The Managerial Cube
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Empowering Socially Excluded Elderly Within Russian Minority in Estonia and Finland
EMPOWERING SOCIALLY EXCLUDED ELDERLY WITHIN RUSSIAN MINORITY IN ESTONIA AND FINLAND TALLINN & HELSINKI 2009 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Theoretical background of the research .......................................................................... 3 1. 1 Reasons for emigration and its history in Estonia and Finland .............................. 3 Estonia......................................................................................................................... 3 Finland ........................................................................................................................ 3 1.2 Quality of life, well-being, self-care ......................................................................... 5 1.2.1 The concept and nature of quality of life ........................................................... 5 1.2.2 Measuring the quality of life .............................................................................. 6 2. Researsh aim, method, results ......................................................................................... 8 2.1 Aim of the research ................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Method ...................................................................................................................... 8 Focus-group data and background .............................................................................. 8 2.3 Results ...................................................................................................................... -
Opettajan Opas
opettajanSUOMEN opas PRESIDENTIT | OPETTAJAN OPAS 1 opettajan opas SUOMEN ITSENÄISYYDEN AIKA PRESIDENTTIEMME KAUTTA, ILMIÖPOHJAINEN OPETUSKOKONAISUUS KOHDERYHMÄ 6–9 -luokkalaiset, lukiolaiset, ammattikoululaiset, kerhot, opintopiirit, Suomeen muualta muuttaneet ns. uussuomalaiset AINEET Yhteiskuntaoppi, historia, äidinkieli, kotitalous, kuvaamataito, musiikki IDEA JA TAVOITE MITEN ķķ Avata Itsenäisen Suomen tarina niiden henkilöiden kautta, ķķ Katsotaan yhdessä alustuksena pdf-esitys Itsenäisen Suomen jotka ovat olleet aitiopaikalla ja vallan kahvassa Suomea historia lyhyesti. rakennettaessa ja sen olemassaoloa puolustettaessa. ķķ Jaetaan oppilaat ryhmiin, kukin ryhmä saa yhden presidentin. ķķ Ymmärtää, että yhteisten asioiden hoitaminen eli politiikka on ķķ Ryhmä katsoo lyhytfilmin omasta presidentistään. tärkeää ja monimutkaista (demokratiakasvatus). ķķ Ryhmä vastaa kysymyksiin, vastaukset löytyvät kunkin ķķ Lisätä arvostusta, rakkautta ja kiinnostusta Suomea kohtaan. presidentin tekstiosuudesta. ķķ Oppia ymmärtämään omat oikeutensa, velvollisuutensa ja ķķ Ryhmä tekee muita oman presidenttinsä aikakauteen liittyviä vaikutusmahdollisuutensa kansalaisena. tutkimuksia tavallisen ihmisen arkeen liittyen ja haastattelee sen ajan aikalaisia esim. paikallisessa palvelutalossa. ķķ Kokoaminen ja esittäminen muille oppilaille/koululle ryhmän valitsemalla tavalla. Esityksen yhteydessä näytetään aluksi lyhytfilmi omasta presidentistä. SUOMEN PRESIDENTIT | OPETTAJAN OPAS 2 KYSYMYKSET JOKAISESTA PRESIDENTISTÄ 1 MINKÄLAISISTA KOTIOLOISTA PRESIDENTTI -
Säädk 40/2017
SUOMEN SÄÄDÖSKOKOELMA MuuMnrovvvvSuomen asia presidentit vuoden 2017 juhlarahoista Julkaistu Helsingissä 25 päivänä tammikuuta 2017 40/2017 Valtiovarainministeriön asetus Suomen presidentit vuoden 2017 juhlarahoista Valtiovarainministeriön päätöksen mukaisesti säädetään metallirahasta annetun lain (216/1998) 1 §:n 2 momentin nojalla, sellaisena kuin se on laissa 378/2002: 1§ Vuonna 2017 julkaistaan Suomen presidentit -aiheiset 5 euron juhlarahat aiheinaan Ris- to Heikki Ryti, Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim, Juho Kusti Paasikivi ja Urho Kaleva Kek- konen. 2§ Juhlarahojen keskusta on kuparinikkeliä, jonka painosta 75 % on kuparia ja 25% nik- keliä. Rengas on alumiinipronssia, jonka painosta on kuparia 92 %, alumiinia 6% ja nik- keliä 2 %. Pitoisuudet saavat vaihdella enintään ± 10 promilleyksikköä. 3§ Jokaisen juhlarahan halkaisija on 27,25 ± 0,1 millimetriä ja paino 9,8 ± 0,4 grammaa. Enintään 5 prosenttia rahoista saa poiketa halkaisijastaan enemmän kuin ± 0,1 millimet- riä. 4§ Juhlarahojen kuvat ja kirjoitukset laakapinnoilla on sijoitettu siten, että rahoja kirjan lehden tavoin käännettäessä kumpikin puoli on oikein päin. Rahojen arvopuolella on ne suunnitelleen taiteilijan sukunimen alkukirjain L sekä Suo- men Rahapaja Oy:n tunnus. 5§ Suomen presidentit -juhlarahoilla on yhteinen arvopuoli, joka on seuraavan selitelmän ja kuvan mukainen. Rahojen arvopuolen taustana on suomalainen peltomaisema. Maiseman keskellä on avattu kirja, jonka lehdillä on kuvattu urbaani, rakennettu ympäristö teollisuuslaitoksineen ja taloineen. Teksti SUOMI on rahan kehällä vasemmalla, teksti FINLAND rahan kehällä keskellä ylhäällä ja vuosiluku 2017 rahan kehällä oikealla. Arvomerkintä 5 EURO on ra- han kehällä keskellä alhaalla. 1 40/2017 6§ Suomen presidentit — Risto Heikki Ryti -juhlarahan tunnuspuoli on seuraavan selitel- män ja kuvan mukainen. Rahan tunnuspuolella on Risto Heikki Rytin oikealle katsova muotokuva. -
NÄIN KOIMME KANSANRINTAMAN Puoluepoliitikkojen Muistelmateosten Kerronta Vuoden 1966 Hallitusratkaisuun Johtaneista Tekijöistä
Lauri Heikkilä NÄIN KOIMME KANSANRINTAMAN Puoluepoliitikkojen muistelmateosten kerronta vuoden 1966 hallitusratkaisuun johtaneista tekijöistä Yhteiskuntatieteiden tiedekunta Historian pro gradu-tutkielma Marraskuu 2019 TIIVISTELMÄ Heikkilä, Lauri: Näin koimme kansanrintaman – Puoluepoliitikko!en muistelmateosten kerronta vuoden 1966 hallitusratkaisuun johtaneista teki!öistä pro gradu-tutkielma %ampereen yliopisto Historian tutkinto-ohjelma Marraskuu 2019 Tässä pro gradu-tutkielmassa tutkitaan poliitikkojen muistelmia !a niiden kautta muodostuvaa kuvaa vuoden 1966 hallitusratkaisuun johtaneista teki!öistä' ainopiste on puolueissa toimineissa poliitikoissa, !oilla on takanaan merkittä"ä ura hallituksen tai eduskunnan tehtävissä tai puolueiden !ohtopaikoilla' Muistelmien perusteella luotua kuvaa tarkastellaan muistelma-käsitteen kautta !a poliittisia- sekä valtadiskursse!a kriittisen diskurssianal&&sin periaatteita noudattaen. Muistelmissa tar!ottu poliittinen selit&s on usein monis&isempi !a itsere(lektoivampi kuin a!anjohtaiset poliittiset selit&kset, mutta poliittinen painolasti !a poliittinen selit&starve kuultaa muistelmistakin läpi' oliitikot !atkavat !o aktiiviurallaan alkanutta diskurssia p&rkien varmistamaan poliittisen perintönsä säil&misen, mutta he tavoittele"at m&$s tulkitun historian omista!uutta kokemistaan asioista, ettei heidän tulkintansa !äisi unohduksiin !a etteivät muut tulkinnat ota sitä tilaa, jonka koki!at koke"at kuuluvan heille itselleen. %arkasteltavat muistelmateokset ovat )* :n +a(ael aasion Kun aika on kypsä -
4.Murtomäki 2017.10192 Words
Sibelius in the Context of the Finnish-German History Veijo Murtomäki Introduction The life and career of a composer cannot be considered as an isolated case without taking into account the wider context. The history of ideas and ideologies is always part of any serious enquiry into an artist’s personal history. Therefore we must bear in mind at least four points when considering the actions of artist and his or her country. Firstly, as the eminent Finnish historian Matti Klinge has observed, "the biggest challenge for understanding history is trying to situate oneself in the preconditions of the time-period under scrutiny while remembering that it did not know what the posterity knows."[1] Writing history is not primarily a task whereby the historian provides lines for actors to speak, but rather is an attempt to understand and explain why something happened, and to construct a context including all of the possible factors involved in a certain historical process. Secondly, supporting (or not opposing) an ideology prevailing at a certain time does not mean that the supporter (or non-opponent) is committing a crime. We could easily condemn half of the European intellectuals for supporting Fascism, Nazism, Communism or Maoism, or just for having become too easily attracted by these – in their mind – fascinating, visionary ideologies to shape European or world history. Thirdly, history has always been written by the winners – and thus, historiography tends to be distorted by exaggerating the evil of the enemy and the goodness of the victor. A moral verdict must be reached when we are dealing with absolute evil, but it is rare to find exclusively good or bad persons or civilizations; therefore history is rarely an issue of black and white. -
Peace Treaty Between the Republic of Finland and the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, Signed at Dorpat, October 14, 1920
PEACE TREATY BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND AND THE RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERAL SOVIET REPUBLIC, SIGNED AT DORPAT, OCTOBER 14, 1920 Whereas Finland declared its independence in 1917, and Russia has recognised the independence and the sovereignty of Finland within the frontiers of the Grand Duchy of Finland, The Government of the Republic of Finland, and the Government of the Federal Socialist Republic of Soviet Russia, Actuated by a desire to put an end to the war which has since arisen between their States, to establish mutual and lasting peace relations, and to confirm the situation which springs from the ancient political union of Finland and Russia, Have resolved to conclude a Treaty with this object in view, and have selected as their representatives for this purpose, the following: For the Government of the Republic of Finland: M. JUHO KUSTI PAASIKIVI, M. JUHO HEIKKI VENNOLA, M. ALEXANDER FREY, M. KARL RUDOLF WALDEN, M. VÄINÖ TANNER, M. VÄINÖ VOIONMAA, M. VÄINÖ GABRIEL KIVILINNA. For the Federal Socialist Republic of Soviet Russia: M. JEAN ANTONOVITCH BERZINE, M. PLATON MIKHAJLOVITCH KERGENTSEFF, M. NICOLAS SERGUEJEVITCH TIKHMENEFF. Who, after meeting at the town of Dorpat and exchanging their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed to the following provisions: Article 1. From the date upon which this Treaty shall come into force, a state of war shall cease to exist between the Contracting Powers, and the two Powers shall mutually undertake to maintain, for the future, an attitude of peace and goodwill towards one another. Article 2. The frontier between the States of Russia and of Finland shall be as follows: 1. -
Public Opinion, Journalism and the Question Offinland's Membership Of
10.1515/nor-2017-0211 Nordicom Review 28 (2007) 2, pp. 81-92 Public Opinion, Journalism and the Question of Finland’s Membership of NATO JUHO RAHKONEN Abstract The big question behind the research on media and democracy is: do media influence public opinion and the actual policy? The discussion about Finland’s NATO membership is a case in point. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, there has been a continuous public debate about whether Finland should join NATO. In the last 16 years, however, public opinion on NATO membership has not changed much. Despite the changes in world politics, such as NATO enlargement and new weapons technology, Finns still rely on military non-alliance and want to keep their own army strong. During the last ten years, there seems to be no correlation between media coverage and public opinion: pro-NATO media content has not been able to make Finns’ attitudes towards NATO more positive. The information provided by most of the Finnish newspapers is different from the way ordinary people see NATO. In the papers’ view, joining the alli- ance would be a natural step in Finland’s integration into Western democratic organiza- tions. Ordinary people on the contrary consider NATO more as a (U.S. led) military alli- ance which is not something Finland should be a part of. Historical experiences also dis- courage military alignment. In the light of data drawn from newspaper articles and opin- ion polls, the article suggests that journalism has had only a slight effect on public opin- ion about Finland’s NATO membership. -
Latvian–Finnish Economic Relations 1918–19401
71 https://doi.org/10.22364/hssl.28.1.05 LATVIAN–FINNISH ECONOMIC RELATIONS 1918–19401 Viesturs Pauls Karnups Dr. oec. Abstract This article provides an overview of Latvian-Finnish economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Finland were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Finland as well. Latvia declared its independence in 1918, however normal trade with Finland did not commence until 1920 after the end of the Latvian War of Independence. It ended with the outbreak of the Winter War in 1939. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Finland was more or less regulated by the 1924 Commercial and Navigation treaty, as well as the 1936 Commercial Agreement. Latvia’s main imports from Finland in the interwar period were textiles and textile products, metals and metal products, cellulose, paper and paper products, agricultural machinery, and knives and knife products, whilst Latvia’s main exports to Finland were rubber products, gypsum, bone meal, paint and paint products, seeds, radios and linoleum. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due mainly to the similarities of their economic structures. On the other hand, Latvia had fairly intensive relations with Finland in the political, social and cultural spheres. This was mainly due to the fact of geographic propinquity, and Finland’s special relationship to Estonia, which was Latvia’s neighbour and closest ally. Keywords: Latvia, Finland, economic relations, interwar period Introduction Although Latvians had had sporadic contact with the Finns in previous centuries, especially after Finland was annexed to the Tsarist Empire, it was in the aftermath of the 1905 revolution and during WWI that a large number of Latvian intelligentsia (writers, public figures, etc.) found refuge in Finland.2 After WWI and into the 1920s, Finland was regarded as a Baltic State along with Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and to a lesser extent Poland. -
Strategic Low Profile and Bridge-Building: Finnish Foreign Policy During Mauno Koivisto's Presidency
Strategic Low Profile and Bridge-Building: Finnish Foreign Policy during Mauno Koivisto's Presidency Michiko Takagi Graduate Student of Nagoya University 1. Introduction This paper focuses on Finnish foreign policy conducted by Mauno Koivisto, who was the President of Finland between 1981 and 1994. In the beginning of 80s when he took office as president, relationship between superpowers was aggravated and the international tension flared up again, just called as “New Cold War”. However, after the change of political leader of the Soviet Union in 1985, the East and West tension relieved drastically, which eventually led to the end of the Cold War and reunification of Germany. Furthermore, a number of remarkable transformations in Europe began to occur, such as democratization in East European states, collapse of the Soviet Union and acceleration of European economic and political integration. During the Cold War, Finland maintained its independence by implementing “good-neighboring policies” towards the Soviet Union based on YYA treaty, bilateral military treaty with the Soviet Union (1948)1), on the other hand, in spite of this, by pursuing policy of neutrality. In the period of “Détente” of 70s, Urho Kekkonen, the President of Finland at the time, carried out policy of active neutrality, which culminated in success of “Helsinki Process” in 1975 and this Finnish policy of bridge-building between East and West increased its presence in the international community. However, Finnish position and presence as a neutral country fluctuated during the “New Cold War” and the following end of the Cold War. This 1) The Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance (Sopimus ystävyydestä, yhteistoiminnasta ja keskinäisestä avunannosta). -
RUSSO-FINNISH RELATIONS, 1937-1947 a Thesis Presented To
RUSSO-FINNISH RELATIONS, 1937-1947 A Thesis Presented to the Department of History Carroll College In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Academic Honors with a B.A. Degree In History by Rex Allen Martin April 2, 1973 SIGNATURE PAGE This thesis for honors recognition has been approved for the Department of History. II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge thankfully A. Patanen, Attach^ to the Embassy of Finland, and Mrs. Anna-Malja Kurlkka of the Library of Parliament in Helsinki for their aid in locating the documents used In my research. For his aid In obtaining research material, I wish to thank Mr. H. Palmer of the Inter-Library Loan Department of Carroll College. To Mr. Lang and to Dr. Semmens, my thanks for their time and effort. To Father William Greytak, without whose encouragement, guidance, and suggestions this thesis would never have been completed, I express my warmest thanks. Rex A. Martin 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... v I. 1937 TO 1939 ........................................................................................ 1 II. 1939 TO1 940.................................................... 31 III. 1940 TO1 941............................................................................................. 49 IV. 1941 TO1 944 ......................................................................................... 70 V. 1944 TO 1947 ........................................................................................ -
Finnish and Swedish Policies on the EU and NATO As Security Organisations
POST-NEUTRAL OR PRE-ALLIED? Finnish and Swedish Policies on the EU and NATO as Security Organisations Tapani Vaahtoranta Faculty Member Geneva Center for Security Policy email: [email protected] Tuomas Forsberg Director Finnish Institute of International Affairs email: [email protected] Working Papers 29 (2000) Ulkopoliittinen instituutti (UPI) The Finnish Institute of International Affairs Tapani Vaahtoranta - Tuomas Forsberg POST-NEUTRAL OR PRE-ALLIED? Finnish and Swedish Policies on the EU and NATO as Security Organisations This report was made possible by NATO Research Fellowships Programme 1998/2000. We would also like to thank Niklas Forsström for his contribution in preparing the report as well as Jan Hyllander and Hanna Ojanen for comments on earlier drafts. We are also grateful to Fredrik Vahlquist of the Swedish Embassy in Helsinki and Pauli Järvenpää of the Finnish Representation to NATO who were helpful in organizing our fact finding trips to Stockholm in November 1999 and to Brussels in April 2000. Finally, Kirsi Reyes, Timo Brock and Mikko Metsämäki helped to finalise this Working Paper. 2 Contents Finland and Sweden: Twins, Sisters, or Cousins? 3 The Past: Neutrals or “Neutrals”? 7 Deeds: The Line Drawn 14 Words: The Line Explained 19 The Debate: The Line Challenged 27 Public Opinion: The Line Supported 34 The Future Line 37 3 Finland and Sweden: Twins, Sisters, or Cousins? At the beginning of the 21st century – a decade after the end of the Cold War – two major developments characterise the transformation of the European security landscape. The first development is the NATO enlargement and its evolving strategic concept that was applied in the Kosovo conflict. -
Soldiering and the Making of Finnish Manhood
Soldiering and the Making of Finnish Manhood Conscription and Masculinity in Interwar Finland, 1918–1939 ANDERS AHLBÄCK Doctoral Thesis in General History ÅBO AKADEMI UNIVERSITY 2010 © Anders Ahlbäck Author’s address: History Dept. of Åbo Akademi University Fabriksgatan 2 FIN-20500 Åbo Finland e-mail: [email protected] ISBN 978-952-12-2508-6 (paperback) ISBN 978-952-12-2509-3 (pdf) Printed by Uniprint, Turku Table of Contents Acknowledgements v 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Images and experiences of conscripted soldiering 1 1.2 Topics in earlier research: The militarisation of modern masculinity 8 1.3 Theory and method: Conscription as a contested arena of masculinity 26 1.4 Demarcation: Soldiering and citizenship as homosocial enactments 39 2 The politics of conscription 48 2.1 Military debate on the verge of a revolution 52 2.2 The Civil War and the creation of the “White Army” 62 2.3 The militiaman challenging the cadre army soldier 72 2.4 From public indignation to closing ranks around the army 87 2.5 Conclusion: Reluctant militarisation 96 3 War heroes as war teachers 100 3.1 The narrative construction of the Jägers as war heroes 102 3.2 Absent women and distant domesticity 116 3.3 Heroic officers and their counter-images 118 3.4 Forgetfulness in the hero myth 124 3.5 The Jäger officers as military educators 127 3.6 Conclusion: The uses of war heroes 139 4 Educating the citizen-soldier 146 4.1 Civic education and the Suomen Sotilas magazine 147 4.2 The man-soldier-citizen amalgamation 154 4.3 History, forefathers and the spirit of sacrifice