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Post-Fordist 'Ideal Type' ? - Melabour Process in Mejapanese Manufacturing Sector, 1 967 - 1 990

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Post-Fordist 'Ideal Type' ? - Melabour Process in Mejapanese Manufacturing Sector, 1 967 - 1 990 POST-FORDIST 'IDEAL TYPE' ? - MELABOUR PROCESS IN MEJAPANESE MANUFACTURING SECTOR, 1 967 - 1 990 DAVID TlLEY l NSTITUTE OF POLITICAL ECONOMY CARLETON UNIVERSITY National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*m of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaON K1AON4 ûüawaON K1AON4 Canada Canada Yow Me votre dm Our tue Nom rdUrenql The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loqdistnbute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfichelnlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fonnat électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Within the Western leR, recent attention has focused on the notion that the labour process in Japan rnight possibly be a successor model to the aliegedly moribund 'Fordist' phase of capitalist development. Our central hypothesis is that the organization of work in Japan cannot be considered the 'post-Fordist' ideal-type, as it promotes a quality of working life no more empowering for workers than that of other advanced capitalist economies. Indeed, this thesis finds that the method and evidence provided by post-Fordists. specific to their assertions regarding Japan. has been dubious. In order to refute the overly optirnistic post-Fordist claims, we offer supporting evidence on three fronts: quality of working life; work within the peripherd labour force; and gender segmentation. Finally, in each instance, the evidence suggests that Japan's manufacturing sector cannot be considered a labour process model. Completion of this work was realized only with the help of many patient, thoughtful, and inspiring individuals, to whorn 1 oEer my sincerest thanks. First of dl, my deepest gratitude must go to Fred Bienefeld, for his diligence, his flexibility in adapting to a rather unorthodox thesis schedule, and his wholehearted commitment to making the project as effective a contribution to the study of the labour process as was possible. My thanks to Tulio Caputo, for chaIlenghg my preconceptions, for creating a tmly rewarding environment in which to discuss labour process innovation, and for guiding the project through its final stages. For their tireless efforts in making the Institute of Political Economy a first-class research environment, yet one that remains progressive, flexible and student-oriented, 1 wish to thank Wally Clement, Riame Mahon, and Michael Dolan. To Elaine Rouleau, for her guidance, forbearance, and good humour, many thanks. Furthemore, I wish to applaud the hard working women and men of Japan, whose commitment to higher productivity remains firm in spite of often intense work environments. Their efforts and their endurance provide the real inspiration for this project. And finally, to my wife Chris, who put up with the late nights, mealtime intermptions, and lost weekends with the grace and mild marner that make her so special - simple words of thanks are not nearly enough. To each and everyone mentioned here, as well as to the many whose assistance 1 have neglected to cite, may 1 offer my unconditional thanks, but complete absolution fiom any errors that are of no fautt but my own. Table of contents Chapter 1 : Introduction Chapter 2 : The Post-Fordism Debate Chapter 3 : Japan, The Post-Fordist Mode! ? Chapter 4 : 'Control ' and Labour Process Theory - The Japanese Production Mode1 Examined 84 Chapter 5 : Some Historical Considerations on Labour Process Change in Jap's Factories 112 Chapter 6 : Quality of Working Lfe 131 Chapter 7 : Labour Process Disparities between Core And Peripheral Workers 153 Chapter 8 : Gender Segmentation in Japan S Factories 171 Chapter 9 : Conclusion 189 Table 6.1 Changes in Labour Productivity - Phases one & two Table 6.2 Changes in Labour Productivity - Phase three Table 6.3 Real hourly eamings in Manufactu~g Table 6.4 Weekly hours of work in Manufacturing: al1 industries Table 6.5 Trends in Annual Working Hours in Japan Table 6.6 International Comparison of Annuai Real Working Hours, 198 7 (mainly manufacturing industries) Table 6.7 Trends in Overtime per month (manufacturing) Table 6.8 International Comparison of Overtime per Month Tibre 6.9 Number of Clairns filed and Cases of compensation awarded for death fiom overwork Table 7.1 Part-Time Employment (Non-agricultural) Table 7.2 Number of Business Establishments & Number of Employees by Size of Business Sector Table 7.3 Distribution of Part-time workers by economic activity Table 7.4 Distribution of Part-Time workers in manufacturing Table 7.5 Wage disparities between different sizes of manufacturing enterprises Table 7.6 Wage differentials between regular and seasonal workers, Nippon Steel, 1975 Table 7.7 Union mernbership by Industrial Sector (as a percentage) Table 7.8 Union membership in Japan by firm sire, 1979 Table 7.9 Index of value-added productivity - Manufacturing sector Firms with less than 300 employees Table 8.1 Trends in ratio of part-time workers & temporary employees Table 8.2 Women's average eamings, as a percentage of men's Table 8.3 Wage differentials between fernale part-time workers & Ml-time workers Table 8.4 Women as a percentage of al1 part-time workers, by country Table 8.5 Hourly eamings of Part-Time workers Fhre 8.1 Measures reIated to women in Ja~an(recent trends) - P. 185 CHGPTER ONE2 INTRODUCTION We contend thot Japanese indkstriial organization hm reached a level of development thut is post-for dis^. mis replaces the specialization and deskilling of the Fordist mode[ with a new indt~strialorgunzzation bared iipon integrative andflexible work organization, shopfloor leuming, und networked prodr<ction complexes. Martin Kemey and Richard Flonda, 1989' Research Ouestion In the wake of a series of conjunctural crises in international production regimes, recent attention arnong the Western lefi has turned to alternate forms of production, work organization, and capital-labour relations. At the forefiont of this discussion has been the search for a 'post-Fordist' development mode that supposedly transcends the Fordist phase of capitalist development. Because of its relatively rapid economic growth and its alleged non-Fordist production relations, Japan has become an increasingly central focus in the ensuing debate over post-Fordist forms ofwork organization. Unfortunately, this debate has had many shortcomings. In particular, it has suffered from a considerable degree of methodological incoherence, has reiïed upon questionable source material, and has neglected crucial considerations, such as gender, as certain protagonists have sought to show that work in Japan is, broadly speaking, 'post-Fordist' and is a mode1 to which others should aspire. Indeed, the most common bais of this claim has been the reputedly harmonious aspect of the organization of work in Japan. Many acadernics, othenvise skeptical of the scope for pro-labour innovations within the capitalist labour process, have heralded Japanese production management as being more hamonious, empowering, and worker-sensitive than 2 Fordist organitation. Moreover, with research in the labour process field centered on Hany Braveman's notions of deskilling and 'controi', some have argued that because deskilling and disempowerment do not appear prominent in Japan, this economy points to the new lenisalem. This study rejects such a contention. In reality, evidence suggests that a growing intensification of work, an increasing gender segmentation of employment, and a widening gulf between core and peripheral workers developed during the mid-to-late 1960s, so that the touting of Japan as a mode1 of 'post-Fordism' appears premature. Further, whilst it is universally acknowledged among the Western lefi that the state plays a vitai role in stmcturing capital-labour relations, sufficient attention has not always been given to the relation between the state and the development of the capitalkt labour process in Japan. That is the context within which this thesis will examine the clah that Japan's labour process could serve as a post-Fordist model. It will proceed by discussing the theoretical underpinnings of the major strands of post-Fordist discourse. evaluating the evidence on which they draw, and highlighting any inherent contradiction. Specifically, this thesis will question the belief that the Taylotist labour process has been eclipsed in a 'post-Fordist' Japan. Also, the related daim that labour process innovation in Japan has created an environment that facilitates solidaristic work practises, will be contested. As to the question ofskill, where post-Fordist discourse maintains that work in the manufacturing sector has been reskiiled, evidence will be presented to show that workers, if not deskilled, have become multi-tasked, with implications toward increased labour intensity. Further, in considering the perception of the Regulationist and Fujitsuist approaches that lifetime employrnent and seniority-based wages might
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