DOCSLIB.ORG

Proquest Dissertations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Proquest Dissertations FROM POLITICAL VIOLENCE TO CRIMINAL VIOLENCE - THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA by Sydney M. Mitchell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2006 © Copyright by Sydney M. Mitchell, 2006 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. reproduced without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne Privacy Act some supporting sur la protection de la vie privee, forms may have been removed quelques formulaires secondaires from this thesis. ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. Canada DALHOUSIE UNIVERSITY To comply with the Canadian Privacy Act the National Library of Canada has requested that the following pages be removed from this copy of the thesis: Preliminary Pages Examiners Signature Page (pii) Dalhousie Library Copyright Agreement (piii) Appendices Copyright Releases (if applicable) Table of Contents Abstract vii List Of Abbreviations And Symbols Used viii Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1. Introduction 1 1.2. Methodology 3 1.3. Thesis Outline 3 1.4. Changing Identities 4 1.5. South Africa: From A 'Deeply Divided Society' To A Multicultural Society.... 11 1.6. Conclusion 13 Chapter 2: Identity Politics - Race And Ethnicity 15 2.1. Introduction 15 2.2. Rwanda And Political Violence 16 2.2.1. Collective Identities 18 2.2.2. The Debate: Individual Rights, Collective Rights And Group 'Survivance' 19 2.2.3. Liberal Theories Of Minority Rights 22 2.2.4. Limits To The Debate: The Complexities Of Identity Formation 24 2.3. Identities In South Africa 27 2.4. Conclusion 32 Chapter 3: The Construction Of An Identity From Without 35 3.1. Introduction 35 3.2. Critique Of Collective Crime 37 3.3. Specific Theories On Crime In South Africa 39 iv 3.3.1. Social Capital And Identity 40 3.3.2. Civil Society, Underclass Institutions/'Uncivil Society' 42 3.4. Building Exclusive Identity From Above 44 3.5. Conclusion 45 Chapter 4: The End Of Political Violence Base On Race/Ethnicity In South Africa 1990 -1994 47 4.1. Introduction 47 4.2. Historical Context: Pre-1990 50 4.2.1. Spatial Segregation 50 4.2.2. The Apartheid System 52 4.2.3. Development Of The Bantustans/Homeland System 53 4.3. Afrikaners And Afrikaner Nationalism - 1948 56 4.3.1. Afrikaner Split: - 1969 & 1982 57 4.3.2. Afrikaner Social Integration 58 4.4. Inkatha Freedom Party (Ifp) And The Zulu Identity 62 4.4.1. Buthelezi's Alternative To The Violence 63 4.4.2. The Question Of Traditional Leadership In Kwazulu-Natal 64 4.4.3. Instrumental Use Of Ethnicity 66 4.4.4. Hostel Violence 67 4.5. Right Wing Groups And Other Movements 69 4.5.1. Kleurling Weerstands Beweging (Coloured Resistance Movement) 70 4.6. South African Constitution - 1996 71 4.7. Reflecting On The Voting Pattern - 1994-2004 72 4.8. So What Happened Between 1994 And 2004? 74 v 4.9. Conclusion 77 Chapter 5: Discussion 80 5.1. Introduction: The New Elite And Post-Apartheid South Africa Political Economy 80 5.2. A Nation-State Incapable Of Challenging Global Processes? 82 5.3. Globalization And The South African Political Economy 85 5.4. The Reconstruction And Development Program (Rdp) 86 5.5. South Africa And Its Macro-Economic Policy: Growth, Employment And Redistribution (Gear) 89 5.6. South Africa's New Political Elite 96 5.7. The South African Poor/Underclass 101 5.8. Identity Construction Amongst The Poor/From Below 102 5.9. Conclusion 104 Bibliography 107 Appendix A Map Of South Africa Indicating Nine (9) Provinces 115 Appendix B Map Of Western Cape Province Indicating Five (5) District Municipalities 116 Appendix C Map Of City Of Cape Town Metropolitan Municipality (Cpt) 117 VI Abstract From Political Violence to Criminal Violence - The Case of South Africa When apartheid ended, everybody expected political and ethnic conflict to erupt, all the more so that political violence between the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) which built its political mobilization at least partly on Zulu ethnic identity and the African National Congress (ANC) was at the highest during this period (1990 - 1994) in KwaZulu Natal and that the transition to democracy was negotiated between parties which were demanding strong group protection (i.e. in terms of language, political veto, etc.). Some were even threatening war (i.e. the Afrikaner Volksfront, the PAC, and AZAPO) should their claims not be accommodated. However, after pervasive political violence during the late apartheid years which were deeply marked by racial and ethnic cleavages (most notably in KwaZulu-Natal), violence along ethnic and racial lines appears to have diminished, virtually to have disappeared in South Africa since its democratic self- governing transition in the early 1990s while criminal violence has reached very high levels, amongst the highest in the world in fact. This thesis will explores the relative decrease in political and ethnic violence in a global context dominated by the rise of identity politics and identity based conflict. Secondly, it will look at the passage from political violence to criminal violence, which, while being both infra and supra ethnic, is very much organized and collective, e.g. gangsterism and vigilantism. Isn't such violence in fact political and expressing discontentment towards state policies by those excluded from such policies, i.e. the poor? Furthermore, aren't such non-civil organizations or institutions providing meaning and identity to their members, and therefore expressing an atypical form of identity politics? vii List of Abbreviations and Symbols Used ANC (African National Congress) APLA (Azanian People's Liberation Army) AVF (Afrikaner Volksfront) AWB (Afrikaner Weerstands Beweging)(Afrikaner Resistance Movement) CP (Conservative Party) COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions) DA (Democratic Alliance) FF (Freedom Front) GEAR (Growth, Employment and Redistribution) HSRC (Human Sciences Research Council) IDASA (Institute for a Democratic South Africa) IFP (Inkatha Freedom Party) IMF (International Monetary Fund) KWB (Kleurling Weerstands Beweging)(Coloured Resistance Movement) MADAM (Movement Against Domination of African Minority) NGO (Non-Governmental Organization) NP (National Party) NNP (New National Party) NUM (National Union of Mineworkers) PAC (Pan African Congress) PAGAD (People Against Gangsterism and Drugs) PANSALB (Pan South African Language Board) RDP (Reconstruction and Development Program) SACP (South African Communist Party) TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission) UP (United Party) WTO (World Trade Organization) Vlll Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Introduction The last two or three decades, which embody the passage from modernity to postmodernity or 'late modernity' (Anthony Giddens), have been signified as an era of accelerated processes of social change. It is a period marked by the (re) construction of identities and the rise of 'identity polities'. Movements based on identity are very diverse in nature and range from ethnic nationalism, regionalism, separatism, calls for multicultural policies, the rise of religious fundamentalism, anti-immigrant movements, to the ghettoization and spatial fragmentation of big metropoles around the world. While being very diverse in form, identity politics occurs everywhere around the world. In this way it could be argued that people on the margins of society construct for themselves new identities - resistant identities - formed in opposition to the dominant culture and the uncertainties of an unstable modernity (Castells, 1997). These identities are formed from below in organizations or institutions, which are considered uncivil by the state and civil society. Moreover, the growth of organize crime in South Africa provides services which the state no longer provide through gangs or vigilante groups, ranging from security to welfare needs. These are what some have referred to as "phantom-States" or instances of governance from below (Comaroff quoting Derrida, 2004: 803). Increasingly the state seems inadequate to provide the most basic, elementary needs to its citizens. Moreover, many analysts believe that the 'market' has replaced the 'state'. In other words, the idea of the nation-state has almost become superfluous since it no longer l controls the movement of capital, which moves from one country to the next in search of exploitable markets and cheap labor (Pillay, 2002: 40). As a result of the impact of globalization on nation-states, it is important to look at some of the effects and changes it has brought about, and more importantly how it has shaped identities on an international scale as well as locally, particularly in the context of South Africa.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
    South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits.
    [Show full text]
  • Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
    Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
    Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Membering Queer Africa in Literature and Film Matthew Ap Trick Durkin
    Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations Spring 1-1-2017 "Unorthodox Conduct": Re-membering Queer Africa in Literature and Film Matthew aP trick Durkin Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Recommended Citation Durkin, M. P. (2017). "Unorthodox Conduct": Re-membering Queer Africa in Literature and Film (Doctoral dissertation, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/126 This One-year Embargo is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "UNORTHODOX CONDUCT": RE-MEMBERING QUEER AFRICA IN LITERATURE AND FILM A Dissertation Submitted to the McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Matthew Durkin May 2017 Copyright by Matthew P. Durkin 2017 "UNORTHODOX CONDUCT": RE-MEMBERING QUEER AFRICA IN LITERATURE AND FILM By Matthew P. Durkin Approved April 7, 2017 ________________________________ ________________________________ Emad Mirmotahari, Ph.D. Laura Engel, Ph.D. Associate Professor of English Professor of English (Committee Chair) (Committee Member) ________________________________ James Holstun, Ph.D. Professor of English, University at Buffalo (Committee Member) ________________________________ ________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa and the African Renaissance
    South Africa and the African Renaissance PETER VALE* AND SIPHO MASEKO On May , immediately prior to the adoption of South Africa’s new con- stitution,Thabo Mbeki, Nelson Mandela’s chosen successor, opened his address to the country’s Constitutional Assembly with the words ‘I am an African!’. In an inclusionary speech, symptomatic of post-apartheid South Africa, Mbeki drew strands of the country’s many histories together. His words evoked great emotion within the assembly chamber, and later throughout the country: across the political spectrum, South Africans strongly associated themselves with the spirit of reconciliation and outreach caught in his words. South Africa’s reunification with the rest of the continent had been a significant sub-narrative within the processes which led to negotiation over the ending of apartheid. That South Africa would become part of the African community was, of course, beyond doubt; what was at issue was both the sequence of events by which this would happen and the conditionalities attached to its happening.The continent’s enthusiasm for the peace process in South Africa was initially uneven: the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June decided to retain sanctions against South Africa although the Nigerian leader, General Ibrahim Babingida, expressed an interest in meet- ing South Africa’s then President, F.W.de Klerk, if such an occasion ‘would help bring about majority rule.’ The political prize attached to uniting South Africa with the rest of the continent explains why South Africa’s outgoing minority government, despite energetic and expensive diplomatic effort, was unable to deliver its own version of South Africa in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Tourism White Paper
    WHITE PAPER THE DEVELOPMENT AND PROMOTION OF TOURISM IN SOUTH AFRICA GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS AND TOURISM MAY, 1996 Table of contents Abbreviations Definition of Terms The Policy Formulation Process PART I: THE ROLE OF TOURISM IN SOUTH AFRICA 1.1 South Africa's Tourism Potential 1.2 Role in the Economy 1.3 Recent Performance PART II: THE PROBLEMATIQUE 2.1 A Missed Opportunity 2.2 Key Constraints PART III: TOWARDS A NEW TOURISM 3.1 Tourism and the RDP 3.2 Why Tourism? 3.3 Any Kind of Tourism? 3.4 Responsible Tourism 3.5 Effects of Irresponsible Tourism PART IV VISION, OBJECTIVES AND PRINCIPLES 4.1 Vision 4.2 Guiding Principles 4.3 Critical Success Factors 4.4 Key Objectives 4.5 Specific Targets PART V: IGNITING THE ENGINE OF TOURISM GROWTH 5.1 Safety and Security 5.2 Education and Training 5.3 Financing Tourism 5.4 Investment Incentives 5.5 Foreign Investment 5.6 Environmental Conservation 5.7 Cultural Resource Management 5.8 Product Development 5.9 Transportation 5.10 Infrastructure 5.11 Marketing and Promotion 5.12 Product Quality and Standards 5.13 Regional Cooperation 5.14 Youth Development PART VI: ROLES OF THE KEY PLAYERS 6.1 Role of the National Government 6.2 Role of the Provincial Government 6.3 Role of Local Government 6.4 Role of the Private Sector 6.5 Role of Labour 6.6 Role of Communities 6.7 Role of Women 6.8 Role of NGOs 6.9 Role of the Media 6.10 Role of Conservation Agencies PART VII ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE 7.1 Ministry of Environmental Affairs and Tourism 7.1.1 Department of Environmental
    [Show full text]
  • Political Contestations Within South African Migration Governance
    Political Contestations within South African Migration Governance Khangelani Moyo & Franzisca Zanker December 2020 KEY POINTS South African migration governance has adopted an increasingly securitised approach which also blurs the boundaries between refugees and migrants. Refugee protection is increasingly fragmented, enveloped by an exclusive immigration system and a weak regional approach in terms of free movement. There are a number of political stakes related to refugee and migration governance: o Migration governance is used as leverage in domestic politics. Xenophobic violence against migrant and refugee communities continues routinely. The exclusionary approach works particularly well as a form of leverage in scapegoating the governments failures to address poverty and job creation. A focus on securitisation further concretises an anti-refugee and anti-migrant stance in policy. o The exclusionary approach contrasts to visions of free movement and Pan-Africanism as well as the benefits of “skilled” migration. In practice however, domestic imperatives are still more important and are often strengthened by the approach to foreign policy, such as quiet diplomacy in neighbouring Zimbabwe. More recently, they have resulted in diplomatic tensions with other African countries. o The Department of Home Affairs has a performative relationship with civil society who try to keep them in check. Refugee activists are side-lined where possible and given a negative portrayal. Social xenophobic rhetoric is based on the premises of identity-construction through othering as well as being linked to economic deprivation. These discourses are reinforced both through rhetoric by politicians and the media. o The border town of Musina shows that such rhetoric is not ubiquitous and a more proactive role for political and community leaders to change the public discourse on the contributions made by migrants to communities is possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
    NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed.
    [Show full text]
  • Sitting(Link Is External)
    1 THURSDAY, 10 MAY 2018 PROCEEDINGS OF THE WESTERN CAPE PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT The sign † indicates the original language and [ ] directly thereafter indicates a translation. The House met at 14:15 The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and read the prayer. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: You may be seated. [Interjections.] Order! I see the Chief Whip first. (Notice of Motion) Mr M G E WILEY: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I give notice that I shall move: That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 198, precedence be given to the Subject for Discussion. Thank you. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you. No objection to that? Agreed to. 2 We will then start with the Subject for Discussion in the name of the hon member Gillion. I see the hon Gillion. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Hoor-hoor! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Hear-hear!] Ms M N GILLION: Mr Deputy Speaker, 2018 marks the tail -end of this administration’s term and the DA’s decade of misrule is representative of a period of regression in service delivery for the poor. Reality is that th is protracted period of disservice to our people has been marked by the deteriorating living conditions for the poor and marginalised, which forced thousands of people to take to the streets on Freedom Day, calling on the DA Government to break with the past and focus on service delivery. The most pressing challenges faced by the people in this province include inadequate living conditions, crime, poverty, dread diseases and unemployment. These challenges seem to be colour -conscious as they affect the black majority, while the minority is well taken care of.
    [Show full text]
  • Hate Crimes Against Black Lesbian South Africans: Where Race, Sexual Orientation and Gender Collide (Part Ii)
    HATE CRIMES AGAINST BLACK LESBIAN SOUTH AFRICANS: WHERE RACE, SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND GENDER COLLIDE (PART II) Kamban Naidoo BA LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) Michelle Karels LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) SUMMARY This article, which is the second of a two-part submission, examines the South African legal position pertaining to sexual offences and murder as a continuation of the theme introduced in Part One. The authors then examine the concept of motive before providing a brief overview of hate crime legislation and/or policy in the United States of America and Germany. The core of the article examines three possible routes for South Africa to curb hate crime. Firstly, the creation of substantive hate crime law in the form of legislation, secondly, the amendment of current legislation to incorporate protection against this form of crime and thirdly, the retention of the current status quo coupled with the roll-out of civil society initiatives to curb hate- motivated crime. The conclusion of the article provides recommendations from a civil society and criminal justice perspective. A INTRODUCTION This article seeks to extend the foundational framework laid in Part I within the context of criminal legal doctrine generally and the potential for hate- crime legislation in South Africa specifically. At the time of writing, the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development had appointed a task team to investigate hate-crime legislation and to submit proposals with regard to such legislation in South Africa. 1 The research is, however, still in 1 Anonymous “Speech by Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mr Andries Nel, MP, on the occasion of the official opening of the first networking session of the national task team on LGTBI Crime-related issues” October 2011 http://www.info.
    [Show full text]
  • Tourism Remains a Key Driver of South Africa's National Economy And
    Tourism remains a key driver of South Africa’s national economy and contributes to job creation. The tourism industry is a major contributor to the South African economy and employment of citizens. The sector contributes about 9% to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). The National Tourism Sector Strategy (NTSS) seeks to increase tourism’s total direct and indirect contribution to the economy from R189,4 billion in 2009 to R318,2 billion in 2015 and R499 billion in 2020. During 2016, 2 893 268 tourists arrived in South through air, 7 139 580 used road transport and 11 315 used sea transport. The majority of tourists, 9 706 602 (96,6%) were on holiday compared to 255 932 (2,5%) and 81 629 (0,8%) who came for business and study purposes respectively. The highest increase, 38,1% was for tourists from China (from 84 691 in 2015 to 116 946 in 2016), followed by India, 21,7% (from 78 385 in 2015 to 95 377 in 2016) and Germany, 21,5% (from 256 646 in 2015 to 311 832 in 2016). Tourists from Southern African Development Community Community countries (7 313 684) increased by 11,2%, from 6 575 244 in 2016. The highest increase, 26,0% was for tourists from Lesotho (from 1 394 913 in 2015 to 1 757 058 in 2016), followed by Botswana, 14,5% (from 593 514 in 2015 to 679 828 in 2016). The number of tourists from ‘other’ African countries (increased by 9,9% from 170 870 in 2015 to 187 828 in 2016.
    [Show full text]