Poliittiset Tekijät Lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin Sotiemme Aikana Ja Niiden Jälkeen
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Säädk 40/2017
SUOMEN SÄÄDÖSKOKOELMA MuuMnrovvvvSuomen asia presidentit vuoden 2017 juhlarahoista Julkaistu Helsingissä 25 päivänä tammikuuta 2017 40/2017 Valtiovarainministeriön asetus Suomen presidentit vuoden 2017 juhlarahoista Valtiovarainministeriön päätöksen mukaisesti säädetään metallirahasta annetun lain (216/1998) 1 §:n 2 momentin nojalla, sellaisena kuin se on laissa 378/2002: 1§ Vuonna 2017 julkaistaan Suomen presidentit -aiheiset 5 euron juhlarahat aiheinaan Ris- to Heikki Ryti, Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim, Juho Kusti Paasikivi ja Urho Kaleva Kek- konen. 2§ Juhlarahojen keskusta on kuparinikkeliä, jonka painosta 75 % on kuparia ja 25% nik- keliä. Rengas on alumiinipronssia, jonka painosta on kuparia 92 %, alumiinia 6% ja nik- keliä 2 %. Pitoisuudet saavat vaihdella enintään ± 10 promilleyksikköä. 3§ Jokaisen juhlarahan halkaisija on 27,25 ± 0,1 millimetriä ja paino 9,8 ± 0,4 grammaa. Enintään 5 prosenttia rahoista saa poiketa halkaisijastaan enemmän kuin ± 0,1 millimet- riä. 4§ Juhlarahojen kuvat ja kirjoitukset laakapinnoilla on sijoitettu siten, että rahoja kirjan lehden tavoin käännettäessä kumpikin puoli on oikein päin. Rahojen arvopuolella on ne suunnitelleen taiteilijan sukunimen alkukirjain L sekä Suo- men Rahapaja Oy:n tunnus. 5§ Suomen presidentit -juhlarahoilla on yhteinen arvopuoli, joka on seuraavan selitelmän ja kuvan mukainen. Rahojen arvopuolen taustana on suomalainen peltomaisema. Maiseman keskellä on avattu kirja, jonka lehdillä on kuvattu urbaani, rakennettu ympäristö teollisuuslaitoksineen ja taloineen. Teksti SUOMI on rahan kehällä vasemmalla, teksti FINLAND rahan kehällä keskellä ylhäällä ja vuosiluku 2017 rahan kehällä oikealla. Arvomerkintä 5 EURO on ra- han kehällä keskellä alhaalla. 1 40/2017 6§ Suomen presidentit — Risto Heikki Ryti -juhlarahan tunnuspuoli on seuraavan selitel- män ja kuvan mukainen. Rahan tunnuspuolella on Risto Heikki Rytin oikealle katsova muotokuva. -
4.Murtomäki 2017.10192 Words
Sibelius in the Context of the Finnish-German History Veijo Murtomäki Introduction The life and career of a composer cannot be considered as an isolated case without taking into account the wider context. The history of ideas and ideologies is always part of any serious enquiry into an artist’s personal history. Therefore we must bear in mind at least four points when considering the actions of artist and his or her country. Firstly, as the eminent Finnish historian Matti Klinge has observed, "the biggest challenge for understanding history is trying to situate oneself in the preconditions of the time-period under scrutiny while remembering that it did not know what the posterity knows."[1] Writing history is not primarily a task whereby the historian provides lines for actors to speak, but rather is an attempt to understand and explain why something happened, and to construct a context including all of the possible factors involved in a certain historical process. Secondly, supporting (or not opposing) an ideology prevailing at a certain time does not mean that the supporter (or non-opponent) is committing a crime. We could easily condemn half of the European intellectuals for supporting Fascism, Nazism, Communism or Maoism, or just for having become too easily attracted by these – in their mind – fascinating, visionary ideologies to shape European or world history. Thirdly, history has always been written by the winners – and thus, historiography tends to be distorted by exaggerating the evil of the enemy and the goodness of the victor. A moral verdict must be reached when we are dealing with absolute evil, but it is rare to find exclusively good or bad persons or civilizations; therefore history is rarely an issue of black and white. -
Peace Treaty Between the Republic of Finland and the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, Signed at Dorpat, October 14, 1920
PEACE TREATY BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND AND THE RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERAL SOVIET REPUBLIC, SIGNED AT DORPAT, OCTOBER 14, 1920 Whereas Finland declared its independence in 1917, and Russia has recognised the independence and the sovereignty of Finland within the frontiers of the Grand Duchy of Finland, The Government of the Republic of Finland, and the Government of the Federal Socialist Republic of Soviet Russia, Actuated by a desire to put an end to the war which has since arisen between their States, to establish mutual and lasting peace relations, and to confirm the situation which springs from the ancient political union of Finland and Russia, Have resolved to conclude a Treaty with this object in view, and have selected as their representatives for this purpose, the following: For the Government of the Republic of Finland: M. JUHO KUSTI PAASIKIVI, M. JUHO HEIKKI VENNOLA, M. ALEXANDER FREY, M. KARL RUDOLF WALDEN, M. VÄINÖ TANNER, M. VÄINÖ VOIONMAA, M. VÄINÖ GABRIEL KIVILINNA. For the Federal Socialist Republic of Soviet Russia: M. JEAN ANTONOVITCH BERZINE, M. PLATON MIKHAJLOVITCH KERGENTSEFF, M. NICOLAS SERGUEJEVITCH TIKHMENEFF. Who, after meeting at the town of Dorpat and exchanging their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed to the following provisions: Article 1. From the date upon which this Treaty shall come into force, a state of war shall cease to exist between the Contracting Powers, and the two Powers shall mutually undertake to maintain, for the future, an attitude of peace and goodwill towards one another. Article 2. The frontier between the States of Russia and of Finland shall be as follows: 1. -
Public Opinion, Journalism and the Question Offinland's Membership Of
10.1515/nor-2017-0211 Nordicom Review 28 (2007) 2, pp. 81-92 Public Opinion, Journalism and the Question of Finland’s Membership of NATO JUHO RAHKONEN Abstract The big question behind the research on media and democracy is: do media influence public opinion and the actual policy? The discussion about Finland’s NATO membership is a case in point. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, there has been a continuous public debate about whether Finland should join NATO. In the last 16 years, however, public opinion on NATO membership has not changed much. Despite the changes in world politics, such as NATO enlargement and new weapons technology, Finns still rely on military non-alliance and want to keep their own army strong. During the last ten years, there seems to be no correlation between media coverage and public opinion: pro-NATO media content has not been able to make Finns’ attitudes towards NATO more positive. The information provided by most of the Finnish newspapers is different from the way ordinary people see NATO. In the papers’ view, joining the alli- ance would be a natural step in Finland’s integration into Western democratic organiza- tions. Ordinary people on the contrary consider NATO more as a (U.S. led) military alli- ance which is not something Finland should be a part of. Historical experiences also dis- courage military alignment. In the light of data drawn from newspaper articles and opin- ion polls, the article suggests that journalism has had only a slight effect on public opin- ion about Finland’s NATO membership. -
Foreign Capital and Finland: Central Government's Firstperiod of Reliance on International Financial Markets 1862-1938
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Arola, Mika Book Foreign capital and Finland: central government's firstperiod of reliance on international financial markets 1862-1938 Scientific monographs, No. E:37 Provided in Cooperation with: Bank of Finland, Helsinki Suggested Citation: Arola, Mika (2006) : Foreign capital and Finland: central government's firstperiod of reliance on international financial markets 1862-1938, Scientific monographs, No. E:37, ISBN 952-462-311-0, Bank of Finland, Helsinki, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:NBN:fi:bof-201408071697 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/212970 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend -
1 Capitalism Under Attack: Economic Elites and Social Movements in Post
Capitalism under attack: Economic elites and social movements in post-war Finland Niklas Jensen-Eriksen Author’s Accepted Manuscript Published as: Jensen-Eriksen N. (2018) Capitalism Under Attack: Economic Elites and Social Movements in Post-War Finland. In: Berger S., Boldorf M. (eds) Social Movements and the Change of Economic Elites in Europe after 1945. Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77197-7_11 Introduction For Finland, the post-war era began in September 1944 when it switched sides in the Second World War. The country, which had fought alongside Germany against the Soviet Union from the summer of 1941 onwards, was now left within the Soviet sphere of influence.1 In this altered political situation, new social movements, in particular those led by communists and other leftist activists, challenged the existing economic and political order. However, this article argues that the traditional economic elites were remarkably successful in defending their interests. When the ‘years of danger’, as the period 1944–48 has been called in Finland, ended, it remained a country with traditional Western-style parliamentary democracy and a capitalist economic system. Before the parliamentary elections of 1945, Finnish Prime Minister J.K. Paasikivi, the main architect of the country’s new foreign policy (which was based on the attempt to maintain warm relations with the Soviet Union), urged voters to elect ‘new faces’ to Parliament.2 The voters did so. A new communist-dominated political party, the Finnish People’s Democratic League (Suomen Kansan Demokraattinen Liitto, SKDL) received a quarter of the seats. -
RUSSO-FINNISH RELATIONS, 1937-1947 a Thesis Presented To
RUSSO-FINNISH RELATIONS, 1937-1947 A Thesis Presented to the Department of History Carroll College In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Academic Honors with a B.A. Degree In History by Rex Allen Martin April 2, 1973 SIGNATURE PAGE This thesis for honors recognition has been approved for the Department of History. II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge thankfully A. Patanen, Attach^ to the Embassy of Finland, and Mrs. Anna-Malja Kurlkka of the Library of Parliament in Helsinki for their aid in locating the documents used In my research. For his aid In obtaining research material, I wish to thank Mr. H. Palmer of the Inter-Library Loan Department of Carroll College. To Mr. Lang and to Dr. Semmens, my thanks for their time and effort. To Father William Greytak, without whose encouragement, guidance, and suggestions this thesis would never have been completed, I express my warmest thanks. Rex A. Martin 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... v I. 1937 TO 1939 ........................................................................................ 1 II. 1939 TO1 940.................................................... 31 III. 1940 TO1 941............................................................................................. 49 IV. 1941 TO1 944 ......................................................................................... 70 V. 1944 TO 1947 ........................................................................................ -
Vihtori Kosolan Puheiden Muutokset 1929–1932
Aarni Virtanen ”Toimikaa. Älkää odottako.” Vihtori Kosolan puheiden muutokset 1929–1932 Suomen historian pro gradu -tutkielma Jyväskylän yliopisto Humanistinen tiedekunta Historian ja etnologian laitos Syksy 2010 1 Sisällysluettelo 1 JOHDANTO .............................................................................................................................................. 3 1.1 TULKINNAT LAPUANLIIKKEESTÄ .......................................................................................................... 3 1.2 TUTKIMUSKYSYMYS , LÄHTEET JA LÄHDEKRITIIKKI .............................................................................. 7 1.3 AATTEET , MYYTIT JA KONTEKSTIT ......................................................................................................13 2 KOSOLAN MAAILMANKUVA ............................................................................................................22 2.1 KOSOLA ENNEN LAPUANLIIKETTÄ .......................................................................................................22 2.2 KOSOLA JA LAPUANLIIKE .....................................................................................................................25 2.3 LAPUANLIIKKEEN TAUSTA JA PUNAISTEN PAITOJEN RIISUMINEN .........................................................31 3 RETORIIKKA ..........................................................................................................................................37 3.1 KOSOLAN RETORIIKAN VALTAKUNTA ..................................................................................................37 -
Soldiering and the Making of Finnish Manhood
Soldiering and the Making of Finnish Manhood Conscription and Masculinity in Interwar Finland, 1918–1939 ANDERS AHLBÄCK Doctoral Thesis in General History ÅBO AKADEMI UNIVERSITY 2010 © Anders Ahlbäck Author’s address: History Dept. of Åbo Akademi University Fabriksgatan 2 FIN-20500 Åbo Finland e-mail: [email protected] ISBN 978-952-12-2508-6 (paperback) ISBN 978-952-12-2509-3 (pdf) Printed by Uniprint, Turku Table of Contents Acknowledgements v 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Images and experiences of conscripted soldiering 1 1.2 Topics in earlier research: The militarisation of modern masculinity 8 1.3 Theory and method: Conscription as a contested arena of masculinity 26 1.4 Demarcation: Soldiering and citizenship as homosocial enactments 39 2 The politics of conscription 48 2.1 Military debate on the verge of a revolution 52 2.2 The Civil War and the creation of the “White Army” 62 2.3 The militiaman challenging the cadre army soldier 72 2.4 From public indignation to closing ranks around the army 87 2.5 Conclusion: Reluctant militarisation 96 3 War heroes as war teachers 100 3.1 The narrative construction of the Jägers as war heroes 102 3.2 Absent women and distant domesticity 116 3.3 Heroic officers and their counter-images 118 3.4 Forgetfulness in the hero myth 124 3.5 The Jäger officers as military educators 127 3.6 Conclusion: The uses of war heroes 139 4 Educating the citizen-soldier 146 4.1 Civic education and the Suomen Sotilas magazine 147 4.2 The man-soldier-citizen amalgamation 154 4.3 History, forefathers and the spirit of sacrifice -
Porkkala - Hanks - Aaland
© Scandia 2008 www.scandia.hist.lu.se GORAN RYSTAD Porkkala - Hanks - Aaland A coaatributisns to the history of the Fimish-Ra~ssiancease-fire amegotiationss, September 1944 011 12 January I 945> the Stockholm evening paper, Afiontid- ningen, printed a relegram from Helsinki which said that the people of Aaland planned to boycott the Finnish parliamentary elections which were due to take place in March. The back- ground was said to be that the people of Aaland hade got the impression that, at the cease-fire negotiations between Finland and the Soviet Union in September the previous year, the Fin- nish government had been willing to exchange Aaland for the Porkkala area claimed by the Russians.' The next day the news- paper, Morgontidningen, gave the news a prominent place under the heading, "AaBand does not wish to be exchanged for Porkkala".' A more detailed account then followed, which the newspaper claimed to have got from sources on Aaland. "Even before the Finnish-Russian cease-fire negotiations, there was lively discussion in certain Finnish circles of the suitability of offer- ing Moscow Aaland in exchange for Hanko, on which the Soviet Union was then expected to renew its claims. The Finns thereby argued that it would not be such a sacrifice to hand over Aaland to the Soviet Union as it would be to lease out Hanko or any other part of the Finnish mainland. Nor did certain Finnish circles miss the © Scandia 2008 www.scandia.hist.lu.se 2 Goran Rystad opportunity for malicious insinuations that 'it would serve the Swedes right to get the Russians as next-door neighbours, since they are so anxious for us to make peace with them'." The article then went on to say that, from a Finnish point of view, it was naturally more advantageous to relinquish Aaland rather than Hanko or Porkkala. -
Soome Presidentide Visiitide Mõju Eesti-Soome Suhetele Aastail 1918-1940
Tartu Ülikool Humanitaarteaduste ja kunstide valdkond Ajaloo ja arheoloogia instituut Uusima aja osakond Patrik Hytönen Soome presidentide visiitide mõju Eesti-Soome suhetele aastail 1918-1940 Bakalaureusetöö Juhendaja: prof Eero Medijainen Tartu 2016 Sisukord SISSEJUHATUS ................................................................................................................................... 3 1. 1918-1922 – AKTIIVNE KOOSTÖÖ .............................................................................................. 8 1.1 Soome-Eesti riigi suhete algus .................................................................................................... 8 1.2 Eesti ja Soome saatkonnad Helsingis ja Tallinnas ................................................................. 11 1.3 Kaarlo Juho Ståhlbergi välispoliitiline tegevus ...................................................................... 12 1.4 Riigivanem Konstantin Pätsi visiit Soome 1922 ..................................................................... 15 2. 1922-1934 – ÄRAOOTAV SUHTUMINE ..................................................................................... 18 2.1 Eesti ja Soome suhted kuni 1925. aastani ................................................................................ 18 2.2 Lauri Kristian Relanderi valimine presidendiks ning visiit Eestisse 1925 ........................... 21 2.3 Eesti ja Soome poliitilised suhted ja välispoliitilised suunad 1925-1931 .............................. 26 2.4 Eesti ja Soome riigipeade korraliste külaskäikude -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1This study uses ‘Estonian Veterans’ League’ as the most practical translation of the Eesti Vabadussõjalaste Liit (‘Veterans’ League of the Estonian War of Independence’). The popular term for a Veterans’ League member was vaps (plural: vapsid), or vabs, derived from vabadussõjalane (‘War of Independence veteran’). This often appears mistakenly capitalized as VAPS. A term for the Veterans frequently found in historical literature is ‘Freedom Fighters’, the direct translation of the German Freiheitskämpfer. Another unsatisfactory translation which appears in older literature is ‘Liberators’. It should be noted that until 11 August 1933 the organization was formally called Eesti Vabadussõjalaste Keskliit (‘The Estonian War of Independence Veterans’ Central League’). 2 Ernst Nolte, The Three Faces of Fascism (London, 1965), p. 12. 3 Eduard Laaman, Vabadussõjalased diktatuuri teel (Tallinn, 1933); Erakonnad Eestis (Tartu, 1934), pp. 54–62; ‘Põhiseaduse kriisi arenemine 1928–1933’, in Põhiseadus ja Rahvuskogu (Tallinn, 1937), pp. 29–45; Konstantin Päts. Poliitika- ja riigimees (Stockholm, 1949). 4 Märt Raud, Kaks suurt: Jaan Tõnisson, Konstantin Päts ja nende ajastu (Toronto, 1953); Evald Uustalu, The History of Estonian People (London, 1952); Artur Mägi, Das Staatsleben Estlands während seiner Selbständigkeit. I. Das Regierungssystem (Stockholm, 1967). 5 William Tomingas, Vaikiv ajastu Eestis (New York, 1961). 6 Georg von Rauch, The Baltic States: The Years of Independence 1917–1940 (London, 1974); V. Stanley Vardys, ‘The Rise of Authoritarianism in the Baltic States’, in V. Stanley Vardys and Romuald J. Misiunas, eds., The Baltic States in War and Peace (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1978), pp. 65–80; Toivo U. Raun, Estonia and the Estonians (Stanford, 1991); John Hiden and Patrick Salmon, The Baltic Nations and Europe: Estonia, Latvia & Lithuania in the Twentieth Century (London, 1991).