DOCSLIB.ORG

Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993 NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed. Tumi Makgetla and Rachel Jackson drafted this policy note based on interviews conducted by Makgetla in Pretoria and Johannesburg, South Africa, in February 2010. A separate policy note, “Refashioning Provincial Government in Democratic South Africa, 1994-1996,” focuses on the two-year mandate of the Commission on Provincial Government. Case originally published August 2010. Case revised and republished October 2012. ISS is program of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs: successfulsocieties.princeton.edu. ISS invites readers to share feedback and information on how these cases are being used: [email protected]. © 2014, Trustees of Princeton University. This case study is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Tumi Makgetla and Rachel Jackson Innovations for Successful Societies INTRODUCTION In September 1991, the National Peace By 1990, South Africa’s National Party Accord, signed by 27 political groups and (NP) government saw the writing on the wall: territory governments, established a a government based on the racial negotiating process in order to draft a new segregation policy of apartheid was constitution for South Africa. But unsustainable. Faced with mass rioting, subsequent party talks proceeded fitfully, international sanctions and a determined stalling amid civilian fighting and violent underground resistance, President F.W. de protests throughout the country. Ultimately, Klerk unbanned the African National the ANC accused the NP government of Congress (ANC)—the anti-apartheid involvement in civilian clashes and withdrew movement led by Nelson Mandela— and from the talks. entered into secret negotiations with In 1992, the NP government and the Mandela and other ANC representatives to ANC to agree to return to the negotiating formulate a plan for transition to a post- table to seek a political settlement after the apartheid government. deaths of more than 60 people in civilian The new government was to preside violence. The assassination of popular ANC over a unified South Africa of equal leader and general secretary of the citizenship for all regardless of ethnicity, Communist Party Chris Hani in April 1993 thereby ending the practice of using by a man tied to South Africa’s Afrikaner far segregated homeland territories, or right accelerated the pressure on negotiators Bantustans, to divide the black African to reach a settlement. “The outcome of the majority from the white and other minority Chris Hani assassination was that there was populations. Under apartheid, the then a consensus between the government government did not recognize residents of and the ANC [that we] would have to move Bantustans as full citizens of South Africa, as forward very quickly,” said Roelf Meyer, a part of a broader strategy of racial chief negotiator for the NP government. “If segregation and discrimination. Apartheid we didn’t do that, the masses would have had marginalized the black South African taken to the streets and demanded population—79% of the population in the immediate takeover.” 2001 census—and elevated the 9.6% white The ANC and the NP began bilateral South African population to govern the talks, and by 1993, other parties had country, with limited representation of returned to the table as well. Formally mixed-race individuals and individuals of known as the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum Asian descent. The apartheid government (MPNF), the negotiators, representing a used the homelands to further divide the broad swath of political constituencies, black South African population into adopted an interim constitution and set language groups (the largest of which, Zulu, April 1994 as the deadline for a new constituted only 23.8% of the population in constitution and election. They also agreed 2001) and at times worked at creating that the new constitution would divide the conflict between the groups. country into provinces. 2 © 2014, Trustees of Princeton University Terms of use and citation format appear at the end of this document and at successfulsocieties.princeton.edu/about/terms-conditions. Tumi Makgetla and Rachel Jackson Innovations for Successful Societies Initially, the ANC had resisted a into governable areas without reinforcing decentralized state structure, preferring the racial segregation that had been consolidation in a central government they practiced by the apartheid regime or were likely to control. On the other side, the rewarding fringe groups that used violence political parties whose support bases rested to advance their agendas while still keeping largely on a single ethnic or cultural them part of an inclusive process. identity—the NP, the largely white At the time, South Africa was divided Democratic Party (DP) and the Zulu-based into four provinces and 10 homeland areas. Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP)—had pushed Two of the provinces were former British for a decentralized system that would enable colonies—the Cape of Good Hope and them to retain power in smaller areas of the Natal—and the others had previously been country where they could win the vote. In an independent Boer republics—Orange Free essay published on his foundation’s website State and Transvaal—established by after the end of apartheid, de Klerk called Afrikaners, descendants of Dutch colonial the provincial system “one of the new settlers. The four provinces had been joined constitution’s great compromises: on the as a single country, the Union of South one hand, [the provinces] were not nearly as Africa, in 1910. The South African strong as the IFP, the NP and the DP government began the practice of apartheid wanted; on the other hand, they provided in 1948 and created the homelands in order much greater devolution of power to regions to segregate the black South African 1 than the ANC originally advocated.” population into ethnic enclaves that would function as legally distinct autonomous or THE CHALLENGE semiautonomous nation states, thereby In mid-1993, with elections looming, the denying South Africa citizenship and voting post-apartheid map of South Africa was still rights to their residents. The autonomous largely undecided. Where the apartheid homelands of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, government had used internal boundaries Venda and Ciskei had been designed by the for an agenda of racial segregation, MPNF apartheid regime to function completely negotiators were faced with the task of independently from the South African dividing the country for provincial rule government and economy. The remaining without reinforcing old wounds or creating six—Gazankulu, KaNgwane, KwaNdebele, new ones. Any discussion about new KwaZulu, Lebowa and Qwaqwa—were borders would open the door to groups that considered only partially autonomous. wanted ethnic enclaves with strong degrees In the 1993 talks, the main parties of independence from South Africa. Many of agreed to move away from ethnically defined those groups used violence to gain attention boundaries, though they were not yet able to from the larger negotiating parties, which come up with a single, mutually acceptable tended to have more-inclusive outlooks and map. more-widespread support. For negotiators, The ANC rejected the homelands as the key challenge lay in dividing the country fictions of the apartheid regime. Unable to 3 © 2014, Trustees of Princeton University Terms of use and citation format appear at the end of this document and at successfulsocieties.princeton.edu/about/terms-conditions. Tumi Makgetla and Rachel Jackson Innovations for Successful Societies sustain themselves independently, ethnically diverse community, they stood homelands existed only to fulfill the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
    Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons.
    [Show full text]
  • NC77 December 2016 Issue.Indb
    New Contree, No. 77, December 2016 New Contree, No. 77, December 2016 New Contree, No. 77, December 2016 New Contree No. 77, December 2016 A journal of Historical and Human Sciences for Southern Africa New Contree, No. 77, December 2016 New Contree is a peer-reviewed journal indexed by the South African Department of Higher Education and Training. New Contree, A journal of Historical and Human Sciences for Southern Africa, is mainly published in English though all the officially accepted languages in South Africa are accommodated in all editions. Abstracts in English only are required. New Contree is multidisciplinary focused and administrated within the Historical and Human Sciences by the School of Basic Sciences, Vaal Triangle Campus, North-West University. To accommodate more articles from a wide variety of Historical and Human Sciences disciplines (that especially reflect a solid fundamental historical approach), this Journal has slightly altered its name from 2008. Opinions expressed or conclusions arrived at in articles and book reviews are those of the authors and are not to be regarded as those of the North-West University or the Editorial Advisory Committee of New Contree. Two editions of New Contree are annually published (July and December), and a special issue in November on regional or/and local- specific historically based related topics. In the special issue the coverage of any aspect of activity, topic and phenomenon s within the context of for example urban, rural, social, cultural, health, environmental and political life locally, regionally or/and in transcontinental and transnational contexts are of interest. Researchers from any academic institution are encouraged to communicate with the editor and editorial team if they are interested to act as guest editor for a special issue.
    [Show full text]
  • TV on the Afrikaans Cinematic Film Industry, C.1976-C.1986
    Competing Audio-visual Industries: A business history of the influence of SABC- TV on the Afrikaans cinematic film industry, c.1976-c.1986 by Coenraad Johannes Coetzee Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art and Sciences (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Anton Ehlers December 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za THESIS DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Historical research frequently requires investigations that have ethical dimensions. Although not to the same extent as in medical experimentation, for example, the social sciences do entail addressing ethical considerations. This research is conducted at the University of Stellenbosch and, as such, must be managed according to the institution’s Framework Policy for the Assurance and Promotion of Ethically Accountable Research at Stellenbosch University. The policy stipulates that all accumulated data must be used for academic purposes exclusively. This study relies on social sources and ensures that the university’s policy on the values and principles of non-maleficence, scientific validity and integrity is followed. All participating oral sources were informed on the objectives of the study, the nature of the interviews (such as the use of a tape recorder) and the relevance of their involvement.
    [Show full text]
  • South African Activists' Use of Nanomedia and Digital Media In
    International Journal of Communication 12(2018), 2153–2170 1932–8036/20180005 South African Activists’ Use of Nanomedia and Digital Media in Democratization Conflicts TANJA BOSCH HERMAN WASSERMAN WALLACE CHUMA University of Cape Town, South Africa South African social activism reemerged in the 1990s after a brief lull following the end of apartheid and the transition to democracy. The revival of social activism appeared against the backdrop of a plethora of challenges facing the young democracy, including corruption, inequality, unemployment, and lack of service delivery. Protests have become a daily occurrence in South Africa as many of the poor people feel left out of the dividends democracy has brought. Although these protests are mediated in various ways—that is, activists use print and social media to broadcast their activities—many protests fail to attract mainstream media attention. This article explores how activists use nanomedia and digital media as communicative platforms in the context of an asymmetrical and tenuous relationship with mainstream media. The article draws on interviews with activists conducted during 2016 to explore their deployment of alternative communicative strategies in an environment where commercial mainstream media largely serves elite audiences and frames the discussion from the perspective of the civil society–democracy relationship. Keywords: nanomedia, democratization conflicts, social activism, civil society, digital media In the two decades since the end of apartheid, South Africa has become one of the most vibrant liberal democracies in Africa. However, despite the transition to formal democracy being heralded as peaceful, the postapartheid political environment has been characterized by ongoing community protests. The gains made in political and civil rights have not adequately extended to the arena of economic freedom for most of the country’s citizens, making South Africa one of the most unequal societies in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- the Power Behind "Black on Black Violence"
    Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.af000047 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" Alternative title Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" Author/Creator Fleshman, Mike Publisher Africa Fund Date 1990-10 Resource type Pamphlets Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1990 Source Africa Action Archive Rights By kind permission of Africa Action, incorporating the American Committee on Africa, The Africa Fund, and the Africa Policy Information Center.
    [Show full text]
  • Acoa 0 0 0 7
    RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa FOUNDING MEMBERS (Partial listing) March 18, 1994 Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, vce-Presroent Amerco Comrftee on Africo MEMORANDUM Conoon Bapist Church, Ne York Canon Frederick B. Williams From: Wyatt Tee Walker Chorch of the Inere.son, New York Judge William Booth, Presreot To: RAN Supporters Amerrcon CommPee o, Airica Jennifer Davis, &ecurr- Drrevot Amern, Commrree or Africa SOUTH AFRICA ELECTION WATCH COUNTDOWN TO DEMOCRACY MARCH lS -- FORTY DAYS TO DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA In a dramatic turn of events, chief Lucas Mangope, ruler of the apartheid homeland of Bophuthatswana was forced to flee the capital of Mmabatho in the face of a popular uprising. Mangope, one of the three key players in the anti- election camps, along with KwaZulu bantustan Chief Buthelezi and white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, had refused to open his homeland to South Africa's first general elections slated for April 26th 28th. Mangope, now under house arrest since his return to the capital, conceded to the people's demand for Bophuthatswana participation in the elections, and the lifting of the ban against ANC and other democratic organizations. The crisis in Bophuthatswana has dealt a blow to the right wing alliances, the main obstacles to a free and democratic election process. But Buthelezi continues to reiterate his hardline demands for secession. Although the fall of chief Mangope has weakened and isolated Buthelezi's position the assaults and murder of ANC supporters and officials continue. Another participant of the right wing alliance, the white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, suffered a serious defeat when they attempted to intervene in the Bophuthatswana unrest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Struggle for Self-Determination: a Comparative Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Among the Quebecois and the Afrikaners
    The Struggle for Self-Determination: A Comparative Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Among the Quebecois and the Afrikaners By: Allison Down This thesis is presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: Professor Simon B. Bekker Date Submitted: December, 1999 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration I, the undersigned hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and has not previously in its entirety or in part been submitted at any university for a degree. Signature Date Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract This thesis examines the structural factors that precipitate the emergence of ethnicity and nationalism, with a special emphasis on ethno-Iinguistic identity. Nationalist momentum leading to self-determination is also addressed. A historical comparative study of the Quebecois of Canada and the Afrikaners of South Africa is presented. The ancestors of both the Quebecois and the Afrikaners left Europe (France and the Netherlands, respectively) to establish a new colony. Having disassociated themselves from their European homeland, they each developed a new, more relevant identity for themselves, one which was also vis-a-vis the indigenous population. Both cultures were marked by a rural agrarian existence, a high degree of religiosity, and a high level of Church involvement in the state. Then both were conquered by the British and expected to conform to the English-speaking order. This double-layer of colonialism proved to be a significant contributing factor to the ethnic identity and consciousness of the Quebecois and the Afrikaners, as they perceived a threat to their language and their cultural institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    FROM POLITICAL VIOLENCE TO CRIMINAL VIOLENCE - THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA by Sydney M. Mitchell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2006 © Copyright by Sydney M. Mitchell, 2006 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Race, History and the Internet: the Use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the Late 1990’S, with Particular Reference to South Africa
    Race, History and the Internet: The use of the Internet in White Supremacist Propaganda in the late 1990’s, with particular reference to South Africa Inez Mary Stephney A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, Social Sciences and Wits School of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the Masters Degree. Abstract This dissertation aims to investigate the use of History by white supremacist groups in South Africa particularly, to rework their identity on the Internet. The disserta- tion argues that white supremacist groups use older traditions of history, particu- larly, in the South African case, the ‘sacred saga’, as explained by Dunbar Moodie to create a sense of historical continuity with the past and to forge an unbroken link to the present. The South African white supremacists have been influenced by the His- tory written by Van Jaarsveld for example, as will be shown in the chapters analysing the three chosen South African white supremacist groups. The white supremacists in the international arena also use history, mixed with 1930s Nazi propaganda to promote their ideas. i Acknowledgements There are a few people who must be acknowledged for their assistance during the research and preparation of this dissertation. First and foremost, my supervisor Dr Cynthia Kros for her invaluable advice and assistance- thank you. I also wish to thank Nina Lewin and Nicole Ulrich for all the encouragement, reading of drafts and all round unconditional love and friendship that has helped me keep it together, when this project seemed to flounder. Katie Mooney for saying I should just realised I am a historian and keep on going.
    [Show full text]
  • RHETORIC in the RED OCTOBER CAMPAIGN: EXPLORING the WHITE VICTIM IDENTITY of POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA by WILLEMIEN CALITZ
    RHETORIC IN THE RED OCTOBER CAMPAIGN: EXPLORING THE WHITE VICTIM IDENTITY OF POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA by WILLEMIEN CALITZ A THESIS Presented to the School of Journalism and Communication and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science June 2014 THESIS APPROVAL PAGE Student: Willemien Calitz Title: Rhetoric in the Red October Campaign: Exploring the White Victim Identity of Post-Apartheid South Africa This thesis has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Science degree in the School of Journalism and Communication by: Christopher Chavez Chairperson Pat Curtin Member Yvonne Braun Member and Kimberly Andrews Espy Vice President for Research and Innovation; Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2014 ii © 2014 Willemien Calitz iii THESIS ABSTRACT Willemien Calitz Master of Science School of Journalism and Communication June 2014 Title: Rhetoric in the Red October Campaign: Exploring the White Victim Identity in Post-Apartheid South Africa This study explores whiteness through a rhetorical analysis of the language used in a speech made at a Red October campaign rally in South Africa in October, 2013. The Red October campaign positions white South Africans as an oppressed minority group in the country, and this study looks at linguistic choices and devices used to construct a white victim identity in post-apartheid South Africa. This thesis considers gender, religion, race, culture, class and ethnicity as intersections that contribute to the discursive construction of whiteness in the new South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa After the Referendum
    Number 135 April1992 CSISAFRICA NOTES A publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. South Africa After the Referendum by Marina Ottaway The referendum of March 17, 1992, in which 68.7 percent of the more than 2.3 million white voters casting ballots endorsed the negotiations taking place between the South African government, the African National Congress, and 1 7 other organizations, provided a clear sign that the process of change that started more than two years ago is finally irreversible. The single question on the ballot: "Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990, and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiations?" The first milestone was passed on February 2, 1990, when President F.W. de Klerk dramatically accelerated the dismantling of apartheid by announcing the unbanning of all opposition groups, including the ANC. Nine days later, Nelson Mandela walked out of prison, after more than 27 years of incarceration. Since then, the government, the ANC, and a broad array of other political and quasi-political organizations have established the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), a forum in which the adoption of a democratic, nonracial constitution and the process leading to elections are being negotiated. The March referendum represented an important second milestone on the path to that objective. A Crisis of Confidence The decision to hold a referendum was reached by de Klerk and his small inner circle of advisers immediately after the defeat suffered by the governing National Party in a by-election in Potchefstroom, in the western Transvaal, on February 19.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Consciousness and the Politics of Writing the Nation in South Africa
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository Black Consciousness and the Politics of Writing the Nation in South Africa by Thomas William Penfold A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of African Studies and Anthropology School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2013 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract Since the transition from apartheid, there has been much discussion of the possibilities for the emergence of a truly ‘national’ literature in South Africa. This thesis joins the debate by arguing that Black Consciousness, a movement that began in the late 1960s, provided the intellectual framework both for understanding how a national culture would develop and for recognising it when it emerged. Black Consciousness posited a South Africa where formerly competing cultures sat comfortably together. This thesis explores whether such cultural equality has been achieved. Does contemporary literature harmoniously deploy different cultural idioms simultaneously? By analysing Black writing, mainly poetry, from the 1970s through to the present, the study traces the stages of development preceding the emergence of a possible ‘national’ literature and argues that the dominant art versus politics binary needs to be reconsidered.
    [Show full text]