Sitting(Link Is External)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sitting(Link Is External) 1 THURSDAY, 10 MAY 2018 PROCEEDINGS OF THE WESTERN CAPE PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT The sign † indicates the original language and [ ] directly thereafter indicates a translation. The House met at 14:15 The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and read the prayer. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: You may be seated. [Interjections.] Order! I see the Chief Whip first. (Notice of Motion) Mr M G E WILEY: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I give notice that I shall move: That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 198, precedence be given to the Subject for Discussion. Thank you. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you. No objection to that? Agreed to. 2 We will then start with the Subject for Discussion in the name of the hon member Gillion. I see the hon Gillion. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Hoor-hoor! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Hear-hear!] Ms M N GILLION: Mr Deputy Speaker, 2018 marks the tail -end of this administration’s term and the DA’s decade of misrule is representative of a period of regression in service delivery for the poor. Reality is that th is protracted period of disservice to our people has been marked by the deteriorating living conditions for the poor and marginalised, which forced thousands of people to take to the streets on Freedom Day, calling on the DA Government to break with the past and focus on service delivery. The most pressing challenges faced by the people in this province include inadequate living conditions, crime, poverty, dread diseases and unemployment. These challenges seem to be colour -conscious as they affect the black majority, while the minority is well taken care of. The flooding and the informal settlement fires will continue to kill people for as long as the DA remains in power, as its only response to the housing cri sis is sending people to Wolwerivier and Blikkiesdorp. In addition, further empty promises about the Better Living Model Game-Changer, we must ask the question: how many houses were built by this Province through this Better Living Model Game-Changer? We all know what the answer is. It is 3 nothing! Today is the time to evaluate how the DA has delivered on its mandate. What have been the failures of key service delivery departments? In 2017 Crime Stats revealed that the Western Cape is home to a third of the country’s police stations where the most killings are recorded and is also home to South Africa’s long-standing murder capital Nyanga. Seven out of the top ten police stations where the highest numbers of murders are recorded, are also in the Western Cape. Gang violence is out of hand, while the highest increase percentage in rape cases are reported in this province. More than 81 children have been murdered since last year to date. The response by the Provincial Government through the MEC of Community Safety has been to chastise SAPS and National Government for all the province’s challenges. [Interjections.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: They always do that. Ms M N GILLION: There has been little to nothing done by the Provincial Government in response. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Skande! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Disgrace!] 4 Ms M N GILLION: Lest we forget that millions were spent in the Zille Commission, which yielded no positive outcomes as this Government failed to fully implement its recommendations. The Premier and the Social Development MEC... [Interjection.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: The absent Premier. Ms M N GILLION: ...who have been forced to institute a Children’s Commissioner, are now trying to persuade NGOs to back down on their calls for an inquiry into the hike in child murders. Cape Town estimates more than a quarter of a million households live in informal settlements. There are more than 400 informal settlements in this province, yet we have an MEC that does not want to build proper houses for the poor. No wonder under his watch Cape Town fails to spend the Urban Settlement Development Grant and order funds and other funds annually. This year the DA -run metros lost nearly R540 million meant to cover costs of provision of infrastructure to poor households due to non-performance. Members of the public say closing the Provincial Department of Human Settlements would not make a difference because it is useless. Health is one of the worst run department s in this Province. During the Budget debate I highlighted the key issues which the MEC chose to be emotional about instead of addressing it. [Interjections.] The unannounced oversight visit by the NCOP to the Khayelitsha District 5 Hospital discovered that service at this hospital was in a state of collapse. There are shortages of beds and staff and this is only the t ip of the iceberg. Patients say the entire healthcare system in this province is in a state of paralysis. The MINISTER OF TRANSPORT AND PUBLIC WORKS: Do you believe it to be? Ms M N GILLION: We are still waiting for the MEC to tell us where the replacement hospital is that was promised to the Manenberg community to replace G F Jooste. The crisis in the forensic services and EMS is set to worsen as the MEC continues cutting down staff. The responses of the Provincial Government to all these challenges were the so called Game-Changers, which have not changed anything. It seems like the DA administration thinks improving the lives of our people is a game. For a party claiming clean and good governance its infighting negatively impacts on service delivery. The investigation by the Hawks in some of the DA municipalities... [Interjection.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: Like George. Ms M N GILLION: ...for fraud and corruption proves the opposite. Look at 6 what they have done to the City of Cape Town and George Municipali ties. [Interjections.] The DA’s inability to deal with racism has caused multiple incidents of racial tensions across the Western Cape. [Interjections.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: When they are racist themselves, how can they deal with that? Ms M N GILLION: The DA is obviously to blame for the violence between Siqalo informal settlement and Mitchells Plain residents... [Interjection.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: Yes. Ms M N GILLION: While this ANC is committed to the preamble of the Constitution, which focuses on South Africa’s unity in diversity, the DA continues to sow racial divisions through colonialism -praising Tweets or defending of white privilege by Natasha Mazzone. [Interjection.] The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Just one second. Mr Q R DYANTYI: Just to ask the member, Mr Deputy Speaker... The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Whether she wants to take a question? Mr Q R DYANTYI: Yes, a question. 7 An HON MEMBER: Do you want to ask a question? Mr Q R DYANTYI: Yes, can I ask the member a question? The DEPUTY SPEAKER: The member is prepared, yes, you may. The MINISTER OF FINANCE: You must ask for a caucus. [Interjections.] Mr Q R DYANTYI: Are you saying, hon member Gillion... The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Mr Q R DYANTYI: Are you saying, hon member Gillion, that all of these social ills are happening in the best-run DA Government... [Interjection.] Mr D JOSEPH: You are away from the topic. Mr Q R DYANTYI: ...that gets a clean audit every year? [Interjections.] Mr D G MITCHELL: Can you speak to the Speaker? Ms M N GILLION: Mr Deputy Speaker, the answer is yes. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Sies, sies! [Tussenwerpsels.] [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Siss, siss! [Interjections.]] 8 The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member Gillion, are you finished with your speech? An HON MEMBER: Yes. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: I see the next speaker, hon member Botha. [Interjections.] The MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND TOURISM: Is that all? An HON MEMBER: That is all. Ms L J BOTHA: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, ECONOM IC DEVELOPMENT AND TOURISM: ...for her whole debate? Ms M N GILLION: I am talking facts here. [Interjections.] The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order! Order! †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Kom nou Lorraine, kom! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Come on now, Lorraine, come on!] 9 Ms L J BOTHA: Mr Deputy Speaker, it is understandable why this is an ANC sponsored debate. When you are a master in failure you are constantly looking for others to be part of your failing circle. [Interjections.] An HON MEMBER: Oh please, Lorraine. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Daai is nie, Lorraine! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: That is not so, Lorraine!] Ms L J BOTHA: What is important though would be for us to understand what is meant by the topic - the DA’s failure to address social challenges in the Western Cape. [Interjection.] †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Julle kan nie eers water kry nie, man. Wat gaan julle doen? [Mr Q R DYANTYI: You cannot even get water, man. What are you going to do? ] Ms L J BOTHA: In fact before we get there, we must ask the question what is meant by social challenges. [Interjection.] †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Waar is die water? [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Where is the water?] The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Hon member Dyantyi, please! 10 Ms L J BOTHA: This can be defined as issues such as poverty, inability to access schooling, access to the public health sector, access to basic services such as water, sanitation and electricity, access to social grants, access to other social services such as drug rehabilitation centres, access to early childhood development centres, access and care fo r the elderly and access to job and skills development opportunities for not only young people, but also those who are unemployed and unskilled.
Recommended publications
  • Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
    South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
    Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism.
    [Show full text]
  • Premier Zille Needs to Walk Her Talk on Street-Lighting Crisis in Khayelitsha
    CAPE TIMES WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23, 2013 INSIGHT 9 Failure of the food market means many in our city go hungry Rocks and Jane Battersby-Lennard increasingly urban challenge. Security Urban Network, which context of high-energy costs and Afsun’s (the writers of this arti- strong social capital in the poor bullets and Jonathan Crush With a population approaching aims to address the challenges asso- long commutes to work makes these cle) findings reinforce the fact that, areas of the city, it also points to a 4 million, Cape Town has a particu- ciated with rising poverty and food foods less viable. in the urban setting, there are mul- failure of the market and of formal WITH food price increases outstrip- larly rapid annual growth rate of insecurity in Africa’s cities, found The proportion of households tiple causes of food insecurity. social safety nets. shatter ping South Africa’s official inflation 3.2 percent. Migration accounts for very high food insecurity in the consuming fish was also lower than There is also a range of stake- Engagement among NGOs, civil rate, and hunger and malnutrition about 41 percent of this growth and three Cape Town areas that it expected (only 16 percent) despite holders playing a role in the urban society and the state should be in Cape Town at worrying levels, the natural increase the rest. researched. the fisheries history of Ocean View. food system. As a result, the solution encouraged to put in place safety peaceful city urgently needs to develop a Addressing food insecurity in In both Philippi and Khayelitsha, Very little fresh fish is consumed; to food insecurity cannot simply be nets that neither create dependency food security strategy that goes cities like Cape Town is essential, less than 10 percent of households most comes in the form of canned linked to local and national policy nor destroy existing social safety beyond a focus on production.
    [Show full text]
  • Government System Systems
    GovernmentGovernment system systems YEARBOOK 2011/12 Government system 11 The Government of South Africa is committed to The Constitution building a free, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, South Africa’s Constitution is one of the most united and successful South Africa. progressive in the world and enjoys high acclaim The outcomes approach, which started in 2010, internationally. Human rights are given clear is embedded in and a direct result of the electoral prominence in the Constitution. mandate. Five priority areas have been identified: The Constitution of the Republic of South decent work and sustainable livelihoods, educa- Africa, 1996 was approved by the Constitutional tion, health, rural development, food security and Court on 4 December 1996 and took effect on land reform and the fight against crime and cor- 4 February 1997. ruption. These have been translated into the fol- The Constitution is the supreme law of the land. lowing 12 outcomes to create a better life for all: No other law or government action can supersede • better quality basic education the provisions of the Constitution. • a long and healthy life for all South Af- ricans The Preamble • all South Africans should be safe and feel safe The Preamble states that the Constitution aims • decent employment through inclusive growth to: • a skilled and capable workforce to support an • heal the divisions of the past and establish a inclusive growth path society based on democratic values, social Government systems• an efficient, competitive and responsive eco- justice
    [Show full text]
  • Hate Crimes Against Black Lesbian South Africans: Where Race, Sexual Orientation and Gender Collide (Part Ii)
    HATE CRIMES AGAINST BLACK LESBIAN SOUTH AFRICANS: WHERE RACE, SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND GENDER COLLIDE (PART II) Kamban Naidoo BA LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) Michelle Karels LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) SUMMARY This article, which is the second of a two-part submission, examines the South African legal position pertaining to sexual offences and murder as a continuation of the theme introduced in Part One. The authors then examine the concept of motive before providing a brief overview of hate crime legislation and/or policy in the United States of America and Germany. The core of the article examines three possible routes for South Africa to curb hate crime. Firstly, the creation of substantive hate crime law in the form of legislation, secondly, the amendment of current legislation to incorporate protection against this form of crime and thirdly, the retention of the current status quo coupled with the roll-out of civil society initiatives to curb hate- motivated crime. The conclusion of the article provides recommendations from a civil society and criminal justice perspective. A INTRODUCTION This article seeks to extend the foundational framework laid in Part I within the context of criminal legal doctrine generally and the potential for hate- crime legislation in South Africa specifically. At the time of writing, the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development had appointed a task team to investigate hate-crime legislation and to submit proposals with regard to such legislation in South Africa. 1 The research is, however, still in 1 Anonymous “Speech by Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mr Andries Nel, MP, on the occasion of the official opening of the first networking session of the national task team on LGTBI Crime-related issues” October 2011 http://www.info.
    [Show full text]
  • African National Congress NATIONAL to NATIONAL LIST 1. ZUMA Jacob
    African National Congress NATIONAL TO NATIONAL LIST 1. ZUMA Jacob Gedleyihlekisa 2. MOTLANTHE Kgalema Petrus 3. MBETE Baleka 4. MANUEL Trevor Andrew 5. MANDELA Nomzamo Winfred 6. DLAMINI-ZUMA Nkosazana 7. RADEBE Jeffery Thamsanqa 8. SISULU Lindiwe Noceba 9. NZIMANDE Bonginkosi Emmanuel 10. PANDOR Grace Naledi Mandisa 11. MBALULA Fikile April 12. NQAKULA Nosiviwe Noluthando 13. SKWEYIYA Zola Sidney Themba 14. ROUTLEDGE Nozizwe Charlotte 15. MTHETHWA Nkosinathi 16. DLAMINI Bathabile Olive 17. JORDAN Zweledinga Pallo 18. MOTSHEKGA Matsie Angelina 19. GIGABA Knowledge Malusi Nkanyezi 20. HOGAN Barbara Anne 21. SHICEKA Sicelo 22. MFEKETO Nomaindiya Cathleen 23. MAKHENKESI Makhenkesi Arnold 24. TSHABALALA- MSIMANG Mantombazana Edmie 25. RAMATHLODI Ngoako Abel 26. MABUDAFHASI Thizwilondi Rejoyce 27. GODOGWANA Enoch 28. HENDRICKS Lindiwe 29. CHARLES Nqakula 30. SHABANGU Susan 31. SEXWALE Tokyo Mosima Gabriel 32. XINGWANA Lulama Marytheresa 33. NYANDA Siphiwe 34. SONJICA Buyelwa Patience 35. NDEBELE Joel Sibusiso 36. YENGENI Lumka Elizabeth 37. CRONIN Jeremy Patrick 38. NKOANA- MASHABANE Maite Emily 39. SISULU Max Vuyisile 40. VAN DER MERWE Susan Comber 41. HOLOMISA Sango Patekile 42. PETERS Elizabeth Dipuo 43. MOTSHEKGA Mathole Serofo 44. ZULU Lindiwe Daphne 45. CHABANE Ohm Collins 46. SIBIYA Noluthando Agatha 47. HANEKOM Derek Andre` 48. BOGOPANE-ZULU Hendrietta Ipeleng 49. MPAHLWA Mandisi Bongani Mabuto 50. TOBIAS Thandi Vivian 51. MOTSOALEDI Pakishe Aaron 52. MOLEWA Bomo Edana Edith 53. PHAAHLA Matume Joseph 54. PULE Dina Deliwe 55. MDLADLANA Membathisi Mphumzi Shepherd 56. DLULANE Beauty Nomvuzo 57. MANAMELA Kgwaridi Buti 58. MOLOI-MOROPA Joyce Clementine 59. EBRAHIM Ebrahim Ismail 60. MAHLANGU-NKABINDE Gwendoline Lindiwe 61. NJIKELANA Sisa James 62. HAJAIJ Fatima 63.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of the Progressive Federal Party, 1981 - 1989
    STRUCTURAL CRISIS AND LIBERALISM: A HISTORY OF THE PROGRESSIVE FEDERAL PARTY, 1981 - 1989 DAVID SHANDLER Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Economic History, Faculty of Arts, University of Cape Town, January 1991 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. .ABSTRACT Whereas an extensive literature has developed on the broad conditions of crisis in South Africa in the seventies and eighties, and on the dynamic of state and popular responses to it, little focus has fallen .on the reactions . of the other key elements among the dominating classes. It is the aim of this dissertation to attempt to address an aspect of this lacuna by focussing on the Progressive Federal Party's responses from 1981 until 1989. The thesis develops an understanding of the period as one entailing conditions of organ.le crisis. It attempts to show the PFP' s behaviour in the context of structural and conjunctural crises. The thesis periodises the Party's policy and strategic responses and makes an effort to show its contradictory nature. An effort is made to understand this contradictory character in terms of the party's class location with respect to the white dominating classes and leading elements within it; in relation to the black dominated classes; as well as in terms of the liberal tradition within which the Party operated.
    [Show full text]
  • We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
    Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse.
    [Show full text]
  • (And Democracy) in South Africa
    Twenty years of punishment (and democracy) in South Africa The pitfalls of governing crime through the community Gail Super* [email protected] http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sacq.v48i1.1 This article examines how the ideology of ‘community’ is deployed to govern crime in South Africa, both by marginalised black communities and by the government. Although the turn to ‘community’ started under the National Party government in the late 1970s, there is no doubt that as a site, technology, discourse, ideology and form of governance, ‘community’ has become entrenched in the post-1994 era. Utilising empirical data drawn from ethnographic research on vigilantism in Khayelitsha, as well as archival materials in respect of ANC policies and practices before it became the governing party, I argue that rallying ‘communities’ around crime combatting has the potential to unleash violent technologies in the quest for ‘ethics’ and ‘morality’. When community members unite against an outsider they are bonded for an intense moment in a way that masks the very real problems that tear the community apart. Because violent punishment is one of the consequences of the state’s turn towards democratic localism, we should question the way in which the ‘community’ is deployed as a tool of crime prevention, and subject it to rigorous scrutiny. With the advent of formal democracy in South in 2004, South Africa has the highest incarceration Africa in April 1994 one might have been justified rate in Africa and one of the highest in the world.2 In in expecting that the criminal justice system would 2013, the number of people serving life imprisonment become less punitive and that this would entail stood at 11 000, as opposed to 400 in 1994.3 less reliance on imprisonment as a punishment Democratisation has thus brought with it a dramatic par excellence.1 However, although the numbers in increase in long-term prison sentences, ranging custody have been reduced since an all-time high from seven years to life.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    FROM POLITICAL VIOLENCE TO CRIMINAL VIOLENCE - THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA by Sydney M. Mitchell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2006 © Copyright by Sydney M. Mitchell, 2006 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Crime and Pu'nishment in South Africa
    If you have issues viewing or accessing this file, please contact us at NCJRS.gov. NATIONAL INSTITUTE fOR ~I?IME PREVENTION AND REHABILITATION OF OFFENDERS sa d hS ..... CRIME AND PU'NISHMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA by J. J. LABUSCHAGNE EX nnM NASIONALE INSTITUUT INSAKE MISDAAD­ VOORKOMING EN REHABILITASIE VAN OORTREDERS NIMRO .<>' ,, CRDrn AND PUNISHMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA by J.J. LABUSCHAGNE Senior Lecturer in Criminology, UNISA National Vice-Chairman, NICRO Published by NICRO P.O. Box 10005 CAPE TOifJN 7905 Tel: 41-2362 ISBH' o 620 01364 8 ._--- .~~.--~ - .. ~ -- CRDIE A1TD ITS TREATMENT IN SOUTH AFRICA Criminals and "TOmen have much the same in cornman u.s subjects of study. Both are difficult to understand; both are approached more often with emotion than logic; both are adept at hiding their true natures from the observer when it suits their interest to do so. Yet fevl subjects attract so many self-styled "experts" 'or such intense curiosity and interest. From time immemorial reactions to crime and the criminal have been coloured by extremes of emotion. Criminals have been described as mons tel's or pictured as hunted animals or as helpless victims of circumstances. These wide swings of emotion are reflected in crime fiction. One story describes the resourcefulness of the clever criminal in outwitting the police. Another tale presents th.e heroic figure of the fearless policeman risking his life and using his wits to overcome the vicious criminal. Often the story ends with the clang of prison. gates. News stories about crime usually end at this point because this is where public interest stops - people often fail to realize that prison doors st'ling both l'lays.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 2016/2017
    Annual Report 2016/2017 This Annual Report is drafted in terms of the Local Government: Municipal Finance Management Act, 2003 (Act 56 of 2003) and the Local Government: Municipal Systems Act, 2000 (Act 32 of 2000). Drakenstein Municipality Civic Centre Berg River Boulevard PAARL 7622 Website: www.drakenstein.gov.za Telephone: 021 807 4615 E-mail: [email protected] TABLE OF CONTENTS GLOSSARY.............................................................................................................................................. 11 CHAPTER 1: EXECUTIVE MAYOR’S FOREWORD AND EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................... 15 COMPONENT A: EXECUTIVE MAYOR’S FOREWORD ......................................................................... 16 COMPONENT B: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................... 18 1.1 CITY MANAGER’S OVERVIEW ............................................................................................ 18 1.2 MUNICIPAL FUNCTIONS, POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENTAL OVERVIEW .................... 21 1.3 SERVICE DELIVERY OVERVIEW .......................................................................................... 25 1.4 FINANCIAL HEALTH OVERVIEW ......................................................................................... 27 1.5 ORGANISATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OVERVIEW ................................................................. 32 1.6 AUDITOR-GENERAL REPORT ............................................................................................
    [Show full text]