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Editorial Comments MARXISM TODAY. FEBRUARY, 1978 Editorial Comments CONTROVERSY ON COMMUNIST The arrival of D. F. Springhalt from Moscow HISTORY with the Comintern's anti-war line, argued A debate on an important and contro­ Rothstein, only reinforced a widespread versial period of Communist history has feeling of revulsion in the Party against its enlivened recent issues of the Bulletin of the initial support for the war, and was "not the Society for the Study of Labour History.1 In decisive event" in bringing about the change its Spring 1977 number, Andrew Rothstein to an anti-war line. He also sought to demon­ strongly contested the approval expressed strate that the latter led to a growth in Com­ by Monty Johnstone of Harry Pollitt's "criti­ munist membership and influence in this cal support" for the war against Nazi Ger­ period. many, which was the Communist Party's When Germany attacked the Soviet Union official policy in the first weeks of the war in and September 1939. In a review of John Mahon's Harry Pollitt. A Biography in the previous "the whole character of the war changed on issue, Monty Johnstone had expressed the June 22, 1941", view that in the debates in the Party leader­ ship that month Pollitt had shown "a far he concluded: greater capacity for realistic political analy­ sis" than R. Palme Dutt, who championed "it was not surprising that the Communist Party the Communist International's line that the began to gain membership and influence far more war in that period was equally imperialist and swiftly. But it was able to do so precisely because it reactionary on both sides. could build on its resolute struggle, against all the odds, during the months since October 1939, founded Andrew Rothstein in response wrote: on the methods of 'realistic political analysis' taught by Lenin." "The immediate issue for the vast majority of the people at that time was action in support or non- support for the war. Pollitt's analysis went no Replying in the current issue (Autumn further than the point he had already put so vividly 1977), Monty Johnstone writes: when he said that 'we' (the working-class movement) should take a stand because the Fascist tiger's appetite 'grows at every fresh kill'. This was no more "Pollitt's superior analysis showed itself above all than every Tory, Liberal and Labour propagandist for in his recognition that the peculiar nature of fascism the war was now saying. But the Communist Party— made it impossible to put both the warring camps on including Pollitt—had been campaigning up till then, the same plane. ... As the Communist Party's Central not for a bigger and better war against the Fascist Committee resolution of September 2, 1939 put it: tiger, but for a peace front of British and French 'The victory of fascism represents not only a conquest governments with the Soviet Union which would of markets, colonies, sources of raw materials, etc., it have stopped the tiger in his tracks. And the Com­ also leads to the forcible destruction of every demo­ munists had been perfectly explicit why the Western cratic right and liberty that the working class has governments—and their propagandists of every hue— fought so bitterly, and at such cost and sacrifice, to had rejected the peace front. It was because they were win from its class enemies.' imperialists and apologists of imperialists. Their ". The point that Rothstein makes about the nature had not changed now that they found them­ imperialist motives of the Western democracies was selves at war—only their propaganda. The no barrier before September I939 to Communists practical effects of Pollitt's proposal were to line up the attempting to draw them into a united stand against Communist Party and its sympathisers behind what the main danger coming from the aggressive Axis all its members considered the imperialist British powers. Nor did it prevent the actual development government, and in support of the war for which the from June I94I of wartime unity nationally and inter­ latter shared responsibility with Hitler." nationally with these democratic imperiaiists, whose nature had not changed in the meantime. Why then 1 The Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour should it have precluded any sort of co-operation History appears twice a year and is sent to all who pay an with them in the first period of the war against the annual subscription of £3.30 to the Society's Hon. Trea­ fascist powers, at least if the latter had still been surer, Edmund Frow, 111 Kings Road, Old Trafford, recognised as the main menace? Manchester MI6 9NU. Back numbers can be obtained 'Neither Dutt's Why this War? (CPGB, November I, from him at £2.50 per copy. They can also be read at 1939) nor any of his other writings of this period Marx House and some public, trade union and university make any reference at all to the specific threat to libraries. democratic liberties from Nazi Germany." 34 MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1978 COMINTERN'S PRESTIGE ception of the Party in relation to the new Johnstone quotes Mahon's statement that draft of the British Road to Socialism—and the Party's initial pro-war line was "endorsed also the forthcoming discussion on Inner- throughout the Party" and Dutt's subsequent Party Democracy—would be enriched by a testimony that he found himself "in absolute closer examination and understanding of the isolation" at the Central Committee Meeting Party's own history. at the end of September until Springhall appeared. From this Johnstone concludes THE CYFFRO CONFERENCE ON that "it was precisely Springhall's arrival "DEVOLUTION AND THE FUTURE OF and the prestige of the Comintern rather WALES" than the logic of the arguments that were An important conference took place in decisive." Cardiff on November 19, which discussed The question of the Party's membership "Devolution—the Future of Wales". The and influence is seen by Johnstone as a speakers included—Mr. George Wright, separate matter to be established by empirical Secretary of the Wales TUC, Mr. Caerwyn research, and he does not find Rothstein's Roderick, Labour MP for Brecon and Radnor, evidence convincing. Even less, he indicates, Mr. Aneurin Thomas, Director of the Welsh can he accept the latter's claim that the Arts Council, Councillor Emrys Roberts, Party was able to gain membership and Plaid Cymru Leader of Merthyr Tydfil Borough influence more swiftly after the change to a Council (the only Council in Wales with a pro-war line 'precisely because' it had Plaid Cymru majority), and Mr. Bert Pearce, adopted an anti-war line previously. Secretary of the Welsh Committee of the Winifred Renshaw, an old friend of Harry Communist Party. Unfortunately Mr. Moss Pollitt's, adds a personal recollection in the Evans, and Ann Clwyd, the well-known same issue of the Bulletin. When she saw journalist and commentator, who had both him after a long absence in 1949 or 1950, intended to speak at the conference, were Harry spoke to her about his position in 1939. unable to be present. "I was right", he had told her, "and what's Mary Winter and Alistair Wilson, sitting more 'They' admitted afterwards that I was beside each other, took the chair alternately, right." "I did not need to ask who 'they' Ms. Winter speaking in Welsh and Dr. were!" she remarks. Wilson in English. The questions raised in this controversy There were considerable differences of particularly concern members of the Com­ opinion among the speakers and also among munist Party, which has for a long time been the audience, particularly about the powers conscious of the need to make a fuller study which a Welsh Assembly should have. The and evaluation of its history. In 1956 a Party discussion lasted over five hours. History Commission, chaired by Harry Pollitt, There was, however, agreement between was set up by the Party's Executive Com­ Labour, Communist, Plaid Cymru and most mittee, which approved its proposals for the of the trades union representatives, that it production and discussion of preliminary was necessary to create a united movement studies of particular periods and episodes. to work for an overwhelming "Yes" vote in Subsequently James Klugmann was entrus­ the referendum, so that an elected Welsh ted with writing the history of the Party and Assembly could be set up, however inade­ produced the first two volumes covering the quate its powers. Many speakers, on the period till 1926. James's death in September platform and in the audience, said that a prevented him from fulfilling his long- National Assembly was essential so that it cherished desire to devote his last years to could begin to fulfil the national needs of the writing further volumes. The Party's Theory Welsh people in the economic life of and Ideology Committee and its History Wales, and to bring under public control the Group will be holding discussions in the social services now in the hands of ap­ period ahead to consider how this work can pointed, not elected, bodies. The health now best be carried forward. service is the most important example of this The importance of this has been given a kind of undemocratic body. new dimension by recent developments in the Party. The discussion on "socialist demo­ CYFFRO cracy" highlighted the need to look more This conference was arranged by Cyffro closely at the Party's own development, (Stir-Up), the bilingual journal of the Com­ while our discussions on the role and con­ munist Party (Welsh Committee). It was MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1978 35 founded in 1969 and was created to provide a sity: the poetry of Marxism", which answers platform for the people of Wales to discuss the fundamental question "Why Study the various questions facing their country.
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