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Die Entwicklung Der Urindogermanischen Nasalpräsentien Im Germanischen

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Die Entwicklung Der Urindogermanischen Nasalpräsentien Im Germanischen Zentrum historische prachwissenschaften www.sprachwiss.lmu.de S http://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/ Mubahis Münchener Beiträge zur Allgemeinen und Historischen Sprachwissenschaft herausgegeben von Peter-Arnold Mumm Institut für Vergleichende und Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft sowie Albanologie Wolfgang Schulze Institut für Allgemeine und Typologische Sprachwissenschaft Band 2 Corinna Scheungraber Die Entwicklung der urindogermanischen Nasalpräsentien im Germanischen 2010 Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München Institut für Vergleichende und Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft DDieie Entwicklung der urindogermanischen Nasalpräsentien im Germanischen Hausarbeit zur Erlangung des Magistergrades an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München vorgelegt von Corinna Scheungraber München, den 01. April 2010 Hauptreferent: Dr. habil. E. Hill Koreferent: Dr. habil. P.-A. Mumm ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ I N H A L T S V E R Z E I C H N I S 1.0 Einleitung und Zielsetzung der Arbeit ..................................................................................... S. 6 1.1 Forschungsgeschichte der idg. Nasalpräsentien ...................................................... S. 7 1.2 Uridg. Nasalinfix vs. einzelsprachliches Nasalsuffix .............................................. S. 14 2.0 Das Material ................................................................................................................................. S. 15 2.1 Nasalinfixpräsentien .................................................................................................... S. 16 2.1.1 evollstufige Nasalverben ....................................................................... S. 16 2.1.1.1 s mobile –Verhältnis .................................................................. S. 17 ⋅ wg. *limpa- ~ ng. *slimpa- ................................................... S. 17 ⋅ ng. *hrinkwa- ~ nwg. *skrinkwa- ........................................ S. 18 ⋅ wg. *hrimpa- ~ nwg. *skrimpa- .......................................... S. 18 ⋅ urg. *stinga, nog. *stanga- ~ ai. téjate .............................. S. 19 2.1.1.2 Grammatischer Wechsel ......................................................... S. 20 ⋅ wg. *sangja- ~ wg. *sīht (Adj.) ......................................... S. 20 ⋅ nwg. *þwinga- ~ ahd. dūhen ............................................... S. 20 ⋅ got. þreihan ~ nwg. *þringa- ............................................... S. 22 ⋅ nog. *hinþa- ~ nwg. *handja- ............................................. S. 22 ⋅ ahd. -nindan ~ got. –nanþjan ............................................ S. 23 2.1.1.3 Wurzelauslautvariation im Westgermanischen ................... S. 23 1. Erklärung des obd. Befunds ....................................... S. 24 ⋅ nhd. schinden ~ nhd. dial. schinten ............................. S. 25 2. Erklärung des ae. und mnl., mnd. Befunds ............. S. 25 ⋅ ae. cringan ~ crincan ..................................................... S. 26 ⋅ mnl. clinken ~ clinghen ................................................. S. 27 3. Gemeinwestgermanische Gleichungen .................. S. 27 ⋅ ae. clincan, ahd. klenken zu klingan stv. ..................... S. 27 ⋅ wg. *swinka, *swankja- ~ urg. *swingwa, *swangwja- ...................................................................... S. 28 4. Analogisch entstandene Verbpaare ......................... S. 29 ⋅ nhd. schlingern ~ schlenkern ........................................ S. 29 ⋅ nhd. zwinkern, ae. twinclian ......................................... S. 29 2.1.2 Nasalhaltige neben nasalloser Form .................................................... S. 29 2.1.2.1 urg. *drinka- ~ *draga- ............................................................... S. 29 2.1.2.2 wg. *klimba– ~ nwg. *klība- ~ nwg. *klibō/ē- .......................... S. 31 2.1.2.3 nwg. *blinka- ~ *blīka- ............................................................... S. 32 2.1.2.4 wg. *wringa- ~ *wurgja- ............................................................. S. 34 2.1.3 avokalische Nasalinfixverben < idg. *o ............................................... S. 36 2.1.3.1 nwg. *blanga- .............................................................................. S. 36 2.1.3.2 urg. *fāha / fanga- ~ wg. *fōgja- .............................................. S. 37 2.1.3.3 urg. *hāha- / hanga- und heth. kank- ...................................... S. 39 2.1.4 Nasalinfixverben mit a ~ u- Vokalwechsel < idg. *o ~ Ø - Ablaut ...... S. 40 2.1.4.1 urg. *blanda- ~ nwg. *blunda- .................................................. S. 41 2.1.4.2 urg. *ganga- ~ nwg. *gunga- ..................................................... S. 42 2.1.4.3 urg. *þank- ~ *þunk- ................................................................... S. 45 2.1.4.4 urg. *standa, *stundō f. und heth. ištantāe/a- ...................... S. 46 2.1.4.5 nwg. *unk- ~ *ank- ~ *ink- ......................................................... S. 53 2.1.4.6 nwg. *banga- ~ *bunga- / *banka- ~ *bunka- .......................... S. 53 2.1.4.7 ng. *dampa- ~ *dimpa- ~ *dumpa- ............................................ S. 54 2 2.1.5 Exkurs ostufige Präsentien im Germanischen und Uridg. .............. S. 55 2.2 Nasalsuffixverben ......................................................................................................... S. 60 2.2.1 Nasalpräsentien zu vokalisch auslautender Wurzel .......................... S. 61 2.2.1.1 nwg. *gīna- ~ *ginō/ē, nwg. *gana- ......................................... S. 61 2.2.1.2 nwg. *dwīna- / nwg. *þwīna- / wg. *kwīna- / nwg. *swīna- .. S. 64 2.2.1.3 o/wg. *kīna ................................................................................ S. 67 2.2.1.4 wg. *hlinō/ē- .............................................................................. S. 67 2.2.1.5 an. fúna ........................................................................................ S. 68 2.2.1.6 nwg. *grīna- ................................................................................ S. 69 2.2.2 Nasalsuffixpräsentien zu Wurzeln auf Resonanten ........................... S. 69 2.2.2.1 urg. *murna- ~ *murnō/ē- ........................................................ S. 69 2.2.2.2 wg. *spurna- ~ *spurnō/ē- ~ nwg. *sperna- ............................ S. 71 2.2.2.3 wg. *grornō, *gnornō- ................................................................ S. 73 2.2.2.4 wg. *liznō/ē- ................................................................................ S. 74 2.2.3 "starke Nasalsuffixpräsentien" ............................................................. S. 76 2.2.3.1 urg. *wakna, Prät. *wōk ............................................................ S. 76 2.2.3.2 urg. *frehna- ~ *fregna, Prät. *frah .......................................... S. 77 2.2.3.3 wg. *tinþna? ~ urg. *tand- ~ o/wg. *tund- ............................ S. 81 2.2.3.4 wg. *wahnja, Prät. *wōg .......................................................... S. 82 2.2.4 Verben mit geminierten Resonanten nn, mm und die Theorie der Resonantengemination durch Laryngal ....................................... S. 84 2.2.4.1 wg. *banna- ~ ae. bōn ................................................................ S. 90 2.2.4.2 Präteritopräsentien .................................................................. S. 91 ⋅ urg. *kann ~ *kunnum .................................................. S. 91 ⋅ urg. *ann ~ *unnum ...................................................... S. 94 ⋅ got. -munnōn zum Prät.Präs. man ~ munum ........... S. 96 2.2.4.3 rein evollstufiger Typ .............................................................. S. 97 ⋅ o/wg. *ginna- ................................................................ S. 97 ⋅ wg. *sinna .................................................................... S. 98 ⋅ urg. *linna- .................................................................... S. 99 2.2.4.4 e ~ Ø- ablautender Typ .............................................................. S. 99 ⋅ urg. *swimma- ~ *swumma- ................................................ S. 99 ⋅ urg. *brinna- ~ wg. anglofries. *burna- ......................... S. 101 2.2.4.5 e ~ o – ablautender Typ ........................................................... S. 103 ⋅ *urg. spinna- ~ wg. *spanna- ~ nwg. *spana- ................. S. 103 ⋅ wg. *þrimma- ~ ng. *þramm- ............................................ S. 105 2.2.4.6 Dreifacher Ablaut bei Verben auf (Doppel)resonanten ... S. 105 ⋅ nwg. *wella- ....................................................................... S. 106 ⋅ nwg. *hella, nwg. *skella- ............................................... S. 108 2.3 KLUGEVerben .............................................................................................................. S. 109 2.3.1 KLUGEs Gesetz und die "nanVerben" des Nord und Westgermanischen ................................................................................ S. 109 2.3.1.1 KLUGEs Gesetz ........................................................................... S. 110 2.3.1.2 Relative Chronologie – drei Ansätze .................................... S. 111 2.3.1.3 Ausnahmen und Gegenbeispiele ........................................... S. 113 3 2.3.2 KLUGEVerben – das Material .............................................................. S. 115 2.3.2.1 Beispiele für urg. *-kk- < *-Gn´............................................
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