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1 NORTH KOREA AND NUCLEAR DETERRENCE Patrick Morgan Contrary to the usual view, deterring a state like North Korea is not really more difficult if it has nuclear weapons. Pre- venting North Korea from deterring a government like the US, or a UN coalition, is also not more difficult if the North has nuclear weapons. It is very difficult to make a decision to use nuclear weapons. It is especially difficult if a government is devoted to its survival, will certainly cease to exist if it uses nuclear weapons (the reaction would be so extreme), and its opponents may not react so harshly if it decides not to use nuclear weapons. This is the situation the North will be in with a modest number of nuclear weapons. Thus those who pres- sure the North should stop short of threatening its existence. And the North should take seriously the current opportunity to negotiate a settlement of the Korean problem. Since early in the nuclear age, when it was suggested that states would soon have to rely on nuclear deterrence to keep safe, the idea of doing so has aroused uneasiness, particularly on the grounds that this is too static and leaves too much of the responsibility for national secu- International Journal of Korean Unification Studies, Vol. 13, No. 1, 2004, pp. 1-19. Copyright © 2004 by KINU 2 North Korea and Nuclear Deterrence Patrick Morgan 3 rity in the hands of another state, one that may be a dangerous oppo- 1950 was a striking failure of security policy for the US and the ROK. -
Hoover Institution Newsletter Winter 2004
HOOVER INSTITUTION WINTER 2004 NEWSLETTERNEWSLETTER FALL RETREAT TAKES ON TIMELY TOPICS PRESIDENT BUSH WITH SPEAKERS, PRESENTATIONS NOMINATES KORET TASK FORCE MEMBERS TO NATIONAL BOARD onstitutional law, education, racial discussed the strengths and weakness of quotas, nuclear weapons, tax U.S. leadership. In his talk, Ferguson FOR EDUCATION SCIENCES Cpolicy, and the future of California explored how far the Anglo-American hree members of the Hoover Insti- were among the many timely topics ideals of free markets, rule of law, and rep- tution’s Koret Task Force on K–12 addressed during the Hoover Institution’s resentative government can be maintained Education were nominated by Pres- Fall Director’s Retreat, October 26–28, and how far they can be exported or glob- T ident George W. Bush to the National 2003. continued on page 8 Board for Education Sciences. Hoover senior fellow Victor Davis Nominated were Eric A.Hanushek,Car- Hanson discussed “The War on Terrorism oline Hoxby, and Herbert Walberg. in a Classical Context,”and,in the course of Hanushek, who was nominated to a his talk, examined mythologies surround- two-year term, is the Paul and Jean Hanna ing war, their causes and how they are Senior Fellow in Education at Hoover. resolved. Hoxby, who was nominated to a four- “Wars are hard to start,”said Hanson, a year term, is a professor of economics at noted classicist and author, “Most states Harvard University and director of the know exactly what they’re doing and they Economics of Education Program for the take these precipitous steps because they National Bureau of Economic Research. -
Democratic Vanguardism
Democratic Vanguardism Modernity, Intervention, and the making of the Bush Doctrine Michael Harland A Thesis Submitted in Fulfillment of The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History University of Canterbury 2013 For Francine Contents Acknowledgements 1 Abstract 3 Introduction 4 1. America at the Vanguard: Democracy Promotion and the Bush Doctrine 16 2. Assessing History’s End: Thymos and the Post-Historic Life 37 3. The Exceptional Nation: Power, Principle and American Foreign Policy 55 4. The “Crisis” of Liberal Modernity: Neoconservatism, Relativism and Republican Virtue 84 5. An “Intoxicating Moment:” The Rise of Democratic Globalism 123 6. The Perfect Storm: September 11 and the coming of the Bush Doctrine 159 Conclusion 199 Bibliography 221 1 Acknowledgements Over the three years I spent researching and writing this thesis, I have received valuable advice and support from a number of individuals and organisations. My supervisors, Peter Field and Jeremy Moses, were exemplary. As my senior supervisor, Peter provided a model of a consummate historian – lively, probing, and passionate about the past. His detailed reading of my work helped to hone the thesis significantly. Peter also allowed me to use his office while he was on sabbatical in 2009. With a library of over six hundred books, the space proved of great use to an aspiring scholar. Jeremy Moses, meanwhile, served as the co-supervisor for this thesis. His research on the connections between liberal internationalist theory and armed intervention provided much stimulus for this study. Our discussions on the present trajectory of American foreign policy reminded me of the continuing pertinence of my dissertation topic. -
TRANSITION to WHAT? Legacies and Reform Trajectories After Communism Chapter Author(S): GRIGORE POP-ELECHES
University of Washington Press Chapter Title: TRANSITION TO WHAT? Legacies and Reform Trajectories after Communism Chapter Author(s): GRIGORE POP-ELECHES Book Title: World Order after Leninism Book Editor(s): Vladimir Tismaneanu, Marc Morjé Howard, Rudra Sil Published by: University of Washington Press. (2006) Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvcwnpdh.6 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of Washington Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Order after Leninism This content downloaded from 128.112.40.49 on Mon, 30 Mar 2020 19:32:28 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 3 TRANSITION TO WHAT? Legacies and Reform Trajectories after Communism GRIGORE POP-ELECHES he passage of sixteen years since the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe provides a good vantage point not only for assess- Ting the social and political trajectories of ex-communist countries but also for revisiting one of the most original and influential perspectives on the "transition," Ken Jowitt's "The Leninist Legacy." This essay analyzes to what extent a common Leninist legacy persists in the social and politi- cal fabric of the former communist countries, and discusses how this legacy can be reconciled with the dramatic divergence of developmental paths among the countries in that region. -
Anti-Draft March Gets Little Support
A member of the Campus Digest News Service and the National News Bureau. VOL. XXIII, NO. 7 Atlanta, Georgia March 12, 1980 Anti-Draft March Gets Little Support By Bridgett M. Davis February 14, 1980 at Morehouse college. On Friday, February 28, 1980, The group’s orange and black the members of the Black banners read, “Stop the U.S. War Students’ Coalition of Atlanta Drive”, and “No Draft No Way”. (BSCA) sponsored a protest mar- For a while, the members patien ch/rally at the Russell Building at- tly waited to recruit interested the corner of Mitchell and Spring persons from the many passer- St. The turn-out, however, was sbys, then the fervored cries of unexpectedly low. Only a few of one enthused young man could the BSCA members themselves be heard within the immediate were initially present at the pre vicinity as he yelled, “Hell no! arranged starting time of three We won’t go! Hell no! We won’t o’clock. go!!!” Eventually, the small group of dedicated followers were led The BSCA was formulated by Robert Booker, a sophmore at especially for the anti-draft Morehouse, outward to Chestnut issue.Their previous par Street where they began a small ticipation has been much more yet determined procession. In an encouraging than the turn-out for attempt to collect more the march. Their first meeting followers as tney progresses, the was held at Spelman on February marchers traveled around the en 2nd, where at least fifty in tire Atlanta University Center, terested persons attended. The but few if any joined the ban The Black Students’ Coalition of Atlanta sponsored a protest march on February 28, second meeting, which was held dwagon. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
A Comparative Perspectne on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe
A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe Geddes, Barbara Comparative Political Studies; Jul 1, 1995; 28, 2; ProQuest pg. 239 This study begins with a comparison between post-Communist and other postauthoritarian party systems, demonstrating the greater importance of new parties in the formerly Leninist systems. It then discusses the effect on new parties of the weakness of prior interest group organization and sudden, as opposed to incremental, increases in political participation. The third section focuses on the institutional consequences of the differences noted in the first and second sections. It demonstrates the strong relationship between the interests of leaders of new parties and the kinds of democratic institutions created during transitions from authoritarianism. The study concludes with some speculations about the probable longer term effects of the distinctive features of the Leninist legacy. A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTNE ON THE LENINIST LEGACY IN EASTERN EUROPE BARBARA GEDDES University of California, Los Angeles nstitutions reflect the interests of those who devise them. This asser I tion is as true in contemporary Eastern Europe as it is in other times and places. If one knows who makes institutional choices and how they expect the various alternatives to affect their interests, then one can predict what choices will be made. Consequently, to determine the effect of the Leninist political legacy on democratic institutions in Eastern Europe, one needs to look at how 40 years of Leninism affected the interests of the individuals who found themselves deliberating over the content of new constitutions and electoral laws during and immediately after transitions from communism. -
Downloads, Distributed Freedom Professor Abigail Thompson, Chair of Nearly 30,000 Printed Copies, and Have Gone Into
Then & Now ACTA’s 25-Year Drive to Restore the Promise of Higher Education ANNUAL REPORT 2020 Stephen Joel Trachtenberg Sidney L. Gulick III Board of Directors President Emeritus and University Professor Emeritus Professor of Mathematics, University of Maryland Edwin D. Williamson, Esq., Chairman of Public Service, The George Washington University Robert “KC” Johnson Partner, Sullivan & Cromwell, LLP (ret.) Michael B. Poliakoff, Ph.D. Professor of History, CUNY–Brooklyn College Robert T. Lewit, M.D., Treasurer President, ACTA (ex-officio) Anatoly M. Khazanov CEO, Metropolitan Psychiatric Group (ret.) Ernest Gellner Professor of Anthropology Emeritus, John D. Fonte, Ph.D., Secretary & Asst. Treas. Council of Scholars University of Wisconsin; Fellow, British Academy Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute George E. Andrews Alan Charles Kors John W. Altman Evan Pugh University Professor of Mathematics, Henry Charles Lea Professor Emeritus of History, Entrepreneur Pennsylvania State University University of Pennsylvania Former Trustee, Miami University Mark Bauerlein Jon D. Levenson George “Hank” Brown Emeritus Professor of English, Emory University Albert A. List Professor of Jewish Studies, Harvard Divinity School Former U.S. Senator Marc Zvi Brettler Former President, University of Colorado Bernice and Morton Lerner Distinguished Professor of Molly Levine Janice Rogers Brown Judaic Studies, Duke University Professor of Classics, Howard University Former Judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals, D.C. Cir. William Cook George R. Lucas, Jr. Former Justice of the California Supreme Court Emeritus Distinguished Teaching Professor and Emeritus Senior Fellow, Stockdale Center for Ethical Leadership, Jane Fraser Professor of History, SUNY–Geneseo United States Naval Academy President, Stuttering Foundation of America Paul Davies Joyce Lee Malcolm Heidi Ganahl Professor of Philosophy, College of William & Mary Professor Emerita of Law, George Mason University Fellow of the Royal Historical Society Founder, SheFactor & Camp Bow Wow David C. -
The United Nations University Is an Organ of the United Nations
The United Nations University is an organ of the United Nations established by the General Assembly in 1972 to be an international community of scholars engaged in research, advanced training, and the dissemination of knowledge related to the pressing global problems of human survival, development, and welfare. Its activities focus mainly on peace and conflict resolution, development in a changing world, and science and technology in relation to human welfare. The University operates through a worldwide network of research and postgraduate training centres, with its planning and coordinating headquarters in Tokyo. The United Nations University Press, the publishing division of the UNU, publishes scholarly books and periodicals in the social sciences, humanities, and pure and applied natural sciences related to the University’s research. The changing nature of democracy The changing nature of democracy Edited by Takashi Inoguchi, Edward Newman, and John Keane United Nations a University Press TOKYO u NEW YORK u PARIS ( The United Nations University, 1998 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations University. United Nations University Press The United Nations University, 53-70, Jingumae 5-chome, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150-8925, Japan Tel: (03) 3499-2811 Fax: (03) 3406-7345 E-mail: [email protected] UNU Office in North America 2 United Nations Plaza, Room DC2-1462-70, New York, NY 10017 Tel: (212) 963-6387 Fax: (212) 371-9454 Telex: 422311 UN UI United Nations University Press is the publishing division of the United Nations University. Cover design by Joyce C. -
THE STRATEGY of CAMPAIGNING the Strategy of Campaigning
THE STRATEGY OF CAMPAIGNING The Strategy of Campaigning Lessons from Ronald Reagan & Boris Yeltsin by Kiron K. Skinner, Serhiy Kudelia, Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, and Condoleezza Rice Foreword by George P. Shultz The University of Michigan Press • Ann Arbor Copyright © by the University of Michigan 2007 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America c Printed on acid-free paper 2010 2009 2008 2007 4321 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The strategy of campaigning : lessons from Ronald Reagan and Boris Yeltsin / by Kiron K. Skinner ... [et al.] ; foreword by George P. Shultz. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-472-11627-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-472-11627-4 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Political campaigns—United States. 2. Presidents—United States—Election—1980. 3. Reagan, Ronald. 4. Presidents—Russia (Federation)—Election. 5. Political campaigns—Russia (Federation) 6. Yeltsin, Boris Nikolayevich, 1931–2007. I. Skinner, Kiron K. JK2281.S73 2007 324.7'2—dc22 2007023387 Contents Foreword George P. Shultz vii Acknowledgments xi 1 Campaign Strategy 1 2 The New South Rises Competition for the Republican Presidential Nomination -
Tracing the Steps in a Historic Election
Denver Law Review Volume 86 Issue 3 Article 5 December 2020 Tracing the Steps in a Historic Election Jeffrey M. Chemerinsky Kimberly C. Kisabeth Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/dlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey M. Chemerinsky & Kimberly C. Kisabeth, Tracing the Steps in a Historic Election, 86 Denv. U. L. Rev. 615 (2009). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. TRACING THE STEPS IN A HISTORIC ELECTION JEFFREY M. CHEMERINSKYt & KIMBERLY C. KISABETHtt "Well, the 2008 presidentialrace turns out to be turning a spotlight on questions about race and what Americans reallyfeel inside."1 INTRODUCTION What does it mean to have an African-American president? What did it mean to have an African-American effectively competing for and receiving the Democratic nomination and then ultimately vying for the presidency? Would race or racism determine the outcome of the election? Questions of race and its effects appeared throughout the 2008 presidential campaign in numerous forms, whether they be predictive- trying to forecast what impact race would have on the election-or rhetorical-in the candidate's or their surrogate's speeches or advertisements by the candidates or their surrogates where race was a common theme even if not overtly mentioned. The primary campaign season-in which Barack Obama faced a crowded field in contention for the Democratic nomination-featured then-Senator Joseph Biden's comment that Obama was "the first mainstream African-American [candidate for the United States presidency] who is articulate and bright and clean and a nice-looking guy;''2 accusations of racism against former-President Bill Clinton for his inflammatory comments; Reverend Jeremiah Wright's infamous sermon; and Obama's electrifying speech on race in America. -
America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible by Stephan Thernstrom and Abigail Thernstrom (Simon and Schuster, New York, ??Pp., $??.??)
page 1 America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible by Stephan Thernstrom and Abigail Thernstrom (Simon and Schuster, New York, ??pp., $??.??) Reviewed by Glenn C. Loury, University Professor, Professor of Economics, and Director of the Institute on Race and Social Division at Boston University [for The Atlantic Monthly, November 1997] I That the United States of America, "a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal," began as a slave society is a profound historic irony. The “original sin” of slavery has left an indelible imprint on our nation’s soul. Hundreds of thousands were slaughtered in a tragic, calamitous civil war-- the price this new democracy had to pay to rid itself of that most undemocratic institution. But, of course, the end of slavery did not usher in an era of democratic equality for blacks. Another century was to pass before a national commitment to pursue that goal could be achieved. Meaningful civic inclusion even now eludes many of our fellow citizens recognizably of African descent. What does that say about the character of our civic culture as we move to a new century? For its proper telling, this peculiarly American story in black and white requires an appreciation of irony, and a sense of the tragic. White attitudes toward blacks today are not what they were at the end of slavery, or in the 1930s. Neither is black marginalization nearly as severe. Segregation is dead. And, the open violence once used to enforce it has, for all practical purposes, been eradicated.