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From Matieland to Mother City: Landscape, Identity and Place in Feature Films Set in the Cape Province, 1947-1989.”
“FROM MATIELAND TO MOTHER CITY: LANDSCAPE, IDENTITY AND PLACE IN FEATURE FILMS SET IN THE CAPE PROVINCE, 1947-1989.” EUSTACIA JEANNE RILEY Thesis Presented for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of Historical Studies UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN December 2012 Supervisor: Vivian Bickford-Smith Table of Contents Abstract v Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 1 The Cape apartheid landscape on film 4 2 Significance and literature review 9 3 Methodology 16 3.1 Films as primary sources 16 3.2 A critical visual methodology 19 4 Thesis structure and chapter outline 21 Chapter 1: Foundational Cape landscapes in Afrikaans feature films, 1947- 1958 25 Introduction 25 Context 27 1 Afrikaner nationalism and identity in the rural Cape: Simon Beyers, Hans die Skipper and Matieland 32 1.1 Simon Beyers (1947) 34 1.2 Hans die Skipper (1953) 41 1.3 Matieland (1955) 52 2 The Mother City as a scenic metropolitan destination and military hub: Fratse in die Vloot 60 Conclusion 66 Chapter 2: Mother city/metropolis: representations of the Cape Town land- and cityscape in feature films of the 1960s 69 Introduction 69 Context 70 1 Picturesque Cape Town 76 1.1 The exotic picturesque 87 1.2 The anti-picturesque 90 1.3 A picturesque for Afrikaners 94 2 Metropolis of Tomorrow 97 2.1 Cold War modernity 102 i Conclusion 108 Chapter 3: "Just a bowl of cherries”: representations of landscape and Afrikaner identity in feature films made in the Cape Province in the 1970s 111 Introduction 111 Context 112 1 A brief survey of 1970s film landscapes 118 2 Picturesque -
Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
Building Systems to End Family Homelessness
Family Connection Building Systems to End Family Homelessness Ending homelessness for families and children is a priority for the nation and for every The Plan community. By providing the right amount of assistance to help families obtain or regain Opening Doors: permanent housing as quickly as possible and ensuring access to services to remain stably Federal Strategic housed, achieving an end to family homelessness is possible. Plan to Prevent and End Homelessness Defining an End to Family Homelessness sets the goal to end family homelessness Given the current economic realities in most communities, situations in which families experience a crisis in 2020. and lose their home will likely occur. Recognizing this reality, USICH and federal partners adopted a vision of an end to family homelessness to mean that no family will be without shelter and homelessness will be a rare and brief occurrence. To achieve an end to family homelessness, we encourage communities to join us to strengthen our local crisis response systems together. What We Know Families experiencing Working together with our partners at the state, local, and federal level to strengthen the local homelessness are crisis response systems, we will: very similar to other • Ensure that no family is living unsheltered, low-income families. • Shorten episodes of family homelessness by providing resources that enable families to safely They face many reenter permanent housing as quickly as possible, obstacles such as • Link families to the benefits, supports, and community-based services they need to achieve and low education level, maintain housing stability, and domestic violence, • Identify and implement effective prevention methods to help families avoid homelessness. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
The Black Sash
THE BLACK SASH THE BLACK SASH MINUTES OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 CONTENTS: Minutes Appendix Appendix 4. Appendix A - Register B - Resolutions, Statements and Proposals C - Miscellaneous issued by the National Executive 5 Long Street Mowbray 7700 MINUTES OF THE BLACK SASH NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1990 - GRAHAMSTOWN SESSION 1: FRIDAY 2 MARCH 1990 14:00 - 16:00 (ROSEMARY VAN WYK SMITH IN THE CHAIR) I. The National President, Mary Burton, welcomed everyone present. 1.2 The Dedication was read by Val Letcher of Albany 1.3 Rosemary van wyk Smith, a National Vice President, took the chair and called upon the conference to observe a minute's silence in memory of all those who have died in police custody and in detention. She also asked the conference to remember Moira Henderson and Netty Davidoff, who were among the first members of the Black Sash and who had both died during 1989. 1.4 Rosemary van wyk Smith welcomed everyone to Grahamstown and expressed the conference's regrets that Ann Colvin and Jillian Nicholson were unable to be present because of illness and that Audrey Coleman was unable to come. All members of conference were asked to introduce themselves and a roll call was held. (See Appendix A - Register for attendance list.) 1.5 Messages had been received from Errol Moorcroft, Jean Sinclair, Ann Burroughs and Zilla Herries-Baird. Messages of greetings were sent to Jean Sinclair, Ray and Jack Simons who would be returning to Cape Town from exile that weekend. A message of support to the family of Anton Lubowski was approved for dispatch in the light of the allegations of the Minister of Defence made under the shelter of parliamentary privilege. -
Article Differing Interpretations of Reconciliation in South Africa
Article Differing interpretations of reconciliation in South Africa: a discussion of the home for all campaign1 Sally Matthews [email protected] Abstract The theme of reconciliation remains an important one in South African politics. The issue of reconciliation was recently highlighted by South African Human Rights Commission chairperson, Jody Kollapen. According to Kollapen, in South Africa we have a problematic narrow interpretation of reconciliation, one that presents reconciliation and transformation as being in opposition to one another. This paper explores some of the debates about reconciliation as a process and then relates these to the Home for All Campaign. This Campaign was aimed at encouraging white South Africans to acknowledge the injustices of the past and to commit themselves to healing divisions and reducing inequalities in contemporary South Africa. It conceived of reconciliation as a process in which the onus is on white South Africans to take the initiative in reconciling with black South Africans. The Campaign received much publicity and provoked debate but never managed to gain the support of a significant number of white South Africans. In this paper, I explore the reasons for the Campaign’s failure to meet all of its objectives, relating this to contemporary South African discourse on reconciliation. I argue that the Campaign’s interpretation of reconciliation was valuable and necessary and that it remains imperative in South Africa that white South Africans critically reflect upon past and present privileges and take the initiative in processes of inter-racial reconciliation. More than fifteen years after the end of apartheid the topic of post-apartheid inter-racial reconciliation in South Africa remains pertinent. -
RECONCILIATION MONTH “United in Action Against Racism, Gender Based Violence and Other Intolerances”
RECONCILIATION MONTH “United in Action Against Racism, Gender Based Violence and Other Intolerances” ”We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world” Nelson Mandela BACKGROUND TO SOUTH SFRICA’S RECONCILIATION Day of Reconciliation, also called Day of the Vow, Day of the Covenant, or Dingane’s Day, public holiday observed in South Africa on December 16. The holiday originally commemorated the victory of the Voortrekkers (southern Africans of Dutch, German, or Huguenot descent who made the Great Trek) over the Zulus at the Battle of Blood River in 1838. Before the battle, the Voortrekkers had taken a vow that, if they succeeded in defeating the Zulus, they would build a church and observe the day as a religious holiday. The observance became known as Dingane’s Day (after the Zulu king Dingane), and in 1910 the day was established as a public holiday. In 1952 the ruling National Party passed the Public Holidays Act, which changed the holiday’s name to Day of the Covenant (later changed in 1980 to Day of the Vow) and formally declared the day a religious holiday. As a result, activities such as sports events and theatre performances were banned. The Day of Reconciliation is observed on Wednesday, December 16, 2020 in South Africa. The day gained additional significance in 1961, when the military wing of the African National Congress, Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”), chose the date to begin an armed conflict against the ruling government’s policy of apartheid. -
HOMELESS WORLD CUP DAY PROGRAMME Sunday, July 5, 2020
HOMELESS WORLD CUP DAY PROGRAMME Sunday, July 5, 2020 Football vs Homelessness For the first part of the day we will see the power of football in action and learn about the work of the Homeless World Cup Foundation and its partners. Expect fantastic football, fun banter between our guest pundits and heart-warming stories from across our network. 13:00 BST (UTC+1) A MESSAGE FROM OUR FOUNDER, MEL YOUNG This day we would be celebrating the finals of the Tampere 2020 HWC, but we were forced to adapt like the rest of the world, so instead we welcome everyone to our first ever HWC Day. HOMELESS WORLD CUP REWIND CARDIFF 2019 A panel of pundits watch for the first time a classic match from the Cardiff 2019 Homeless World Cup. Expect some world-class football and unique analysis. Hosted by David Tanner. Guest Pundits: Former German and Portuguese legends, Steffen Freund and Nuno Gomes. 14:30 BST (UTC+1) HOMELESS WORLD CUP REWIND MEXICO 2018 A panel of pundits watch for the first time a classic women’s match from the Mexico 2018 Homeless World Cup. Expect some world-class football and unique analysis. Hosted by David Tanner. 1 Guest pundits: 144 cap England international, Karen Carney MBE; Fulham great and now Community Equalities Executive at the PFA, Terry Angus; and Nottingham Forest’s Jason Lee, now Equalities Education Executive at the PFA. GOAL OF THE MONTH COMPETITION Look back at some of the best Homeless World Cup games in recent history and the top three goals will be revealed. -
The Crisis in Sudan
Peace in the Balance: The Crisis in Sudan Edited by Brian Raftopoulos and Karin Alexander A publication of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation published with the generous support of the Royal Netherlands Embassy in South Africa sudan_text_prelims.indd 1 3/8/07 10:28:56 AM Published by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation Ground Floor, House Vincent, Wynberg Mews, corner of Brodie and Ebenezer Roads, Wynberg 7800, Cape Town, South Africa Text © 2006 Institute for Justice and Reconciliation Photography: © ACNS Rosenthal p. 22 (top); © Christine Nesbitt / Africanpictures.net pp. 6, 99; © Bienjamien Karlie / Africanpictures.net p. 16; © Eric Miller / Galbe.com pp. 49, 112, 147; © Jose_Cendon / Galbe.com pp. 118/119; © Charles K. Mironko pp. 80, 88, 132, 133, 136; © Sven Torfinn / Panos pp. 37, 45, 62/63, 155; © Caroline Penn / Panos p. 69; © Sarah Crawford- Browne p. 56 Maps: © European Coalition on Oil in Sudan p. 31 ISBN 0-9585002-9-0 Produced by Compress www.compress.co.za Distributed by Blue Weaver PO Box 30370, Tokai 7966, South Africa Fax: +27 21 701 7302 E-mail: [email protected] sudan_text_prelims.indd 2 3/8/07 10:28:56 AM Contents Sudan Fact Sheet .............................................................................................iv Map of Sudan ..................................................................................................vi Introduction ......................................................................................................1 1. Sudanese Civil Wars: Multiple Causes, -
GRAINS and CEREALS Sub-Sector Skills Plan 2020-2021 CONTENTS
GRAINS AND CEREALS Sub-Sector Skills Plan 2020-2021 CONTENTS ENABLING A SKILLED AND PROSPEROUS AGRICULTURAL SECTOR i ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ................................. ii CHAPTER 5: SKILLS PRIORITY ACTIONS .........33 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................. iii RESEARCH PROCESS AND METHODS .............................. iv 5.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................ 34 SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS ....................................... vi 5.2 KEY FINDINGS FROM OTHER CHAPTERS .................... 34 5.3 RECOMMENDED ACTIONS ..................................... 34 CHAPTER 1: SECTOR PROFILE ....................1 5.4 CONCLUSION ................................................... 35 1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................ 2 LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................... 36 1.2 SCOPE OF COVERAGE ......................................... 2 1.3 KEY ROLE-PLAYERS ............................................ 5 1.4 ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE ................................... 7 1.5 EMPLOYER PROFILE ........................................... 9 1.6 LABOUR MARKET PROFILE .................................... 10 1.7 CONCLUSION ................................................... 12 CHAPTER 2: KEY SKILLS ISSUES...................13 2.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................ 14 2.2 CHANGE DRIVERS .............................................. 14 2.3 ALIGNMENT OF SKILLS PLANNING TO NATIONAL .......... STRATEGY AND PLANS ....................................... -
Creating Provinces for a New South Africa, 1993
NEGOTIATING DIVISIONS IN A DIVIDED LAND: CREATING PROVINCES FOR A NEW SOUTH AFRICA, 1993 SYNOPSIS As South Africa worked to draft a post-apartheid constitution in the months leading up to its first fully democratic elections in 1994, the disparate groups negotiating the transition from apartheid needed to set the country’s internal boundaries. By 1993, the negotiators had agreed that the new constitution would divide the country into provinces, but the thorniest issues remained: the number of provinces and their borders. Lacking reliable population data and facing extreme time pressure, the decision makers confronted explosive political challenges. South Africa in the early 1990s was a patchwork of provinces and “homelands,” ethnically defined areas for black South Africans. Some groups wanted provincial borders drawn according to ethnicity, which would strengthen their political bases but also reinforce divisions that had bedeviled the country’s political past. Those groups threatened violence if they did not get their way. To reconcile the conflicting interests and defuse the situation, the Multi-Party Negotiating Forum established a separate, multiparty commission. Both the commission and its technical committee comprised individuals from different party backgrounds who had relevant skills and expertise. They agreed on a set of criteria for the creation of new provinces and solicited broad input from the public. In the short term, the Commission on the Demarcation/Delimitation of States/Provinces/Regions balanced political concerns and technical concerns, satisfied most of the negotiating parties, and enabled the elections to move forward by securing political buy-in from a wide range of factions. In the long term, however, the success of the provincial boundaries as subnational administrations has been mixed. -
Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa.