Apartheid's Hidden Hand -- the Power Behind "Black on Black Violence"
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Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons. -
Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed. -
The Style of Frank Chikane from Early Life to the Presidency of Thabo Mbeki
Article Servant Leadership: The Style of Frank Chikane from Early Life to the Presidency of Thabo Mbeki Mookgo Solomon Kgatle University of Pretoria [email protected] Abstract This article is a historical study of Frank Chikane from early life to the presidency of Thabo Mbeki. The article looks at the early life of Chikane; his experience of the crusade organisation “Christ for all Nations” in 1975; theological studies at the Pan- African Bible Correspondence College; pastoral duties at Kagiso; ordination in 1980; detention by government; suspension by the church; involvement in Institute for Contextual Theology; reconciliation with Adriaan Vlok; involvement in the unity of the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM); and his role as a director general in the presidency of Thabo Mbeki. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that the leadership style of Chikane is servant leadership. Keywords: Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM); South African Council of Churches; Institute for Contextual Theology; Frank Chikane; Adriaan Vlok; Thabo Mbeki Introduction Frank Chikane is a South African civil servant, writer and cleric. He is a member of the African National Congress (ANC).1 He has been actively involved in the struggle against the apartheid system in South Africa. Chikane was influenced largely by the black consciousness ideology. He took part in various movements like the South African Student Organisation (SASO) and the United Democratic Front (UDF). He led structures like the South African Council of Churches (SACC), Institute for Contextual Theology (ICT) and others. In the midst of all these, 1 The African National Congress (ANC) is the Republic of South Africa’s governing social democratic political party. -
The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39 -
Proquest Dissertations
FROM POLITICAL VIOLENCE TO CRIMINAL VIOLENCE - THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA by Sydney M. Mitchell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2006 © Copyright by Sydney M. Mitchell, 2006 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Cyril Ramaphosa Is Establishing a Unit in the Presidency Priorities
Cyril Ramaphosa is establishing a unit in the presidency which he hopes - Herald Live 18 May 2019 President Cyril Ramaphosa is establishing a unit in the presidency which he hopes will improve policy development and coordination. This is an important initiative designed to help him address the huge challenges facing his incoming government. There is no question that strengthening the government’s policy capacity is a priority. Cabinet ministries are often individualistic and departments tend to operate as silos. There tends to be poor alignment, let alone coordination, of policies and programmes within national government and between the spheres of government. The president has some power to impose discipline. But this power depends on being very well-informed and well-briefed by his team. ADVERTISING The unit – called the Policy Analysis and Research Services – will be headed by Busani Ngcaweni, a seasoned mandarin in the Presidency. Ngcaweni was Chief of Staff when Ramaphosa was Deputy President. He had, remarkably, occupied this senior and sensitive post for four consecutive deputy presidents over a 10-year period. Over the decade he also managed to publish around eight books of essays by himself and other writers on serious South African topics such as AIDS. Before becoming chief of staff he also served as a policy researcher in the presidency during the Thabo Mbeki era. There is no doubt that he is a committed and able intellectual, and a skilled political manager. What is the unit intended to achieve? Can it be compared with the unit that operated during the Mbeki and Kgalema Motlanthe presidencies? Priorities The unit’s priority areas will be “the economy, infrastructure planning and development, agricultural development and government service delivery”. -
The Curious Conversion of Adriaan Vlok Katie Day
The Curious Conversion of Adriaan Vlok Katie Day Katie Day is the Charles A. Schieren Professor of Church and Society at Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia. She also directs the Metropolitan/Urban Program at LTSP. Her research interests include extensive studies in African American congregations, cross-cultural volunteerism and faith-based involvement in economic development, community organizing, and social services. In early August of 2006, one of South Africa’s most notorious apartheid-era leaders, Adriaan Vlok, contacted the Rev. Frank Chikane, a former anti-apartheid activist, and requested a meeting to discuss “a personal matter.” The former Minister of Law and Order then appeared at Rev. Chikane’s office with basin and towel in hand, resolved to wash the feet of the former head of the South Africa Council of Churches (SACC). Rev. Chikane, as can be imagined, was shocked by the overture, and at first resisted Vlok’s attempt to reenact Jesus’ expression of humility with his disciples as described in the Gospel of John. Finally, however, Chikane, a Pentecostal minister, relented, “having understood that my refusal would deprive him of his liberation and his release from psychological torture.”[1] And so in the paradox that so often accompanies sacrament, the roles of power had switched, and Andriaan Vlok knelt at the feet of Frank Chikane. Neither could have predicted that this private encounter would become the focus of intense public debate. For South Africans, the significance of the footwashing was understood and debated, not as a dramatic, though isolated event, but in the context of the intertwined histories of these two men, key actors in the drama of South Africa in the 1980s. -
Black Consciousness and the Politics of Writing the Nation in South Africa
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository Black Consciousness and the Politics of Writing the Nation in South Africa by Thomas William Penfold A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of African Studies and Anthropology School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2013 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract Since the transition from apartheid, there has been much discussion of the possibilities for the emergence of a truly ‘national’ literature in South Africa. This thesis joins the debate by arguing that Black Consciousness, a movement that began in the late 1960s, provided the intellectual framework both for understanding how a national culture would develop and for recognising it when it emerged. Black Consciousness posited a South Africa where formerly competing cultures sat comfortably together. This thesis explores whether such cultural equality has been achieved. Does contemporary literature harmoniously deploy different cultural idioms simultaneously? By analysing Black writing, mainly poetry, from the 1970s through to the present, the study traces the stages of development preceding the emergence of a possible ‘national’ literature and argues that the dominant art versus politics binary needs to be reconsidered. -
The Higher Education Landscape Under Apartheid
CHAPTER 2 IAN BUNTING THE HIGHER EDUCATION LANDSCAPE UNDER APARTHEID This chapter lays out the South African higher education landscape as it was shaped by the apartheid policies of the National Party government prior to 1994. It describes how the disenfranchisement of the African majority culminated in the establishment of five separate legislative and geographic entities (the Republic of South Africa and four ‘independent republics’) and traces the process by which this policy led to the establishment of 36 higher education institutions controlled by eight different government departments. The chapter also describes the apartheid thinking which led to the differentiation of higher education in South Africa into two distinct types – universities and technikons – and shows how sharp racial divisions, as well as language and culture, skewed the profiles of the institutions in each category. 1. POLICIES OF THE APARTHEID GOVERNMENT 1.1. Racial divisions in South Africa At the beginning of 1994, South Africa’s higher education system was fragmented and unco-ordinated. This was primarily the result of the white apartheid government’s conception of race and the politics of race, which had shaped the higher education policy framework that it laid down during the 1980s. The apartheid government, under the influence of the ruling National Party, had, by the beginning of the 1980s, divided South Africa into five entities: · The Republic of Transkei (formed from part of the old Cape Province). · The Republic of Bophuthatswana (formed from part of the old Transvaal Province). · The Republic of Venda (also formed from part of the old Transvaal Province). · The Republic of Ciskei (formed from another part of the old Cape Province). -
Frank Chikane
1 CURRICULUM VITAE FRANK CHIKANE LIST OF CONTENTS 1. EXPERIENCE, COMPETENCIES AND CAPACITY 3 1.1 Leadership 3 1.2 Negotiations, Conflict Resolution, Mediation and Peace-making 1.3 Experience in Boards and Committees 4 1.4 International Experience 4 1.5 Management Experience 5 2. PERSONAL DETAILS 6 3. EDUCATION 6 4. EMPLOYMENT 6 5. ASSOCIATIONS/MEMBERSHIPS/POSITIONS/DIRECTORSHIPS 7 6. PUBLICATIONS/BOOKS 8 7. ARTICLES AND PAPERS 8 8. PRIZES, AWARDS AND HONOURS 8 EXPERIENCE, COMPETENCIES AND CAPACITY Summary Frank Chikane is an inspirational leader, manager, teacher, motivator, mentor, enabler, facilitator, counsellor and community builder with a vast experience as a pastor, in politics and public speaking, problem analysis and resolution, research, strategic planning and business development, conflict resolution and management, peace-making, human behaviour and group dynamics, and in human and leadership development. He has served in several Boards of companies, Trusts, Councils of Universities and the leadership structures of the church, in politics and Government. He served as General Secretary of the SACC, Director-General in the Presidency of the Government of South Africa, Secretary of Cabinet, and President of the international President of his Church, The Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM). He is currently a Moderator of the Churches Commission on International Affairs (CCIA) of the World Council of Churches (WCC); a member of the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC) Advisory Committee on Peace and Security on the African continent; a Visiting Adjunct Professor in the Graduate School of Public and Development Management, University of the Witwatersrand. He holds two Masters’ Degrees in Religious Studies (University of Natal, now KZN University) and Public Administration (Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University) and three honorary degrees with Groningen University (Netherlands), Oberlin College (Ohio, USA), and the Nelson Mandela University (Mandela Bay, RSA). -
Southern Africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION in SOUTH AFRICA: the MYTH of BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI
-southern africa PERSPECTIVES 2/84 BLACK DISPOSSESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA: THE MYTH OF BANTUSTAN INDEPENDENCI '~ 1 The Africa Fund (associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway, New York, N.Y. 10038 BOPHUTHATSWANA Bophuthatswana-one of ten areas called bantustans allocated for black occupation by the South African government-has become interna tionally known as the home of a casino resort com plex, Sun City. Big name American performers and athletes earn rich rewards for appearances at the pleasure center, which caters mainly to visiting white South Africans. Diversions forbidden elsewhere in South Africa flourish at Sun City. Yet behind this luxurious facade, the people of Bophuthatswana live in terrible poverty and the bantustan itself plays a central role in South Africa's apartheidsystem. Bantustans, the fragmented areas designated for Africans, comprise only 13 percent of South Africa's territory. Yet these areas are to be the "homelands" for all Africans, or 72 percent of the population. Al ready the government has declared four of these Bophuthatswana consists of a national assembly of bantustans, including Bophuthatswana, "inde 72 elected members and 24 members nominated by pendent," thus stripping 8 million people of their local chiefs. In the first election for the national as South African citizenship. The intention of the sembly in 1977, only 163,141 people or 12 percent of white minority government is to declare all ten those eligible in Bophuthatswana cast a vote'. Pol bantustans independent, arriving at a time when, ling booths were set up in the urban areas outside by the stroke of a white pen, every African will be a the bantustans for Tswana residents to vote. -
South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities and Future Developments
SPECIAL STUDY/SPESIALE STUDIE TH£ SOUTH AFRICA'S BLACK HOMELANDS: PAST OBJECTIVES, PRESENT REALITIES AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENTS Deon Geldenhuys THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT VAN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE Peon Geldenhuys is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Rand Afrikaans University, Johannesburg. At the time of writing this paper he was Assistant Director, Research, at the South African Institute of International Affairs. The last section of this paper was published as "South Africa's Black Homelands: Some Alternative Political Scenarios", in Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, April 1981# It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this article are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. SOUTH AFRICA? S BLACK HOMELANDS: PAST OBJECTIVES, PRESENT REALITIES AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENTS Deon Geldenhuys Contents Introduction ... page 1 I From native reserves to independent homelands: legislating for territorial separation 3 II Objectives of the homelands policy, post-1959 6 III Present realities: salient features of the independent and self-governing homelands 24 IV Future Developments 51 Conclusion 78 ISBN: 0-909239-89-4 The South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 BRAAMFONTEIN 2017 South Africa August 1981 Price R3-50 South Africa's Black Homelands: Past Objectives, Present Realities and Future Developments Introduction A feature of the South African political scene today is the lack of consensus on a desirable future political dispensation. This is reflected in the intensity of the debate about the Republic's political options. Local opinions cover a wide spectrum, ranging from the white 'right' to the black 'left1, i.e.