2002/C 81 E/075) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1816/01 by Antonio Di Pietro (ELDR) to the Council (21 June 2001

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

2002/C 81 E/075) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1816/01 by Antonio Di Pietro (ELDR) to the Council (21 June 2001 4.4.2002 EN Official Journal of the European Communities C 81 E/65 (2002/C 81 E/075) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1816/01 by Antonio Di Pietro (ELDR) to the Council (21 June 2001) Subject: Council statement on the Italian government deficit issued following the meetings of 2 and 3 May 1998 Several authoritative sources such as the Bologna-based Osservatorio Immobiliare Nomisma, Scenari Immobiliari, and the Milan-based Reddy’s Group have revealed that the market value of fixed assets in the form of commercial and residential property in Italy has been continuing to fall substantially since 1993. Although it does not lay down a specific method for calculating property values, as Mr Bolkestein acknowledged in his answer to Written Question P-0729/01 (1), the Fourth Directive (Directive 78/660/ EEC) (2) imposes an obligation to correct the initial book value of land and buildings when their value at on the date of closure of a financial year is lower than the book value first entered less depreciation. Contrary to what happens in some Member States, for example the United Kingdom and Ireland, which each have their RICS, Italy has not adopted any official method, nor does it have an independent institute able and authorised to determine the revised value for tax purposes of land and buildings owned by individual companies. The fall in value described above cannot be recorded in the profit and loss account under the heading of ‘other depreciation of fixed assets’, because it is not recognised for tax purposes. The Fourth Directive has not, de facto, been implemented in Italy. Ever since 1993 the taxable income of property-owing Italian companies has thus continued to be calculated in a manner not in accordance with the legislation in force (Article 2426 of the Code of Civil Law), and the amount of such income is, moreover, higher than their real earned income. As a result, the tax levied since 1993 from national companies by Italian central government, on the current terms, is to some extent unlawful, and the aggregate tax revenue that could be attained if the situation were restored to a completely legal footing would be much lower than the declared amount, and the government deficit correspondingly higher. Could the Council confirm that the statement issued following meetings held on 2 and 3 May 1998 (Ecofin) Council and Council of the European Union), to the effect that the Italian government deficit was not excessive, was made with full knowledge of the facts set out above? (1) OJ C 235 E, 21.8.2001, p. 243. (2) OJ L 222, 14.8.1978, p. 11. Reply (26 November 2001) The Council adopted the Decision of 3 May 1998 in accordance with Article 109 j (4) of the Treaty (98/317/EC) where it is stated that Italy was not subject of a Council decision on the existence of an excessive government deficit. This decision was adopted having taken into account, inter alia, the report from the Commission, the report from the European Monetary Institute and the opinion of the European Parliament. (2002/C 81 E/076) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1825/01 by Esko Seppänen (GUE/NGL) to the Council (27 June 2001) Subject: Decision-making and constructive abstention in defence matters Title V, Article 23 of the Treaty of Amsterdam [Treaty on European Union] states that ‘Decisions under this Title shall be taken by the Council acting unanimously.’ This article also enshrines the principle of ‘constructive abstention’. How does the Council interpret this passage? Should the Treaty be interpreted as meaning that even a single Member State may in accordance with the requirement for unanimity prevent the deployment of the Crisis Management Force for particular duties if it votes against the decision and does not favour abstaining from taking a decision? C 81 E/66 Official Journal of the European Communities EN 4.4.2002 Reply (26 November 2001) Article 23(1) of the TEU states that decisions under Title V of the Treaty (which concerns the Common Foreign and Security Policy) are taken by the Council acting unanimously. It also stipulates that abstentions by members present in person or represented do not prevent the adoption of such decisions. The second paragraph of the same Article lists cases in which, by way derogation from paragraph 1, the Council acts by a qualified majority, with the stipulation that this paragraph shall not, however, apply to decisions having military or defence implications. It follows that decisions having military or defence implications are taken by the Council acting unanimously. Consequently, a single member of the Council may prevent the adoption of a decision by voting against it. (2002/C 81 E/077) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1827/01 by John Cushnahan (PPE-DE) to the Council (27 June 2001) Subject: Intimidation of human rights defenders in Ethiopia Is the Council aware of the routine intimidation of human rights defenders in Ethiopia, which has most recently manifested itself in the arrests and subsequent denial of bail of Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam, the founder and first chairman of Ethiopia’s Human Rights Council (EHRCO), and Dr Berhanu Nega, an academic and human rights activist? In addition to the arrests, which may violate Ethiopia’s constitutional guarantee of freedom of assembly, the denial of bail is a common method used by the Ethiopian Government to silence outspoken human rights critics by incarcerating them while long, intentionally slow ‘investigations’ are carried out. Will the Council demand that the Ethiopian Government respect these men’s fundamental rights and that the chronic harassment of human rights defenders be brought to an end? Reply (26 November 2001) The Council, which is closely following the situation in Ethiopia, remains concerned about the development of the political situation and the human rights violations in that country. Following events in Addis Ababa in mid-April this year, the local EU troika approached the Ethiopian authorities on two occasions (April and August 2001) to express the EU’s concern about the ways in which the disturbances were quelled and about the subsequent imprisonment of students and opposition leaders. (2002/C 81 E/078) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1839/01 by Alexandros Alavanos (GUE/NGL) to the Commission (26 June 2001) Subject: Harmful effects of animal fat consumption The EU is moving towards abolishing aid to tobacco growing in an attempt to restrict smoking, which is actually seriously harmful to health..
Recommended publications
  • Mani Pulite) Inquiry on Corruption and Its Effects on the Italian Political System
    62 ALBERTO VANNUCCI THE “CLEAN HANDS” (MANI PULITE) INQUIRY ON CORRUPTION AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE ITALIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM THE “CLEAN HANDS” (MANI PULITE) INQUIRY ON CORRUPTION AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE ITALIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM Alberto Vannucci Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche, Università di Pisa [email protected] Abstract: The article offers a survey of the main effects of judicial inquiry on corruption in Italy (the “mani pulite” inquiry) and scandals on the political and party system. Some data on the evolution and achievements of the inquiry mani pulite are briefly offered, then focusing on the political consequences of the scandal in terms of delegitimization and consequent crisis of leading political figures, parties, and the political system as a whole. There is then a brief focus on the “lesson” of mani pulite – what did not work in political, institutional and societal mechanisms that should have provided a shelter against systemic corruption. Finally, the main long-term drawbacks of the judicial inquiry are analysed, e.g. the political career of the media tycoon Berlusconi, who was himself prosecuted for corruption crimes, with a dramatic increase of the institutional conflict between the political and the judicial power. Keywords: Corruption; Parties, Italian Political System; “Mani Pulite” Inquiry; Scandal. Resumo: O presente artigo apresenta um levantamento dos principais efeitos do inquérito judicial sobre a corrupção na Itália (especificamente a “Operação Mãos Limpas”) e os escândalos no sistema político e partidário do país. Alguns dados sobre a evolução e os alcances da Operação Mãos Limpas são brevemente expostos. Foca-se a atenção nas consequências políticas de tal escândalo em termos da deslegitimação e a consequente crise de liderança das figuras políticas, dos partidos e do sistema político como um todo.
    [Show full text]
  • EUI Working Papers SPS 2008/06
    EUI Working Papers SPS 2008/06 Party mergers and vote shifts in Italy Chris Hanretty EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Party mergers and vote shifts in Italy 2008 CHRIS HANRETTY EUI Working Paper SPS No. 2008/06 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. The author(s)/editor(s) should inform the Political and Social Sciences Department of the EUI if the paper is to be published elsewhere, and should also assume responsibility for any consequent obligation(s). ISSN 1725-6755 © 2008 Chris Hanretty Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy http://www.eui.eu/ http://cadmus.eui.eu/ Abstract Using data from exit polls and two different methods of ecological inference, I demonstrate how Italian voters shifted between 2006 and 2008. Newly merged parties (PdL, PD) were successful in retaining their former voters; parties which looked as if they would be penalized by the electoral system (Sinistra Arcobaleno, UDC) were deserted by voters. The relative success of the Lega Nord and Italia dei Valori results from strong performance in retaining their own voters and marginal transfers of votes from their coalition partners.
    [Show full text]
  • Antonio Di Pietro: Invenzione Di Un Italiano
    p.316 Enrico Pozzi Antonio Di Pietro: invenzione di un Italiano 1. Un corpo nuovo Tra il 1992 e la fine del 1993, un nuovo corpo entra di pre- potenza nell'immaginario della società italiana. Solido, alto, pochi capelli neri, un viso da contadino, le dita nel naso, lo sguardo mobile e astuto, o astutamente da vittima, un muoversi a scatti, come di chi deve trattenere a stento la Potenza che lo abita, le mani troppo grosse e troppo mobili, i vestiti appesi addosso con disagio, il calzino corto, i gesti del Sud, la voce e la grammatica dell'Appennino depresso. I nuovi chierici si impossessano subito della sua novità e la rimbalzano sulla scena massmediale, ingigantendolo via via. «Un incubo alto, moro, massiccio, esuberante, sorridente, perennemente infagottato in giacche sbagliate e pantaloni sfor- mati. Un "mostro" contro il quale le vittime sembrano avere le armi spuntate » (Valeria Gandus, "Panorama"). «Faccia intelli- gente da contadino e rocciosità da giustiziere buono, ha portato alla ribalta una categoria per anni ignorata, minimizzata e pure presa in giro: quella degli italiani dimessi, tosti e perbene. Non veste firmato, porta perfino i calzini corti. [...] E incute un nuovo rassicurante rispetto» (Maria Laura Rodotà, "Panorama"). La.gauche caviar è solo un poco più sofisticata: «Ha la faccia e il look del perbene anni Novanta. Del "trasversale buono", quello che sale al posto del rampante socialista assolutamente fuori moda: completo giacca e cravatta stazzonato, sguardo stanco e barba lunga di chi lavora tanto, capello spettinato, fascino inaspettato [...] un po' l'italiano in gita che mangia il Magnum Algida, un po' Franco Nero quando faceva il commissario giustiziere» (Marco Giusti, curatore di "Blob").
    [Show full text]
  • Estratto Della Linea Di Difesa Di Antonio Di Pietro Nei Confronti Delle Accuse Sulla Gestione Economica Del Partito Italia Dei Valori
    Estratto della linea di difesa di Antonio Di Pietro nei confronti delle accuse sulla gestione economica del partito Italia dei Valori Preme, anche in questa sede, ribadire che il movimento politico Italia dei Valori e l’associazione politica avente statutariamente lo stesso nome non sono due entità diverse – come vorrebbe far credere l’On. Elio Veltri !ià smentito dai tribunali civili e penali). #’Italia dei Valori ha sempre avuto una ed una sola $so!!ettività !iuridica% e come tale & stata sempre esteriorizzata. Produco al riguardo la se!uente prova documentale' – unicità di codice fiscale ed unica partita IV(, sia che I)V la si vo!lia chiamare $associazione% che $partito%. Pertanto & assolutamente mistificatorio asserire – come hanno tentato di insinuare Veltri e quelli de Il *iornale – che esisterebbero due realtà associative' una facente capo a pochi intimi, titolari della posizione fiscale +, 9002459028 ed un’altra posizione fiscale facente capo al partito I)V posizione fiscale che invece non esiste e non & mai esistita, né & mai stata esteriorizzata in alcun modo". – unicità della titolarità dei conti corrente ove sono stati fatti affluire i rimborsi elettorali e da cui sono state effettuate le relative spese elettorali e di !estione' qualsiasi rimborso elettorale ricevuto da I)V non & mai transitato da conti correnti del partito a quelli dell’(ssociazione o viceversa proprio perch3 non vi sono mai stati duplicazioni di conti o storni di fondi dall’unica 4esoreria di cui il partito5associazione si & dotato, come da documentazione prodotta a!li organi competenti nel corso de!li anni; – unicità dei bilanci annuali e delle alle!ate relazioni sulla !estione" presentati da Italia dei Valori a!li Organi di controllo cfr.
    [Show full text]
  • La Politica Estera Dell'italia Nel 2008
    MINISTERO DEGLI AFFARI ESTERI SEGRETERIA GENERALE UNITÀ DI ANALISI, PROGRAMMAZIONE E DOCUMENTAZIONE STORICO – DIPLOMATICA LA POLITICA ESTERA DELL’ITALIA TESTI E DOCUMENTI 2008 ROMA La politica estera dell’Italia nel 2008 Indice sommario - Introduzione ( Ministro Pierfrancesco Sacco, Capo dell’Unità di Analisi, Programmazione e Documentazione Storico Diplomatica ) - Composizione del Governo Prodi - Composizione del Governo Berlusconi - Cronologia dei principali avvenimenti concernenti l’Italia - Discorsi generali di politica estera - Aree di interesse prioritario per la politica estera italiana: 1) Unione Europea 2) Medio Oriente 3) Relazioni transatlantiche 4) Nazioni Unite 5) Balcani 1 INTRODUZIONE Questo nuovo volume della collana “Testi e documenti 2008” della politica estera italiana, curato dall’Unità di Analisi, Programmazione e Documentazione Storico- Diplomatica della Segreteria Generale del Ministero degli Esteri e della Cooperazione Internazionale, fa seguito all’edizione relativa al 2007 riprendendone l’impostazione “snella” sperimentata in conseguenza della riduzione delle risorse umane e finanziarie che questo Ministero sta affrontando. I documenti selezionati si riferiscono alle aree di interesse prioritario per la politica estera italiana, individuate sulla base dei contatti diplomatici tenuti dal Ministro D’Alema, una volta caduto a gennaio il Governo Prodi, nei mesi che hanno preceduto le elezioni, e delle dichiarazioni programmatiche di Franco Frattini, Ministro degli Esteri del nuovo Governo Berlusconi. Europeismo, potenziamento del ruolo dell’Italia in Medio Oriente e rafforzamento delle relazioni transatlantiche sono in primo piano. A queste aree si è ritenuto di aggiungere le Nazioni Unite dove, nonostante il cambio di governo, è proseguito l’attivismo italiano già manifestatosi con Romano Prodi, e i Balcani, regione di tradizionale interesse per il nostro paese, segnata nel febbraio di quell’anno dalla dichiarazione di indipendenza del Kosovo.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Jewish Communities
    Changing Jewish Communities Number 66 February 24, 2011 http://jcpa.org/article/the-paradox-of-the-italian-jewish-experience-in-1990-2010/ The Paradox of the Italian Jewish Experience in 1990- 2010 Dr. Ephraim Nissan There is a paradox to the Italian Jewish experience in the 2000s. Jews are more integrated than ever since 1945, and Israel has been relegitimized in important quarters after being in practice delegitimized by the Communists, Socialists, and those media close to the Christian Democrats in the late 1970s and 1980s, reaching the lowest point in the second half of 1982. Yet, because of various factors including the web as well as unwillingness to take things in stride any longer, the organized and individual voices of Italy’s Jews are now often blunt, harsh, and resentful in a way that would have been unthinkable previously. While the Jews are indeed more accepted than ever, sporadic expressions of direct, incontrovertible anti-Semitism have occurred even in the circles of power, and even at the highest levels. The past twenty years have seen a confluence between Italy’s far Left and far Right in adopting anti-Israeli and sometimes anti-Semitic positions. In some cases this has involved tolerance of right-wing Holocaust denial by elements on the Left. Italy’s severely anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic responses to the 1982 Lebanon war involved both global and local aspects. It both reflected Italy’s past and has partly shaped patterns of response to Middle Eastern and Jewish affairs by a sizable part of Italy’s media and public opinion.
    [Show full text]
  • WRITTEN QUESTION E-1816/01 by Antonio Di Pietro (ELDR) to the Council (21 June 2001)
    4.4.2002 EN Official Journal of the European Communities C 81 E/65 (2002/C 81 E/075) WRITTEN QUESTION E-1816/01 by Antonio Di Pietro (ELDR) to the Council (21 June 2001) Subject: Council statement on the Italian government deficit issued following the meetings of 2 and 3 May 1998 Several authoritative sources such as the Bologna-based Osservatorio Immobiliare Nomisma, Scenari Immobiliari, and the Milan-based Reddy’s Group have revealed that the market value of fixed assets in the form of commercial and residential property in Italy has been continuing to fall substantially since 1993. Although it does not lay down a specific method for calculating property values, as Mr Bolkestein acknowledged in his answer to Written Question P-0729/01 (1), the Fourth Directive (Directive 78/660/ EEC) (2) imposes an obligation to correct the initial book value of land and buildings when their value at on the date of closure of a financial year is lower than the book value first entered less depreciation. Contrary to what happens in some Member States, for example the United Kingdom and Ireland, which each have their RICS, Italy has not adopted any official method, nor does it have an independent institute able and authorised to determine the revised value for tax purposes of land and buildings owned by individual companies. The fall in value described above cannot be recorded in the profit and loss account under the heading of ‘other depreciation of fixed assets’, because it is not recognised for tax purposes. The Fourth Directive has not, de facto, been implemented in Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • Center on the United States and Europe
    Center on the United States and Europe US-EUROPE ANALYSIS SERIES Spring 2008 TOWARD A FULL-FLEDGED DEMOCRACY: Why progressives should be happy about the Italian election results Federiga Bindi So Silvio Berlusconi won again. He not only won, he and Joe LaPalombara’s classic arguments predicted, won with an overwhelming majority. Most opinion the fragmented party system has led to unstable polls were expecting a hung parliament with a governments. Between 1948 and the early 1990s, divided majority, but apparently many people who Italy had over 50 cabinets, supported for most of the were afraid to express their support for Berlusconi post-war period by four- to five-party coalitions voted for him anyway. The fourth Berlusconi including the Christian Democrats, Liberals, government is thus scheduled to be sworn into Republicans, Social Democrats and Socialists. office in early May, much to the delight of the During this time, the sizable Communist party was international press who will be able once again to prevented from entering the government because of report on his highly entertaining gaffes, both past the geopolitics of the Cold War and the resulting firm and future. opposition to communist participation from the United States. ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Federiga Bindi is a That was first challenged in the early 1990s. Visiting Fellow at the Center on the United Following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Communist States and Europe and Jean Monnet Chair at Party transformed itself into the Democratic Party of the University of Rome Tor Vergata. the Left. The end of the “communist threat” allowed for new political arrangements and, eventually, for a redistribution of power.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Veniamo Da Lontano E Andiamo Lontano': the Italian Left and The
    Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 2, 2009, 211-32 ‘Veniamo da Lontano e Andiamo Lontano’: The Italian Left and the Problem of Transition Phil Edwards Manchester Metropolitan University Abstract: A key challenge for the Italian Left is the problematic of ‘transition’: the enduring perception that Italy has not yet attained a state of democratic normality. The Left has suffered a series of setbacks and crises since the formation of the Democratic Party (Partito Democratico, PD) in 2007, thanks in large part to the adoption by PD leader Walter Veltroni of a novelty-oriented strategy which failed to address the ‘transition’ agenda. Veltroni’s successor, Pierluigi Bersani, has mobilised a formidable nationwide coalition of support for a more conservative approach, cutting across the ideological divisions which persist within the PD. However, Veltroni’s strategy has created enduring problems for his party, including the effective delegitimation of the far Left; only when this is remedied will a revival of the broader Left, and a successful engagement with the problems of transition, become possible . Keywords: Italian politics, Democratic Party, transition, democratic consolidation, Second Republic, post-Communist parties. Introduction 2009 was a disastrous year for the Italian Left, within and outside the Democratic Party (Partito Democratico, PD). In this paper I relate the difficulties faced by the Italian Left to the short-term effects of Walter Veltroni’s leadership of the PD, and to the longer-term perspective of a ‘transition’ from the First Republic to a state of democratic normality – a perspective closely connected with the prospects for the PD. I argue, firstly, that Veltroni’s strategy as leader was dangerously mistaken, causing long- term damage to the prospects of the Left and the PD itself.
    [Show full text]
  • European Parliament
    7.12.2006 EN Official Journal of the European Union C 297 E/1 Monday, 15 May 2006 I (Information) EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2006 — 2007 SESSION Sittings of 15 to 18 May 2006 STRASBOURG (2006/C 297 E/01) MINUTES PROCEEDINGS OF THE SITTING IN THE CHAIR: Josep BORRELL FONTELLES President 1. Resumption of session The sitting opened at 17.00. 2. Tribute On behalf of Parliament, the President paid tribute to the memory of Rolandas Pavilionis, who had died on 10.05.2006. Parliament observed a minute's silence. 3. Approval of Minutes of previous sitting Jean-Louis Bourlanges and Michael Gahler had informed the Presidency that they had been present at the sitting of 27.04.2006 but that their names were not on the attendance register. The Minutes of the previous sitting were approved. 4. Documents received The following documents had been received: 1) from the Council and Commission — Amended proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Community, of the Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (COM(2005)0503 [01] — C6-0129/2006 — 2003/0196(CNS)) referred to responsible: LIBE opinion: FEMM C 297 E/2EN Official Journal of the European Union 7.12.2006 Monday, 15 May 2006 — Amended proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion, on behalf of the European Community, of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women And Chil- dren, supplementing the United Nations Convention Against
    [Show full text]
  • Rutelli Tende Un Ramo D'ulivo a Di Pietro
    2 oggi venerdì 10 gennaio 2003 Il leader della La responsabile Welfare della minoranza Ds Quercia: «Far passare il sospetto ‘‘ «Alle parole di Fassino che ci sia qualcuno anche ‘‘mi sono fischiate le orecchie, eticamente meno credibile l’obiettivo non potevamo perché pronto a trattare è che essere noi» qualcosa di pesante» Quel che divide le due anime della Quercia Segue dalla prima renza contenuti, battaglie, incidere, sposta- re i rapporti di forza». Sorpresa, collera? Qual è stata la Negli ultimi giorni, nell’Ulivo e nei sua reazione? Ds si è aperto un dibattito sull’op- Sono rimasto sorpreso. Aveva appe- portunità o meno del confronto sul- na argomentato la sua analisi politica, le riforme istituzionali... che peraltro conteneva elementi opina- «È stato molto singolare vedere teoriz- bili ma tutti discutibili in maniera posi- zato autorevolmente che oggi il problema tiva e costruttiva, quando ha svolto que- sono i contratti, il carovita e non le rifor- sto processo contro ignoti, perché non me istituzionali, perché un’affermazione ha fatto né nomi né cognomi. di questo tipo ci porta indietro di qua- In effetti, forse non ce n’era biso- rant’anni nel dibattito politico. Io ho impa- gno... rato dalle associazioni di volontariato che Delegittimazione è una parola pe- per rendere più proficua la nostra pratica sante. Vorrebbe dire che io o altri accu- nella vita quotidiana abbiamo bisogno di siamo Fassino e l’attuale gruppo diri- una politica efficace». gente di essere degli usurpatori. La mia Una risposta a Cofferati? sorpresa nasce da questo: mai nessuno «A Cofferati, al quale ho poi delle do- ha sollevato dubbi sulla loro legittimità.
    [Show full text]
  • INSAZIABILI Di Sabrina Giannini ANTONIO DI PIETRO
    INSAZIABILI Di Sabrina Giannini ANTONIO DI PIETRO – PRESIDENTE ITALIA DEI VALORI Io prendo atto che a voi interessa più lo stuzzicadenti che la trave, lei sta producendo nei confronti di un partito che ha avuto un giudice, ha avuto giudice penale, civile, amministrativo e contabile che ha controllato tutto. Report realizza un servizio pubblico prendendosela con noi invece che guardare le travi, ne prendo atto. SABRINA GIANNINI Lei che ne sa di quelli con cui me la prendo? ANTONIO DI PIETRO – PRESIDENTE ITALIA DEI VALORI Ma non c’è il numero di Marruccio? Datemi il numero di telefono. Pronto? Maruccio? Pronto? SABRINA GIANNINI FUORI CAMPO Antonio Di Pietro sta cercando di contattare il suo avvocato Vincenzo Maruccio… proprio quel Maruccio capogruppo nel Lazio che pochi giorni dopo questa intervista diventerà una trave… Tg del Maruccio La prossima settimana Maruccio verrà sentito in Procura, gli inquirenti dovranno cercare di capire il perché di tutti quei piccoli bonifici fatti dai fondi del gruppo ai suoi dieci contocorrenti. SABRINA GIANNINI FUORI CAMPO Il simbolo di mani pulite sa meglio di chiunque altro che una pagliuzza, o uno stuzzicadenti come dice lui, diventa una trave se la magistratura la vede. DOMENICO MORACE – EX DIRIGENTE ITALIA DEI VALORI BOLOGNA Io feci una denuncia querela in Procura che riguardava l’intero partito Italia dei Valori per quanto riguarda il territorio di Bologna e la provincia di Bologna e chiedevo di essere sentito sui fondi regionali destinati al gruppo regionale Idv. L’ho chiesto 2 anni fa e non ho avuto mai avuto la soddisfazione di essere chiamato se non in concomitanza, successivamente, alla mia intervista su Affari Italiani.
    [Show full text]