Corrective Rape and the War on Homosexuality: Patriarchy, African Culture and Ubuntu
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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
Re-Membering Queer Africa in Literature and Film Matthew Ap Trick Durkin
Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations Spring 1-1-2017 "Unorthodox Conduct": Re-membering Queer Africa in Literature and Film Matthew aP trick Durkin Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Recommended Citation Durkin, M. P. (2017). "Unorthodox Conduct": Re-membering Queer Africa in Literature and Film (Doctoral dissertation, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/126 This One-year Embargo is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "UNORTHODOX CONDUCT": RE-MEMBERING QUEER AFRICA IN LITERATURE AND FILM A Dissertation Submitted to the McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Matthew Durkin May 2017 Copyright by Matthew P. Durkin 2017 "UNORTHODOX CONDUCT": RE-MEMBERING QUEER AFRICA IN LITERATURE AND FILM By Matthew P. Durkin Approved April 7, 2017 ________________________________ ________________________________ Emad Mirmotahari, Ph.D. Laura Engel, Ph.D. Associate Professor of English Professor of English (Committee Chair) (Committee Member) ________________________________ James Holstun, Ph.D. Professor of English, University at Buffalo (Committee Member) ________________________________ ________________________________ -
South Africa and the African Renaissance
South Africa and the African Renaissance PETER VALE* AND SIPHO MASEKO On May , immediately prior to the adoption of South Africa’s new con- stitution,Thabo Mbeki, Nelson Mandela’s chosen successor, opened his address to the country’s Constitutional Assembly with the words ‘I am an African!’. In an inclusionary speech, symptomatic of post-apartheid South Africa, Mbeki drew strands of the country’s many histories together. His words evoked great emotion within the assembly chamber, and later throughout the country: across the political spectrum, South Africans strongly associated themselves with the spirit of reconciliation and outreach caught in his words. South Africa’s reunification with the rest of the continent had been a significant sub-narrative within the processes which led to negotiation over the ending of apartheid. That South Africa would become part of the African community was, of course, beyond doubt; what was at issue was both the sequence of events by which this would happen and the conditionalities attached to its happening.The continent’s enthusiasm for the peace process in South Africa was initially uneven: the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in June decided to retain sanctions against South Africa although the Nigerian leader, General Ibrahim Babingida, expressed an interest in meet- ing South Africa’s then President, F.W.de Klerk, if such an occasion ‘would help bring about majority rule.’ The political prize attached to uniting South Africa with the rest of the continent explains why South Africa’s outgoing minority government, despite energetic and expensive diplomatic effort, was unable to deliver its own version of South Africa in Africa. -
South Africa: No Arrests in Lesbian Murder Case Homophobic Violence Continues Unchecked in Townships May 2, 2011
South Africa: No Arrests in Lesbian Murder Case Homophobic Violence Continues Unchecked in Townships May 2, 2011 (Johannesburg) - The murder of a 24-year-old lesbian activist from Kwa-Thema township in Gauteng appears to be the latest in an epidemic of brutal homophobic attacks, Human Rights Watch said today. Noxolo Nogwaza was found murdered on April 24, 2011, in a vicious attack that seems to have been motivated by her sexual orientation. Nogwaza's face and head were completely disfigured by stoning, she was stabbed several times with broken glass, and the evidence suggests that she was raped. A beer bottle, a large rock, and used condoms were found on and near her body. "Nogwaza's death is the latest in a long series of sadistic crimes against lesbians, gay men, and transgender people in South Africa," said Dipika Nath, researcher in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender tights (LGBT) program at Human Rights Watch. "The vicious nature of the assault is a potent reminder that these attacks are premeditated, planned, and often committed with impunity." Human Rights Watch said that the government should immediately issue a public statement condemning the attack and the police should step up investigations to apprehend Nogwaza's killers. On the night of April 23, Nogwaza went to a bar in Tsakane, a township neighboring Kwa-Thema, with a female friend. Some men in the bar propositioned her friend, which led to a verbal altercation between Nogwaza and the men. Her friend left the bar and Nogwaza herself was last seen by an acquaintance soon after the fight. -
Political Contestations Within South African Migration Governance
Political Contestations within South African Migration Governance Khangelani Moyo & Franzisca Zanker December 2020 KEY POINTS South African migration governance has adopted an increasingly securitised approach which also blurs the boundaries between refugees and migrants. Refugee protection is increasingly fragmented, enveloped by an exclusive immigration system and a weak regional approach in terms of free movement. There are a number of political stakes related to refugee and migration governance: o Migration governance is used as leverage in domestic politics. Xenophobic violence against migrant and refugee communities continues routinely. The exclusionary approach works particularly well as a form of leverage in scapegoating the governments failures to address poverty and job creation. A focus on securitisation further concretises an anti-refugee and anti-migrant stance in policy. o The exclusionary approach contrasts to visions of free movement and Pan-Africanism as well as the benefits of “skilled” migration. In practice however, domestic imperatives are still more important and are often strengthened by the approach to foreign policy, such as quiet diplomacy in neighbouring Zimbabwe. More recently, they have resulted in diplomatic tensions with other African countries. o The Department of Home Affairs has a performative relationship with civil society who try to keep them in check. Refugee activists are side-lined where possible and given a negative portrayal. Social xenophobic rhetoric is based on the premises of identity-construction through othering as well as being linked to economic deprivation. These discourses are reinforced both through rhetoric by politicians and the media. o The border town of Musina shows that such rhetoric is not ubiquitous and a more proactive role for political and community leaders to change the public discourse on the contributions made by migrants to communities is possible. -
Designing the South African Nation from Nature to Culture
CHAPTER 3 Designing the South African Nation From Nature to Culture Jacques Lange and Jeanne van Eeden There is to date very little published research and writing about South African design history. One of the main obstacles has been dealing with the legacy of forty years of apartheid censorship (1950 to 1990) that banned and destroyed a vast array of visual culture in the interests of propaganda and national security, according to the Beacon for Freedom of Expression (http://search.beaconforfreedom.org/about_database/south%20africa.html). This paucity of material is aggravated by the general lack of archival and doc- umentary evidence, not just of the struggle against apartheid, but also of the wider domain of design in South Africa. Even mainstream designed mate- rial for the British imperialist and later apartheid government has been lost or neglected in the inadequate archival facilities of the State and influential organizations such as the South African Railways. Efforts to redress this are now appearing as scholars start to piece together fragments, not in order to write a definitive history of South African design, but rather to write histories of design in South Africa that recuperate neglected narratives or revise earlier historiographies. This chapter is accordingly an attempt to document a number of key moments in the creation of South African nationhood between 1910 and 2013 in which communication design played a part. Our point of departure is rooted in Zukin’s (1991: 16) belief that symbolic and material manifestations of power harbour the ideological needs of powerful institutions to manipulate class, gender and race relations, ultimately to serve the needs of capital (and governance). -
“Corrective” Rapes Be Addressed by Combining the Legal Frameworks of LGBT Rights and Women’S Rights?
Master’s Thesis International and European Law – Human Rights Law – 2016-2017 To what extent can the issue of “corrective” rapes be addressed by combining the legal frameworks of LGBT rights and women’s rights? Thesis by Rati Gujadhur Snr: 2005082 Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the LL.M International and European Law Supervised by Mr. dr. A.K. Meijknecht Tilburg Law School June 2017 1 Master’s Thesis International and European Law – Human Rights Law – 2016-2017 I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor Anna Meijknecht for her guidance and support, I would like to thank my parents and my brother for their unconditional love and support, And my friends who kept supporting me and encouraging me throughout this year! 2 Master’s Thesis International and European Law – Human Rights Law – 2016-2017 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 8 I. Issue of ‘’corrective’’ rapes in South Africa 13 II. How can LGB rights help with the issue of “corrective” rapes in South Africa? 17 2.1. LGBT rights in the international legal framework (international human rights law) 17 2.1.1. First resolution (UN Res 17/19) 18 2.1.2. Anti-LGBT violence 19 2.1.3. Alarming nature of this late resolution 19 2.1.4. Report (A/HRC/19/41) 20 2.2 .Born Free and Equal Booklet – published by the OHCHR 22 2.2.1. The protection of individuals from homophonic and trans-phobic violence 23 2.2.2. The prevention of torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of LGBT persons 25 2.2.3. -
South Africa | Freedom House Page 1 of 8
South Africa | Freedom House Page 1 of 8 South Africa freedomhouse.org In May 2014, South Africa held national elections that were considered free and fair by domestic and international observers. However, there were growing concerns about a decline in prosecutorial independence, labor unrest, and political pressure on an otherwise robust media landscape. South Africa continued to be marked by high-profile corruption scandals, particularly surrounding allegations that had surfaced in 2013 that President Jacob Zuma had personally benefitted from state-funded renovations to his private homestead in Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) won in the 2014 elections with a slightly smaller vote share than in 2009. The newly formed Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a populist splinter from the ANC Youth League, emerged as the third-largest party. The subsequent session of the National Assembly was more adversarial than previous iterations, including at least two instances when ANC leaders halted proceedings following EFF-led disruptions. Beginning in January, the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) led a five-month strike in the platinum sector, South Africa’s longest and most costly strike. The strike saw some violence and destruction of property, though less than AMCU strikes in 2012 and 2013. The year also saw continued infighting between rival trade unions. The labor unrest exacerbated the flagging of the nation’s economy and the high unemployment rate, which stood at approximately 25 percent nationally and around 36 percent for youth. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 33 / 40 [Key] A. Electoral Process: 12 / 12 Elections for the 400-seat National Assembly (NA), the lower house of the bicameral Parliament, are determined by party-list proportional representation. -
Cameron Eudy Simelane Memorial Lecture Thursday
Eudy Simelane Memorial Lecture Pietermaritzburg Thursday 7 April 2016 17h30 Inaugural lecture on behalf of The Other Foundation and The Ujamaa Centre, University of KwaZulu-Natal by Edwin Cameron, Constitutional Court of South Africa* * I am grateful to my law clerk Merrow Golden for insightfully excerpting the Human Dignity Trust report in para 17, and, in addition to other help, finding the Triangle Project reports also mentioned there. 1. It is nearly eight years since Eudy Simelane’s death. Tonight we gather to mark cruelty, hatred and injustice. We mark the cruelty of a world that denied this beautiful, talented person her life, a world whose hatred suppressed her voice and extinguished her capacity for love and vigour and energy: a world that hated and despised her because she was herself – an openly, proud lesbian. 2. But we also gather with a positive purpose – to pay tribute to extraordinary courage and a beautiful life. We gather to celebrate Eudy’s life as someone who embraced her own sexual orientation; who lived openly in her own township, KwaThema, as a lesbian, who played a beautiful, brave game of soccer – and whose courage made it easier for those who followed her to live their lives as themselves. 3. My theme tonight is not the destruction of Eudy’s life – but the hope her life engendered. 4. So the evening, and this lecture, have both bitter and sweet in them. We hang our heads in grief at an unspeakable act of cruelty and violent destruction, and the terrible loss it inflicted – not only on 1 Eudy’s friends and family, but on all of us. -
South Africa February 2013
Blind Alleys PART II Country Findings: South Africa February 2013 The Unseen Struggles of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Urban Refugees in Mexico, Uganda and South Africa Acknowledgements This project was conceived and directed by Neil Grungras and was brought to completion by Cara Hughes and Kevin Lo. Editing, and project management were provided by Steven Heller, Kori Weinberger, Peter Stark, Eunice Lee, Ian Renner, and Max Niedzwiecki. In South Africa, we thank Liesl Theron of Gender DynamiX, Father Russell Pollitt and Dumisani Dube of Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Braamfontein, Johannesburg, Kaajal Ramjathan-Keogh of Lawyers for Human Rights, and Braam Hanekom and Guillain KoKo of PASSOP (People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty) who gave us advice and essential access to its cli- ents. We thank Charmaine Hedding, Sibusiso Kheswa, Siobhan McGuirk, Tara Ngwato Polzer, Sanjula Weerasinghe, and Rachel Levitan for their work coordinating and conducting the field research. Expert feedback and editing was provided by Libby Johnston and Melanie Nathan. We are particularly grateful to Anahid Bazarjani, Nicholas Hersh, Lucie Leblond, Minjae Lee, Darren Miller, John Odle, Odessa Powers, Peter Stark, and Anna von Herrmann. These dedi- cated interns and volunteers conducted significant amounts of desk research and pored over thou- sands of pages of interview transcripts over the course of months, assuring that every word and every comment by interviewees were meticulously taken into account in this report. These pages would be blank but for the refugees who bravely recounted their sagas seeking pro- tection, as well as the dedicated UNHCR, NGO, and government staff who so earnestly shared their experiences and understandings of the refugees we all seek to protect. -
BEYOND RETRIBUTION Existing Practice As Well As Practitioners’ Production of This Monograph
ISS MONOGRAPH No 111 A joint publication with the Restorative Justice Centre Restorative justice is a way of dealing perceptions – for using restorative with victims and offenders by focusing justice methods in the day-to-day on settling the conflicts arising from handling of criminal offences. In doing crime, resolving the underlying so, the main challenge will be providing problems that cause it, and thereby effective training on the aims, outcomes healing all those affected. The and applications of restorative justice for community, rather than just the police, all those involved in the process. courts and prisons should be allowed a space in the formal justice process to take responsibility for controlling crime. Currently, however, the criminal justice system rarely provides this opportunity. This monograph argues that inter- nationally, restorative justice has been carefully considered and a high degree of consensus about the approach exists. South Africa is now well positioned – in terms of the policy environment, The Royal Danish Embassy funded the BEYOND RETRIBUTION existing practice as well as practitioners’ production of this monograph. PROSPECTS FOR RESTORATIVE JUSTICE IN SOUTH AFRICA EDITED BY TRAGGY MAEPA The vision of the Institute for Security Studies is one of a stable and peaceful Africa characterised by human rights, the rule of law, democracy and collaborative security. BEYOND RETRIBUTION As an applied policy research institute with a mission to conceptualise, inform and enhance the security debate in Africa, the Institute supports this vision statement by PROSPECTS FOR RESTORATIVE undertaking independent applied research and analysis; facilitating and supporting policy formulation; raising the JUSTICE IN SOUTH AFRICA awareness of decision makers and the public; monitoring trends and policy implementation; collecting, interpreting and disseminating information; networking on national, EDITED BY TRAGGY MAEPA regional and international levels; and capacity-building.