Southern Africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION in SOUTH AFRICA: the MYTH of BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons. -
Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed. -
Early History of South Africa
THE EARLY HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA EVOLUTION OF AFRICAN SOCIETIES . .3 SOUTH AFRICA: THE EARLY INHABITANTS . .5 THE KHOISAN . .6 The San (Bushmen) . .6 The Khoikhoi (Hottentots) . .8 BLACK SETTLEMENT . .9 THE NGUNI . .9 The Xhosa . .10 The Zulu . .11 The Ndebele . .12 The Swazi . .13 THE SOTHO . .13 The Western Sotho . .14 The Southern Sotho . .14 The Northern Sotho (Bapedi) . .14 THE VENDA . .15 THE MASHANGANA-TSONGA . .15 THE MFECANE/DIFAQANE (Total war) Dingiswayo . .16 Shaka . .16 Dingane . .18 Mzilikazi . .19 Soshangane . .20 Mmantatise . .21 Sikonyela . .21 Moshweshwe . .22 Consequences of the Mfecane/Difaqane . .23 Page 1 EUROPEAN INTERESTS The Portuguese . .24 The British . .24 The Dutch . .25 The French . .25 THE SLAVES . .22 THE TREKBOERS (MIGRATING FARMERS) . .27 EUROPEAN OCCUPATIONS OF THE CAPE British Occupation (1795 - 1803) . .29 Batavian rule 1803 - 1806 . .29 Second British Occupation: 1806 . .31 British Governors . .32 Slagtersnek Rebellion . .32 The British Settlers 1820 . .32 THE GREAT TREK Causes of the Great Trek . .34 Different Trek groups . .35 Trichardt and Van Rensburg . .35 Andries Hendrik Potgieter . .35 Gerrit Maritz . .36 Piet Retief . .36 Piet Uys . .36 Voortrekkers in Zululand and Natal . .37 Voortrekker settlement in the Transvaal . .38 Voortrekker settlement in the Orange Free State . .39 THE DISCOVERY OF DIAMONDS AND GOLD . .41 Page 2 EVOLUTION OF AFRICAN SOCIETIES Humankind had its earliest origins in Africa The introduction of iron changed the African and the story of life in South Africa has continent irrevocably and was a large step proven to be a micro-study of life on the forwards in the development of the people. -
Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- the Power Behind "Black on Black Violence"
Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.af000047 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" Alternative title Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- The Power Behind "Black on Black Violence" Author/Creator Fleshman, Mike Publisher Africa Fund Date 1990-10 Resource type Pamphlets Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1990 Source Africa Action Archive Rights By kind permission of Africa Action, incorporating the American Committee on Africa, The Africa Fund, and the Africa Policy Information Center. -
Acoa 0 0 0 7
RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK RELIGIOUS ACTION NETWORK for justice and peace in southern Africa a project of the American Committee on Africa FOUNDING MEMBERS (Partial listing) March 18, 1994 Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, vce-Presroent Amerco Comrftee on Africo MEMORANDUM Conoon Bapist Church, Ne York Canon Frederick B. Williams From: Wyatt Tee Walker Chorch of the Inere.son, New York Judge William Booth, Presreot To: RAN Supporters Amerrcon CommPee o, Airica Jennifer Davis, &ecurr- Drrevot Amern, Commrree or Africa SOUTH AFRICA ELECTION WATCH COUNTDOWN TO DEMOCRACY MARCH lS -- FORTY DAYS TO DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH AFRICA In a dramatic turn of events, chief Lucas Mangope, ruler of the apartheid homeland of Bophuthatswana was forced to flee the capital of Mmabatho in the face of a popular uprising. Mangope, one of the three key players in the anti- election camps, along with KwaZulu bantustan Chief Buthelezi and white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, had refused to open his homeland to South Africa's first general elections slated for April 26th 28th. Mangope, now under house arrest since his return to the capital, conceded to the people's demand for Bophuthatswana participation in the elections, and the lifting of the ban against ANC and other democratic organizations. The crisis in Bophuthatswana has dealt a blow to the right wing alliances, the main obstacles to a free and democratic election process. But Buthelezi continues to reiterate his hardline demands for secession. Although the fall of chief Mangope has weakened and isolated Buthelezi's position the assaults and murder of ANC supporters and officials continue. Another participant of the right wing alliance, the white separatist group Afrikaner Volksfront, suffered a serious defeat when they attempted to intervene in the Bophuthatswana unrest. -
Transportation Planning Within the Gauteng Province of South Africa: an Overview of Instruments on Strategic Planning Between 1970 and 2014
Urban Transport XXI 119 Transportation planning within the Gauteng Province of South Africa: an overview of instruments on strategic planning between 1970 and 2014 C. B. Schoeman North West University, Potchefstroom Campus, Unit for Environmental Sciences and Management, South Africa Abstract Since 1994 with democratization the national and its underpinning provincial spatial systems in South Africa were subjected to intensive transformation processes and impacts resulting from a changing policy, legislative and planning instrument frameworks. These influences and impacts resulted in important planning and development consequences for strategic transportation, spatial planning and development within all spheres of government. The South African National Spatial System (NSS) consists of nine (9) Provincial Spatial Systems (PSS). These PSS anchor and optimize transportation and spatial planning and development. Due to historic and locational factors, the study area (Gauteng PSS) fulfils a primary role in the growth and development of the national economy (NSS) and its development. The paper is an endeavour to assess the evolution of provincial planning instruments qualitatively to support sustainable development and to link need and potential in terms of national and provincial plans and to reconcile the transformation process in local context. Keywords: strategic planning, national planning, provincial planning, local planning, sustainability, land use and transportation integration, spatial planning. 1 Introduction Land use and transportation integration forms the backbone of an efficient urban settlement and development pattern. It promotes the cost-effective operation of WIT Transactions on The Built Environment, Vol 146, © 2015 WIT Press www.witpress.com, ISSN 1743-3509 (on-line) doi:10.2495/UT150101 120 Urban Transport XXI the province’s transportation system and has the potential to direct urban development as such development tends to concentrate close to major transportation routes. -
The Zulu Kingdom, the Beachfront, and Global Tourism
Branding and the privatisation of public space: the Zulu Kingdom and global tourism1 Gerhard Maré Introduction ‘The development of mass tourism often requires cultures, cities, regions or countries to rethink their own unique identities and then package and promote them as products which hopefully will attract people from other cultures. This bringing together of the local and the global is not without its dangers’, write Cohen and Kennedy (2000:212). The argument in this paper, illustrated primarily with reference to KwaZulu-Natal, is that new cultural entrepreneurs have firmly and with enthusiasm adopted the opportunities offered by ethnicity’s disentanglement from apartheid and the concomitant liberalisation of formerly brutally racialised public space. Whereas, in the struggle for inclusive South African democracy, ethnic particularism was viewed by progressives as threatening a unified national body (that is, of “the people”, “the masses”, “the oppressed”), the new conceptualisation of South Africa as a culturally diverse “rainbow nation” has not only re-valorised ethnicity as a secular (and therefore relatively benign) political quality but has opened the doors to its commodification on the global tourist market. Current local efforts to re-define regional spaces as tourism products and brands—for example through beachfront casinos and marine parks—are creating new kind of exclusions and spatial boundaries with new beneficiaries. A privileged few appear to have found a pot of gold at the end of the rainbow nation. Others live in the shadow of its glittering, Disneyland- like representations. New opportunities for the commercial uses of ethnicity (and ethnicity in the local version is usually also racialised) and local public space are located within three processes. -
Proquest Dissertations
FROM POLITICAL VIOLENCE TO CRIMINAL VIOLENCE - THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA by Sydney M. Mitchell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2006 © Copyright by Sydney M. Mitchell, 2006 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
North West High Court, Mafikeng Until the Court’S Renaming in 2009 As the North West High Court, Mafikeng
SA JUDICIARY100 YEARS OLD North West High Court, Mafikeng until the court’s renaming in 2009 as the North West High Court, Mafikeng. (or what’s in a name?) If this is not sufficiently confusing already, it was announced on 6 February 2010, that Mafikeng is to be renamed Mahikeng in the By John Stander, Mafeking near future …. A short history The court buildings In March 1994, after a three day spree of bloodshed, arson and looting, Writing in the 1993 May South African Law Journal, Henry Lever (now the administration of Bophuthatswana collapsed. The ’homeland state’ SC) stated in his article discussing the Bill of Rights contained in the was reincorporated into South Africa and on 18 October of that year the Bophuthatswana Constitution: Bophuthatswana capital, Mmabatho (Mother of the People), became ‘Within the South African context, Bophuthatswana may be the capital of the North West Province. In 1996, the name Mafikeng regarded as an important social experiment. Whilst South Africa was reinstated in place of Mmabatho. Mafikeng, as she is now known, moved in one direction, politically, Bophuthatswana moved in another. was already the seat of the High Court in Bophuthatswana and remains Simultaneously with its independence, Bophuthatswana repealed all so in the North West Province. racially discriminatory legislation. By a simple step it removed the Place name changes are a common occurrence in the new South country’s inhabitants from the most pernicious effects of apartheid Africa and Mafikeng is no stranger to name changes. It has been ... Needless to say, the town (Mafikeng after incorporation in 1980) known by four names since 1852 when Molema, younger brother of prospered .. -
Acg35vol. 19 No. 2
/ 4/726-60 073'10 3 pc B /DC 5 Ac Price 40c g35Vol. 19 No. 2 APRIL 1980 MEM 11111111111111 11101111111" 111111111111111 111111111111111111 111111111111111 11111111111110111 ME= 11111111FAII IlIlliIIWl 11111" 1111101111111111111111111 MIL ling111111M1ILIVAII 11111111111111111M1111111111111 1111111111111 1111111111111=1111111111111111 1111111 1111111 111111 111•11111111111111111111111111111 1111111111111 MOMUUJUIIIIIII rul LITAI LIE 111111111thill IN11111111111 111111111111111111 1111 11111111B1 111 LUUNUMaalUalA Issued by the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, Pretoria THE CO-EXISTENCE OF A LAN KET AND THE COMMUNITY OCCUPATI N IF LAN by H.I. BEHRMANN University of Natal A LAND MARKET variations are of course distinguishable amongst those four categories. Freehold conditions tend to A land market exists where land itself or the prevail in the more highly developed economies and rights to land may be exchanged by occupiers for traditional tenure is more characteristic of less money or other considerations. In this broad sense developed economies. Gras (1946) has referred to even the community occupation of land represents traditional tenure as allodial tenure whereby a primitive market, because land is seldom families in a community or tribe are allocated areas completely free, without some due having to be for cropping land, and grazing land is held in paid to the tribal authority, either chief or common. This type of land tenure survives among headman. Yet exchange of rights to land in a tribal tribal peoples in South Africa today. Feudal tenure or community situation is so rudimentary that it is exists when tenants pay for their land by rendering clearly distinguished from a situation where land labour services to the landlord, a form of tenure has a money value, and where price changes reflect that is at present being phased out in parts of Natal a supply and demand situation. -
South Africa After the Referendum
Number 135 April1992 CSISAFRICA NOTES A publication of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. South Africa After the Referendum by Marina Ottaway The referendum of March 17, 1992, in which 68.7 percent of the more than 2.3 million white voters casting ballots endorsed the negotiations taking place between the South African government, the African National Congress, and 1 7 other organizations, provided a clear sign that the process of change that started more than two years ago is finally irreversible. The single question on the ballot: "Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990, and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiations?" The first milestone was passed on February 2, 1990, when President F.W. de Klerk dramatically accelerated the dismantling of apartheid by announcing the unbanning of all opposition groups, including the ANC. Nine days later, Nelson Mandela walked out of prison, after more than 27 years of incarceration. Since then, the government, the ANC, and a broad array of other political and quasi-political organizations have established the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), a forum in which the adoption of a democratic, nonracial constitution and the process leading to elections are being negotiated. The March referendum represented an important second milestone on the path to that objective. A Crisis of Confidence The decision to hold a referendum was reached by de Klerk and his small inner circle of advisers immediately after the defeat suffered by the governing National Party in a by-election in Potchefstroom, in the western Transvaal, on February 19. -
South Africa Fact Sheet
Souher Afrc Pesecie 1/88 South Africa Fact Sheet Thirty-four million people live in South Africa today, yet only 4.9 million whites have full rights of citizenship. The Black population of 28 million has no political power and is subject to strict government controls on where to live, work, attend school, be born and be buried. This Is the apartheid system which produces enormous wealth for the white minority and grinding poverty for millions of Black South Africans. Such oppression has fueled a rising challenge to white minority rule in the 1980's through strikes, boycotts, massive demonstrations and stayaways. International pressure on the white minority government has also been growing. In response, the government has modified a few existing apartheid laws without eliminating the basic structure of apartheid. This so called reform program has done nothing to satisfy Black South Africans' demands for majority rule in a united, democratic and nonracial South Africa. Struggling to reassert control, the government has declared successive states of emergency and unleashed intensive repression, seeking to conceal its actions by a media blackout, press censorship and continuing propaganda about change. As part of its "total strategy" to preserve white power, Pretoria has also waged war against neighboring African states in an effort to end their support for the anti-apartheid struggle and undermine regional efforts to break dependence on the apartheid economy. This Fact Sheet is designed to get behind the white government's propaganda shield and present an accurate picture of apartheid's continuing impact on the lives of millions of Blacks In southern Africa.