstant Professor University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of History Koroška 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

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Vlasta Švoger

Ideali, strast i politika Život i djelo Andrije Torkvata Brlića (Ideals, Passion and Politics. Life and Work of Andrija Torkvat Brlić)

Hrvatski institut za povijest Zagreb, 2012, 393 pp.

Historian Vlasta Švoger explores the political, cultural and economic history of Croatia in the 19th century, especially the history of education in this period, the Croatian journalism and the position of the press in the 19th century. Her last book was created as a result of research within the project of the Croatian historical Institute in Zagreb, which examined the politics in Croatia between the years 1840 and 1940. The author's interest about the politician, linguist, publicist, lawyer and adventurer was aroused already at the time when she was writing her master's thesis on newspaper Südslawische Zeitung and the circle of its associates. She encountered an article, written by young Brlić, which was the reason why the editor of the newspaper had to pay a fine and do a month in the prison. Then she decided to write an article about Brlić; the result is the book on 393 pages, divided into nine chapters and some sub-chapters where the author describes the life and work of this important person from Croatian political and cultural life. The Introduction (Uvod) Vlasta Švoger delivers a critical review of the published sources and literature. She also introduces the resources she used in her research. The first chapter of the book Ideali i strast: vodilje života Andrije Torkvata Brlića deals with the youth of A. T. Brlić, his successful education. His father played an important role in his career because he introduced Andrija to important Croatian linguists, politicians and cultural workers who were associates of newspapers Novine dalmatinsko-hèrvatsko-slavonske and Danica ilirska. While Andrija was studying theology in Vienna, he met some more important intellectuals like Jernej Kopitar, Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, Fran Miklošič, Jan

309 N. Podgoršek: Vlasta Švoger, Ideali, strast i politika

Kollar and others. During his studies at Vienna the revolution 1848 happened and it changed Brlić's life. He started his political activities: he cooperated at the congress of Slavic peoples in Prague, later he was sent by ban Jelačić to Paris, where he made contacts with the Polish emigration and French diplomacy. The author emphasises Brlić's excellent gift of observing and writing political comments, his very good agitator skills, but also his unrealistic political ideas. After returning from Paris Brlić studied law at Vienna, then he returned to his home town and opened his office. He continued his political career as a member of the Croatian parliament. He was also a member of a secret political organization called Propaganda from Belgrade that wanted to achieve liberation of Bosnia. The second chapter describes Andrija Torkvat Brlić as a secretary. During the years 1848 to 1853 he worked as a secretary. First he was the secretary of Ban Jelačić and the secretary of the Ban's Commissioner in Osijek. In 1850 he travelled to Western European countries to acquaint himself with their political, administrative and judiciary organization as well as their social and economic life. After his return to Zagreb in October 1850 he worked for both the Matrix Illyrica and the Association for Yugoslav Historiography. He was the editor of the magazine Kolo and other publications edited by Matrix Illyrica. He was submitted to strict police surveillance after he published the pamphlets 'Nijemština i Slavjanstvo' (Germanhood and Slavichood) and 'Kratka uspom- ena godine 1848 i 1849' (Short Memory of the years 1848 and 1849). He left Zagreb and went to work as a secretary for economic affairs to Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer until mid-1853. In the third chapter Pjesnik, prevoditelj, jezikoslovac i putopisac the author describes Brlić's literary and linguistic work: he wrote poetry, he translated from the Greek, Slovak, French, German and Russian language. His translation of Homer's Illiade was the first translation of that classical Greek work to Croatian. In 1854 he published a grammar of Croatian language. The most extensive part of Brlić's publicist work consists of his journal articles, published in the most significant Croatian newspapers of that time. From his trips throughout Europe (Germany, Belgium, United Kingdom, France, Italy, the Czech Republic, Bosnia, Belgrade, as well as native Slavonia) he wrote reports in which he wrote about the nature, the political, cultural and economic particularities of the countries he visited. He also described ethnographic and psychological characteristics of the population, and compared it with the situation in his own country. The author notes that, despite the fact that his work did not have a deeper impact on Croatian literature or linguistics it demonstrates his talent and creativity. The fourth chapter Povjesničar Andrija Torkvat Brlić outlines Brlić's interest for Croatian history and for history in general. With particular empathy he described the difficult position of the Christian population under Ottoman

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rule. Among other, he published two books of documents on war conflicts of the Croatian and Serbian people with the Turks. These two books represent the first publication of Osmanic narrative sources in Arabic as well as in German and Serbian translations. In the fifth chapterČlanci i brošure o različitim političkim i društvenim pitanjima Vlasta Švoger analizes Brlić's articles on various political and social issues. She split them into subchapters with titles that clearly indicate their content. The first subchapterIzvještaji i refleksije o vojnim operacijamathe author displays Brlić's reports and reflections about war operations during the Aus- trian-Hungarian wars in the years 1848 and 1849. In the second subchapter O aktualnim političkim, gospodarskim i društvenim prilikama i događajima Vlas- ta Švoger illustrates and reflects upon Brlić's reports from Vienna in 1848 and his reports about the life of Christian people in Bosnia. In the next subchapter O važnim unutranjopolitičkim pitanjima, građanskim pravima i slobodama the author analizes political and social problems of Croatian and South Slavic people. In his articles Brlić advocated constitutionality, parliamentarism, equality of nationalities and languages, introduction of civil rights, especially personal freedom and guarantee of private property, the freedom of assembly and submission of petitions, freedom of press and religious equality, including the equality of Jews. The last subchapter Vanjskopolitičke teme depicts Brlić's newspaper articles about international affairs, especially about the political events during his stay in Paris (from December 1848 to March 1849). In the sixth chapter Tekstovi o ekonomskim pitanjima Vlasta Švoger collected and analyzed Brlić's texts about economic questions. She noticed that Brlić wrote about economic questions only occasionally and that he did not have a comprehensive view on the economic issues as he mostly wrote about the political and social issues. The seventh chapter Brlićeva politička aktivnost šezdesetih godina XIX. stoljeća deals with Brlić's active political role after 1861. As a member of the Croatian parliament Brlić supported the politics of the National Party, advocated the renewal of alliance between the Three-partite Kingdom and Hungary which in his opinion would be the basis of the future federal organization of the Monarchy. He also promoted the abolition of the Military Frontier (Vojna krajina) and its embodiment to Croatia. In 1865 he participated in writing the address of the frontier representatives to the king and emperor in which they asked for abolition of the Military Fronitier system and he led their delegation in the audience with the ruler. In the final chapter Zaključak the author writes what were the features of Brlić that made him so different from his contemporaries: his creativity, his political and publicist activity which influenced the formation of the Croatian political culture and Croatian national identity in the middle of the 19th century.

311 N. Podgoršek: Vlasta Švoger, Ideali, strast i politika

The ninth chapter Izabrani tekstovi Andrije Torkvata Brlića consists of a selection of Brlić's more important and interesting texts.

The book by Vlasta Švoger represents a thorough analysis of life and work of Andrija Torkvat Brlić and it represents an important contribution to the knowledge of the Croatian history, its political, social and cultural life in the second half of the 19th century.

Nataša Podgoršek

Ph.D., Asisstant Professor University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of History Koroška 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: [email protected]

312 S tudia Historica S lovenica Avtorski izvlečki / Author's Abstracts

S tudia H istorica S lovenica

UDK 94(497.4Kočevje):347.236.2"149" Avtor: JUŽNIČ Stanislav Dr. zgod. znanosti, dipl. inž. tehniške fizike Univerza v Oklahomi, Oddelek za zgodovino znanosti 601 Elm, Soba 622, USA – 73019-3106 Norman, Oklahoma, ZDA

Naslov: KOČEVARJI PRED POLOVICO TISOČLETJA Podnaslov: Kočevski Nemci in Slovenci leta 1494 in 1498

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 11–46, 95 cit., 4 slike, 12 preglednic

Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski)

Ključne besede: Kočevje, 15. stoletje, reformacija, Ziegelfest, Praunsperger

Izvleček: Predstavljen je deželno-knežji urbar Kočevskega zgornjega urada iz leta 1494, ki smo ga vse predolgo imeli za izgubljenega zavoljo napake uradnikov, zagrešene pred polovico stoletja. Dokument je podan v primerjavi s podobnima urbarjema za Urad Kočevska reka (1498) in za gospostvo Kostel (1494), ki sta zgodovinopiscem že dobro znana.

UDC 929Tappeiner A.:94(497.412)"18" Author: MIRNIK Roman B.A. in History Prva gimnazija Maribor Trg generala Maistra 1, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenia

Title: LIFE AND WORK OF ANDREAS TAPPEINER, MAYOR OF MARIBOR (1810–1868)

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za družboslovne in humanistične študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 47–74, 99 notes, 8 pictures

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)

Key words: Andreas Tappeiner, Maribor, brewing, Lovrenc na Pohorju, mayor, community statue, Styrian parliament, member of regional parliament

Abstract: In the first part of the paper, the author investigates the youth of Andreas Tappeiner, the time of grammar school and his apprenticeship. The second part presents Andreas Tappeiner as a successful young businessman, who started a family and temporarily moved to Lovrenc na Pohorju as well as began concerning himself with politics. He became a member of Maribor towncouncil and later the mayor of Lovrenc na Pohorju. In the third part, the author researchesTappeiner's political career after his return to Maribor. In 1861, he was elected as representative in Styrian parliament, and soon afterwards as mayor of Maribor. He did much in the fields of public utilities and social policy, but his most outstanding achievement was the establishment of the town savings bank in 1865. As a Styrian representative, Tappeiner mostly participated in discussions on municipalities and their regulation.

315 UDC 070.489:94(497.411)"1848" Author: KEREC Darja Ph.D., assistant professor University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Ecucation, Department of Preschool Education Kardeljeva ploščad 16, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia

Title: ECHOES OF THE REVOLUTIONARY EVENTS OF 1848 IN PREKMURJE IN THE SLOVENE PRESS

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za družboslovne in humanistične študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 75–88, 67 notes

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)

Key words: 1848, the press, Prekmurje, Josip Jelačič, bridge on the Mura, Hungary

Abstract: The article examines the reaction of the press to the events that happened in Prekmurje and on the eastern border during the revolutionary year of 1848. Said subversive events influenced Slovene-Hungarian relations in Prekmurje, and (as a result) caused intensive reactions from Slovenes living on the right bank of Mura to Hungarian military interventions. Special attention is given to the popular ban Jelačić and his march on Hungary. His reason for crossing the Drava (and not Mura) was the destruction of the Mura Bridge, caused by the Hungarian National Guard.

UDC 94(436:497.11:497.15)".../1914" Author: IVAŠKOVIĆ Igor M.A. in Law, M.A. in management, asisstant University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Economics Kardeljeva ploščad 19, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia

Title: THE CONCEPT OF TRIALISM AND ALTERNATIVE VISIONS BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za družboslovne in humanistične študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 89–120, 58 notes, 5 pictures

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)

Key words: trialism, Yugoslavism, Habsburg Monarchy, Austro-Hungary, Kingdom of Serbia, annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Balkan Wars

Abstract: The article highlights the differences in understanding the idea of the founding of a third administrative unit in the Habsburg Monarchy before World War I. The author first gives an overview of the events that lead to the creation of the concept of trialism in Habsburg political thought, then analyzes the reactions of political groups within the context of the then current and dynamic activity in the Balkans and finishes by exposing the key reasons for the failure of the idea of trialism. Trialism was primarily an Austrian political maneuver, which attempted to remove the shortcomings of the dualistic nature of Austro-Hungary. The reasons for the varied reactions to the idea of the southern Slavs are found in their clashing visions of a Yugoslav country. As a result, the idea of a third Habsburg administrative unit represented an arena for the political war between the various concepts of Yugoslavism. The failure of trialism was caused by the lack of power of its founders and slow internal coordination. Ultimately, any chance of its realization was eliminated by the outcome of World War I.

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UDC 070(497.41)"1904/1917":930.85 Author: FRIŠ Darko Ph.D., full professor University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of History Koroška cesta 160, SI –2000 Maribor, Slovenia

Title: ANTON KASPRET AND FRANC KOVAČIČ – THE EDITORIAL BOARD OF THE MAGAZINE ČASOPIS ZA ZGODOVINO IN NARODOPISJE (1904–1917)

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za družboslovne in humanistične študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 121–142, 85 notes, 2 pictures

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)

Key words: Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, Historical society in Maribor, Anton Kaspret, Franc Kovačič, Maribor, scientific journal, Habsburg monarchy, historiography, ethnology, archaeology

Abstract: In 1903 in Maribor the Historical society for Slovene Styria (Zgodovinsko društvo za Slovensko Štajersko) was founded and in the same year the society started the scientific journal Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje. From 1904 to 1917 its editor was Anton Kaspret and the secretary of the society Franc Kovačič played an important role. The journal published papers of eminent Slovenian researchers in the fields of history, ethnology of Styria, Carinthia and Prekmurje region, of linguistics and archaeology. In the period under review the magazine was published four times a year and since 1910 the editorial board had troubles providing the finances for publishing. In 1916 the magazine was not published due to the war and its financial problems and at the end of that year the editor Kaspret resigned because of his constant disputes with Kovačič.

UDK 94(497.4Maribor) "1914/1918":358.4 Avtor: RAVBAR Matjaž Mag., kustos Vojaški muzej Slovenske vojske Engelsova ulica 15, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenija

Naslov: LETALSKA PROTIOBRAMBA V MARIBORU MED PRVO SVETOVNO VOJNO

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 143–162, 55 cit., 7 slik

Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski)

Ključne besede: prva svetovna vojna, protiletalska obramba, soška fronta, zaledje, Maribor, italijanski caproni nad Mariborom.

Izvleček: Avtor prispevka obravnava razvoj protiletalske obrambe v Avstro-Ogrski. Razvoj letalskega bojevanja je zahteval tudi učinkovito obrambo, ki se je sprva organizirala na fronti, kasneje pa tudi v zaledju. Protiletalska obramba je zajemala protiletalsko topništvo, sistem opazovalnic in s tem povezano sporočanje nevarnosti ter tudi navodila za alarmiranje, kamufliranje in ravnanje civilistov v zaledju v primeru letalskega napada. Maribor je bil v času prve svetovne vojne med pomembnejšimi vojaškimi mesti v zaledju. Zato je bilo za vojaške oblasti izjemno pomembno vzpostaviti delujočo protiletalsko obrambo v mestu. Prispevek približuje nepoznano zgodovino mesta Maribor, bližje in daljne okolice, ki je bila pomembna za protiletalsko obrambo monarhije na soškem delu jugozahodne fronte. Najbolj zanimiv dogodek v zvezi s obrambo v Mariboru je zagotovo italijanski caproni, ki je oktobra 1917 vznemiril lokalno prebivalstvo. Protiletalska obramba pa je oktobra 1918, podobno kakor monarhija, razpadla.

317 UDK 341.232:94(450Trst)"1945/1947" Avtor: AJLEC Kornelija Dr., asistentka Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino Aškerčeva 2, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija

Naslov: UNRINNA TRŽAŠKA PRISTANIŠKA PISARNA (1945–1947)

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 163–184, 52 cit., 3 slike, 4 preglednice

Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski)

Ključne besede: UNRRA, Jugoslovanska misija, Trst, humanitarna pomoč, Tržaško pristanišče, Julijska krajina, Cona A, Cona B

Izvleček: Tržaška (pristaniška) pisarna Jugoslovanske misije Organizacije Združenih narodov za pomoč in obnovo (UNRRA) je začela delovati 23. junija 1945. Njeno vodstvo in osebje se je moralo prilagajati nemirnim političnim in gospodarskim tokovom, ki so takrat vladali v Julijski krajini pod oblastjo Zavezniške vojaške uprave, ter krmariti med teritorialnimi interesi Jugoslavije in Italije. Dobrine so redno uhajale na črni trg, vendar je s skupnimi močmi vseh strani ta odtok blaga pisarni uspelo zamejiti. Končen delež pri dobavi pomoči v Jugoslavijo pa je bil resnično ogromen, saj je koordinirala transport več kot tretjine celotne pomoči Jugoslaviji. Pisarna je svoje delovanje uspešno zaključila maja 1947.

UDK 94(497.4+497.5):329"1990/2007" Avtor: MAVER Aleš Dr., docent Soavtor: FRIŠ Darko Dr., redni profesor Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino Koroška cesta 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenija

Naslov: RAZVOJ STRANKARSKEGA PRIZORIŠČA V SLOVENIJI IN NA HRVAŠKEM MED LETOMA 1990 IN 2007

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 185–222, 79 cit., 11 diagramov

Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski)

Ključne besede: politične stranke, volitve, volilni sistem, sodobna politična zgodovina, hrvaški sabor, Državni zbor, Demos, HDZ

Izvleček: Prispevek obravnava razvoj strankarskih sistemov v Sloveniji in na Hrvaškem po obnovi večstrankarstva in prvih večstrankarskih volitvah po drugi svetovni vojni leta 1990. Po kratkem zgodovinskem orisu razvoja strank se ukvarja z značilnostmi strank in koalicij, ki so se pomerile na teh prvih volitvah. Ob tem opozarja na izjemno heterogenost ne le Demosa in Koalicije narodnega sporazuma, marveč tudi Hrvaške demokratične skupnosti (HDZ). Zaradi tega je bilo za oba sistema značilno pogosto cepljenje strank. Začetek 21. stoletja je zlasti na Hrvaškem privedel do utrditve strankarskega sistema, ki je ustvarila dve močni stranki, HDZ na desni in socialdemokrate (SDP) na levi sredini. Podoben razvoj je bil značilen za desno sredino v Sloveniji pred in ob volitvah 2004, nakazoval pa se je tudi v levosredinskem spektru, a se v obdobju, ki ga ta članek ne zajema več, nato ni zgodil.

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UDC 821.111(73).09Steinbeck J. Author: ČERČE Danica Ph.D., assistant professor University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Economics, Academic Unit for Languages for Business and Economic Kardeljeva ploščad 17, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia

Title: ABOUT SLOVENE CRITICAL THOUGH IN THE PERIOD OF COMMUNIST REGIME AND JOHN STEINBECK'S MARGINALISED NOVELS

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za družboslovne in humanistične študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 223–240, 24 notes, 4 pictures

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)

Key words: John Steinbeck, To a God Unknown, The Moon Is Down, The Pastures of Heaven, Slovene reception

Abstract: This study, which has been written to increase the understanding and appreciation of Steinbeck's oeuvre in Slovenia, analyses Steinbeck's novels To a God Unknown (1932), The Pastures of Heaven (1933) and The Moon Is Down (1942), which were virtually unknown to Slovene readers until their recent publication by Celjska Mohorjeva družba and sheds light on new sources of value in them.

UDK 674.23:94(497.43) Avtor: KOREN Mirjana Dipl. inž. ahitekt., višji kustos Pokrajinski muzej Maribor Grajska ulica 2, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenija

Soavtor: IFKO Sonja Dr., docentka Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo Cojzova cesta 2, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija

Naslov: POMEN OBRTNIH MIZARSKIH DELAVNIC ZA RAZVOJ SLOVENSKEGA POHIŠTVENEGA OBLIKOVANJA – PRIMER MIZARSTVA STOJAN S TEHARIJ

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 241–264, 59 cit., 6 slik

Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski)

Ključne besede: mizarstvo, oblikovanje, pohištvo, družina Stojan, Wagner, Teharje, Slovenija

Izvleček: V 19. stoletju so se v mizarskih delavnicah srednje Evrope uvajale nove oblikovalske prakse, ki so temeljile na tradicionalnih obrtnih znanjih, hkrati pa so se uveljavljala nova oblikovalska načela, ki jih je prinašala industrializacija. To je čas začetka razvoja sodobnega pohištvenega oblikovanja. Na primeru družinske tradicije mizarstva Stojan s Teharij v članku preučujemo pogoje, pod katerimi so delovali obrtniki ob koncu 19. in v 20. stoletju na območju današnje slovenske Štajerske. Predstavljamo zgodovino še enega pomembnega družinskega podjetja, ki pohištva ni le izdelovalo. V njihovi delavnici so namreč razvijali tudi nove tehnologije obdelave lesa in izdelke oblikovali.

319 UDK 81'322.5:808.51:32(410)"19" Avtor: PLEMENITAŠ Katja Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za angleške in ameriške študije Koroška 160, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenija Soavtor: FRIŠ Eva Lina Soavtor: ŠABEDER Nik II. gimnazija Maribor, Trg Miloša Zidanška 1, SI – 2000 Maribor, Slovenija

Naslov: UMETNOST BESEDE V BRITANSKI POLITIKI 20. STOLETJA Podnaslov: Chamberlainova in Churchillova raba jezika: primerjalna analiza

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, letnik 13 (2013), št. 1, str. 265–290, 23 cit., 2 sliki

Kategorija: 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek Jezik: angleški (izvleček angleški in slovenski, povzetek slovenski)

Ključne besede: Winston Churchill, Neville Chamberlain, retorika, politični govori, zgodovina Velike Britanije, sodobna politična zgodovina

Izvleček: V prispevku analiziramo govora dveh politikov iz 20. stoletja, ki sta delovala v kriznem obdobju in poskušala, vsak na svoj način, obdržati zaupanje ljudi – Winstona Churchilla in Nevilla Chamberlaina. V raziskovanju je bila uporabljena posebna metoda taktik karizmatičnega vodenja iz leta 2011 (Charismatic Le- adership Tactics – CLT), ki so jo razvili znanstveniki na univerzi v Lausanni v Švici. Po analiziraju govorov in primerjavi med analizama se je potrdila hipoteza, da je v Churchillovem govoru več "karizmatičnih" prvin.

UDC 811.163.6'373.7 Author: STRAMLJIČ BREZNIK Irena Ph.D., full professor Co-author: KOVAČ Mija University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts Koroška cesta 160, SI –2000 Maribor, Slovenia

Title: WHY THE SLOVENE LANGUAGE USES THE IDIOM PRETEČI ŠE PRECEJ VODE ("A LOT MORE WATER WILL FLOW")

Studia Historica Slovenica Časopis za humanistične in družboslovne študije / Humanities and Social Studies Review Maribor, 13 (2013), No. 1, pp. 291–302, 20 notes, 1 table

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)

Key words: phraseology, idiom, corpus, pragmatics, water

Abstract: Using corpus analysis, the article presents the use, form, element variations and pragmatic characteristics of the idiom precej vode bo še preteklo ("a lot more water will flow"), which concretizes the abstract category of a lot of time with the image of a great quantity of water which will flow before something happens. This presents the opposite perspective to the idiom potrebovati kaj kot Sahara vode ("to need something as the Sahara needs water"), which is based on the small quanity, i.e. lack of water. The study presents the results of the corpus analysis of the former idiom and compares them to the already established pragmatic characteristics of the latter idiom.

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Uredniška navodila avtorjem / Editor's Instructions to Authors

S tudia Historica S lovenica

Uredniška navodila avtorjem

1. Studia historica Slovenica (SHS) je znanstvena periodič na publi kacija, ki jo izdaja Zgodovinsko društvo dr. Franca Kovačiča, Koroška cesta 160, Maribor. Revija objavlja članke s področja zgodovine in osta lih humanističnih in družboslovnih ved, ki mejijo na zgodovinsko zna nost. 2. Revija Studia histori ca Slovenica izhaja v treh številkah letno. V dveh številkah objavlja prispevke v slovenskem jeziku – s povzetkom (sum mary) v angleškem, nemškem, italijanskem, franco skem ali ruskem jeziku in izvlečkom (abstract) v angleškem jeziku. Ena številka je tuje jezična in je namenjena objavam prispevkov domačih in tujih avtor jev v enem od svetovnih jezikov – s povzetkom (summary) v slovenskem jeziku in izvlečkom (abstract) v slovenskem jeziku. 3. Prispevek, oddan ali poslan uredniš tvu, lahko obsega do 30 eno stransko tipkanih strani s po 30 vrsti cami na stran (52.750 zna kov). Prispevek mora biti oddan na disketi (praviloma z urejeval nikom Word for Windows ) in v iztiskani obliki. Slikovni material v obliki laserske kopije ali v elektronski obliki (PDF ali TIF format) mora biti opremljen s podnapisom in naved bo vira. 4. Avtor mora navesti naslednje podatke: ime in priimek, akademski naslov, delovno mesto, ustanovo zaposlitve, njen naslov in more bitni naslov elektronske pošte (e-mail). 5. Oddani prispevek mora biti opremljen: s povzetkom (30-45 vrstic), izvlečkom (6-10 vrstic) in ključnimi beseda mi. Izvleček mora biti razumljiv sam po sebi brez branja celotnega besedi la članka. Pri pisanju se uporablja jo celi stavki, izogi bati se je treba slab še znanim kraticam in okrajšavam. Izvleček mora vsebova ti avtorjev primarni namen oziro ma doseg članka, razlog, zakaj je bil napisan, ter opis tehnike razisko valnega pristopa (osnovna metodološka načela). Ključne besede morajo odražati vsebino prispevka in biti primerne za klasifikaci jo (UDK). Povzetek mora predstaviti namen prispevka, glavne značilnosti in metodologi jo raziskoval nega dela ter najpo membnejše rezul tate in sklepe. 6. Besedilo prispev ka mora biti pregledno in razumljivo strukturira no (naslovi pogla vij, podpogla vij), tako da je mogoče razbrati namen, metodo dela, rezulta te in sklepe. S tudia Historica S lovenica

7. Opombe morajo biti pisane enotno kot sprotne opombe pod črto. So vsebinske (avtor jev komentar) in bibliografske (navedba vira, upo rabljene – citira ne literature). Bibliografska opomba mora ob prvi navedbi vsebovati celoten naslov oz. naha jališče: ime in priimek avtorja, naslov dela (ko gre za objavo v reviji ali zborniku naslov le-tega), kraj in leto izida, strani (primer – monogra fija: Jože Mlinarič, Studeniški domini kanski samo stan : ok. 1245–1782 (Celje, 2005), str. …; primer – revija : Darko Friš, "Banovinska konferenca Jugoslovanske nacionalne stranke leta 1937 v Ljubljani", Zgodovinski časopis 59, št. 1–2 (2005): str. …; primer – časnik : (avtor), "Volitve v mariborski mestni zastop", Slovenski gospodar, 27. november 1873, št. 48, str. …; primer – zbornik: Vasilij Melik, "Vprašanje regij v naši preteklosti", v: Regionalni vidiki slovenske zgodovi ne : zbor nik referatov XXXI. zboro vanja slovenskih zgodovinar jev, ur. Peter [tih in Bojan Balkovec (Ljubljana, 2004), str. …), nato pa se uporablja smisel na okrajšava (dalje: Mlina rič, Studeniški domi nikanski samostan, str. …). Pri navajanju arhivskih virov je treba navesti: arhiv (ob prvi navedbi celotno ime, v primeru, da ga uporabljamo večkrat, je treba navesti okrajšavo v oklepa ju), ime fonda ali zbirke (signatu ro, če jo ima), števil ko fascikla (škatle) in arhivske enote ter naslov navajanega dokumenta (primer: Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor (PAM), fond Pavel Turner, škatla 7, pismo Davorina Trstenjaka Pavlu Turnerju iz Starega Trga, 7. junija 1889.) 8. Prispevki so recenzirani; recenzije so anonimne. Na osnovi pozi tivne ga mnenja recenzentov je članek uvrščen v objavo. 9. Za znanstveno vsebino prispevka in točnost podatkov odgovarja avtor. 10. Uredništvo prejete prispevke lektorira, avtor lekturo pregleda in jo avtorizira . Uredništvo posreduje avtorju prvo korekturo prispevka, ki jo mora vrniti uredniš tvo v roku treh dni; širjenje obsega besedila ob korekturah ni dovoljeno. Pri korektu rah je treba uporablja ti korekturna znamenja, navedena v Sloven ski pravo pis (1962), Slovenski pravopis 1. Pravila (1990). Drugo korekturo opravi uredništvo. 11. Dodatna pojasnila lahko avtorji dobijo na uredništvu.

Uredništvo SHS S tudia Historica S lovenica

Editor's Instructions to Authors

1. Studia historica Slove nica (SHS) is a periodical scienti fic publication publis hed by the Histori cal association of Franc Kovačič PhD, Koroš ka cesta 160, Maribor. The publication publishes historical articles and other humanistic and sociological articles that adjoin histo rical science. 2. Studia historica Slovenica is issued in three volu mes a year. The first two volumes publish artic les in Slovene language – with summa ries in English, German, Italian, French or Russian language and abstracts in En glish. The third volume is a foreign language volu me, which is intended for publishing artic les written by local and foreign authors in one of the world languages – with summaries and abstracts in Slovene langua ge. 3. An artic le, deli vered or sent to the edito rial board, can compri se of at most 30 one-sided typed pages with 30 lines per page (52,750 print signs). It has to be deli vered on a compu ter diskette (edited in Word for Windows) and in a printed form. Image material in the form of a laser print or in electron form (PDF or TIF format) must be equip ped with subtitles and the source quotation. 4. The author must submit following data: name and surname, academic title, occupation, institution of occupation, its address and e-mail. 5. Delivered article must be equipped with: a summary (30-45 lines), an abstract (6-10 lines) and key words. Summary must be understan dable by itself, without reading the artic le as a whole. In writing whole sentences must be used, less known abbreviations and shorte nings should be avoided. Summary must con tain the author's primary goal and the purpo se of the article, the reason why it was written and the description of research techniques (primary methodologi cal principles). Key words must reflect the content of the article and must be adequa te to classifi cation (UDK). The abstract must present the purpose of the article, its main cha racteri stics and the metho dology of research work as well as the most significant results and conclusions. S tudia Historica S lovenica

6. The text of the artic le must be clear and intelligibly structured (chap ter titles, sub-chapters) for the purpo se of clear recog ni tion of artic le's aim, work methods, results and conclusions. 7. Notes must be uniquely formed as footnotes, which can be contextual (author's comment) and bibliograp hi cal (source quotation, quoted lite rature). On first quotation, a bibliographical footnote must contain an enti re title or location: author's name and surname, title (review or miscel lany title when published in it), place and date of issue, pages (example – mono graph: Jože Mlinarič, Studeniški domi nikanski samo stan: ok. 1245–1782 (Celje, 2005), p…; example – review: Darko Friš, "Bano vinska konferenca Jugoslovanske nacionalne stranke leta 1937 v Ljub ljani", Zgodovinski časopis 59, No. 1–2 (2005): p. …; example – paper: (author), "Volitve v mariborski mestni zastop", Slovenski gospodar, 27. november 1873, No. 48, p. …; primer – miscellany: Vasilij Melik, "Vpra šanje regij v naši preteklosti", in: Regionalni vidiki slovenske zgodovine: zbornik referatov XXXI. zborovanja slovenskih zgodo vinarjev, ed. Peter [tih and Bojan Balko vec (Ljubljana, 2004), p. …). On follo wing quota tions logi cal shortenings are used (Mlinarič, Studeniški domi nikanski samostan, p. …). While quoting archival sources, the archive must be stated: archive (whole name on first quota tion, on following quotations use a shorte ning in brackets), name of fond or collection (signatu re, if given), num ber of fascic le (box) and archival unit, address of quoted document (example: Pokrajinski arhiv Mari bor (PAM), fond Pavel Turner, box 7, let ter Davorina Trstenja ka to Pavel Turner from Stari Trg, 7. June 1889.) 8. Articles are reviewed; reviews are anonymous. An article is placed for publishing on the basis of reviewer's posi tive view. 9. Author is responsible for article's scientific content and accu racy of data. 10. The editorial board arranges the lectureship, which is reviewed and authorized by the author. Editorial board sends the first correction to the author, who has to return it in three days; enlargement of text while correcting is not permit ted. While correcting corrective signs, as stated in the orthography, must be used. The edito rial board performs the second correction. 11. Additional explanations are available at the editorial board.

Edtorial board of SHS 1 S tudia S tudia Historica Historica

S lovenica letnik 13 (2013), {t. S lovenica

^asopis za humanisti~ne in dru`boslovne {tudije Humanities and Social Studies Review istorica H 2013 tudia S 1