SWP Comments 2005/59, December 2005, 6 Pages
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COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War?
COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? MAGNUS NORELL FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 555 030 00 www.foi.se FOI Memo 3123 Memo Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 555 031 00 ISSN 1650-1942 March 2010 SE-164 90 Stockholm Magnus Norell COIN in Afghanistan - Winning the Battles, Losing the War? “If you don’t know where you’re going. Any road will take you there” (From a song by George Harrison) FOI Memo 3123 Title COIN in Afghanistan – Winning the Battles, Losing the War? Rapportnr/Report no FOI Memo 3123 Rapporttyp/Report Type FOI Memo Månad/Month Mars/March Utgivningsår/Year 2010 Antal sidor/Pages 41 p ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Projektnr/Project no A12004 Godkänd av/Approved by Eva Mittermaier FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys Department of Defence Analysis 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm FOI Memo 3123 Programme managers remarks The Asia Security Studies programme at the Swedish Defence Research Agency’s Department of Defence Analysis conducts research and policy relevant analysis on defence and security related issues. -
Kosovo's New Political Leadership
ASSEMBLY SUPPORT INITIATIVE asiNEWSLETTER Kosovo’s new political leadership ASSEMBLYasi SUPPORT INITIATIVE NEWSLETTER юѦȱŘŖŖŜǰȱќȱŘŘ Strengthening the oversight role of the Kosovo Assembly oces Mission in Kosovo ASSEMBLY SUPPORT INITIATIVE 2 NEWSLETTERasi Editorial Editorial 2 Kosovo has a new political leadership. Within one Mr. Kolë Berisha’s speech on the occasion ǰȱȱ ȱǰȱ ȱȱȱȱ of assuming the Assembly Presidency 3 ȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱĜǯȱȱ Fatmir Sejdiu succeeded the late President Ibrahim President Fatmir Sejdiu talks to BBC 6 Rugova. Former TMK Commander Agim Ceku succeeded Bajram Kosumi as prime minister. Mr. “There is no full freedom in Kosovo Kole Berisha succeeded Nexhat Daci as president unless all of Kosovo’s citizens can enjoy it” 7 ȱȱ¢ǯȱ¢ǰȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȱ ȱǯȱȱŘŚȱȱŘŖŖŜǰȱȱ¢ȱȱ Kosovo Serb Leaders Meet Premier Çeku, ȱ¡ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱęȱ ȱ Consider Joining Government 9 rounds of talks on decentralization. Recent Developments in the Assembly 10 ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱĴȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ sessions in the Assembly on various policy issues. The new president Let’s learn to hear the voice of the citizen 12 ȱȱ¢ǰȱǯȱ ȱǰȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ a new democratic atmosphere and to strengthen co-operation with Presidency of the Assembly 14 international institutions. Transparency and full adherence to Rules Why we asked for a new dynamic in of Procedure are high on his agenda. Assembly’s Work 16 In light of the current changes at the Assembly one can hope that this ȱǰȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱĴǰȱ Our Vision of an Independent Kosovo 17 to further enhance their role in overseeing the work of the government ȱ ¡ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Pay off Time 18 Consolidated Budget (KCB). -
Southern Balkan Challenges After the Hague Indictment
Conflict Studies Research Centre Balkans Series 0 5/12 Southern Balkan Challenges After The Hague Indictment James Pettifer Key Points * The Hague indictment of Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj offers both opportunities and dangers for the international community. * The US, while supporting the general principle of Kosovo independence, is currently letting the Europeans take the lead on the issue. * There is a short window of opportunity for political progress if a major conference can be arranged to progress the political status issue. * In the medium term, if political progress is not forthcoming, the risk of conflict in the region, in Kosovo, Macedonia, Preshevo and Cameria increases substantially. 05/12 Southern Balkan Challenges After The Hague Indictment James Pettifer The indictment sending Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj to the Hague Tribunal (ICTY) had been long expected after a period of preparation of Kosovo and international public opinion. The fact that he has accepted the indictment and has gone to the Hague voluntarily has provided a good public relations coup for the Kosovo Albanian leadership by contrast to the intransigence and lack of cooperation with ICTY in most other Balkan countries, and is likely to increase the pressures for rapid progress towards independence within Kosovo. But it is not seen that way in Serbia, and the Serbian position is increasingly closely linked to the residual influence of Greece and its associated orbit within the EU. The party of Hardinaj is in general seen in Kosovo and the world in general as very much aligned to the Anglo-American axis within Kosovo and had only about 8% of the votes. -
Negotiating Kosovo's Final Status
NEGOTIATING KOSOVO’S FINAL STATUS Lulzim Peci, Ilir Dugolli, Leon Malazogu* 1. The current situation June 10th 1999 marks the beginning of a new stage for Kosovo. With confirmed withdrawal of the forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the entry of KFOR, the UN Security Council adopted the Resolution 1244 (hereinafter: UNSCR 1244)1, replacing thus the existing legal order with a new one. In general, Kosovo has experienced a very wide range of constitutional solutions. Since the end of WWII and until the last constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1974, we have seen an enhancement of powers of Kosovo (as one of the two autonomous provinces). The federal constitution of 1974 introduced significant changes to the internal organization of the SFRY, decentralizing key areas of governance. Under these arrangements, the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo (SAPK) “had equal representation within the supreme commanding body of the federation, a collective presidency of eight, comprised of a member of each federal unit of Yugoslavia. All representatives enjoyed the right to veto any decision over which the collective body had authority, including those relating to security2. 1 United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244/99. Available: http://www.unmikonline.org/misc/N9917289.pdf (last visited: 20 February 2006) 2 Ilir Dugolli & Lulzim Peci, Enhancing civilian management and oversight of the security sector in Kosovo, KIPRED and SaferWorld, November 2005. p.5. Available online at: http://www.kipred.net/UserFiles/File/SecSectorManagement.pdf (last visited: 15 February 2006). This positive evolution came to an abrupt end in 1989 when the autonomy was revoked. -
Hva Kjennetegner Talibans Propaganda Og Med Hvilke Kontrapropagandatiltak Kan ISAF Bekjempe Den?
Forsvarets stabsskole Våren 2009 Masteroppgave Kampen om den mest uimotståelige historien Hva kjennetegner Talibans propaganda og med hvilke kontrapropagandatiltak kan ISAF bekjempe den? Ola Bøe-Hansen 2 3 Summary This analysis is split into two where the first half is dedicated to what characterizes Taliban propaganda, and the other half to an analysis of which counterpropaganda measures ISAF can utilize in order to counter it. The Taliban’s propaganda apparatus has grown in size, skill and emphasis since it was removed from power in late 2001. It has shown ability to adapt to modern media and technology, and can now communicate with a global reach and impact. Their messages are mostly based on real incidents, but often strongly exaggerated. They use strong religious connotations to harvest authority and legitimacy. The civilian population is deliberately used as human shields, which has lead to incidents where ISAF operations cause civilian casualties, giving Taliban propaganda opportunities. They utilize their knowledge of the people’s culture, history, traditions and language. They have also learned weaknesses within their enemy and the paramount role of the news media. The Taliban is an actor that efficiently exploits the physical battle domain to support the decisive cognitive domain. Three cases of Taliban propaganda are being discussed in this thesis; Mullah Mohammad Omar’s Eid Messages, how the Taliban utilizes spectacular incidents, and exploiting incidents where ISAF causes Civilian Casualties. The main ISAF counterpropaganda -
NEGOTIATIONS and RECONCILIATION with the TALIBAN: the Key Policy Issues and Dilemmas
NEGOTIATIONS AND RECONCILIATION WITH THE TALIBAN: The Key Policy Issues and Dilemmas By Vanda Felbab-Brown Fellow, 21st Century Defense Initiative, Foreign Policy, the Brookings Institution and Author of Shooting Up: Counterinsurgency and the War on Drugs (Brookings 2009) Thursday’s London conference on Afghanistan where the Afghan government, Britain, and Japan have presented their plans for reconciliation with the Taliban has reignited a months-long debate about whether or not to negotiate with the salafi insurgents. But although passions run strong on both sides of the debate, in its abstract form– negotiate: yes or no – the discussion is of little policy usefulness. The real question about negotiating with the Taliban is what shape and content any such negotiation and reconciliation should have and what are the costs and benefits of such an approach. THE COSTS AND BENEFITS OF NEGOTIATIONS and RECONCILIATION: SOME QUICK LESSONS FROM HISTORY Negotiations and reconciliation frequently have been a critical component of ending conflict, reducing violence, and saving lives: be they the pentiti laws in Italy directed toward the Red Brigades or amnesty for the Shining Path’s soldiers in Peru or negotiations between the Provisional IRA and the Unionists in Northern Ireland. For many who advocate negotiations with the Taliban, negotiations are a way to extricate forces from what they consider unattainable and perhaps unimportant objectives in Afghanistan. But this position ignores the real and acute threat still emanating from the region in the form of terrorism and severe regional instability. It also underestimates the risk and the costs associated with negotiations, such as giving the opponent a chance to increase its forces, recuperate, and renege on its promises. -
02 Klasnja.Indd
THE LIMITS OF INTEGRATION The EU and Kosovo Time to Rethink the Enlargement and Integration Policy? Marko Klasnja The EU’s approach to the HE European Union has been hailed for its contri- Tbution to the largely successful post-communist Western Balkans has been transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Exerting its well-known “soft power” advantages by of- plagued with inconsistencies fering the possibility of membership, the EU encouraged and half-baked measures. The the partners in the ongoing process of integration and “Europeanization,”1 here meant to connote the processes situation in Kosovo demonstrates and mechanisms by which European efforts to build political, economic, legal, and social institutions cause that the EU needs to rethink its changes at the domestic level.2 This success story has so policy arsenal if it is to achieve far not been replicated in the Western Balkans, another region undergoing transition where the EU’s ambitions its goals. and pledges seem to mirror those of the earlier “Eastern Enlargement.” The results in the Western Balkans have so far been much more limited and by no means assure an equally successful outcome. This may be a consequence of the much wider range of challenges faced by the region than was the case with Central and Eastern Europe, given the recurring conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the late start of transition in many countries, and the unsolved territorial and ethnic issues, not to mention other prob- lems. The intricacies of the status-settlement process for Kosovo—that is, whether the province will become an independent country or remain part of Serbia—exemplify the multi-faceted nature of the transition process in the region. -
Decentralization Should Not Imply Enclavization
Decentralization should not imply enclavization Bajram Kosumi1 Kosovo is in the process of an assessment standards as required by both the UN Security Council of and the Contact Group. We expect that the assessment will show that Kosovo has made major progress. In other words, we expect this assessment to be realistic and to open the door to starting a discussion on the final status of Kosovo. As is known, there have been several political and technical assessments so far, and all of them have been positive. There were some difficulties at the beginning. However, the Kosovo government and its agencies have relied on all their potential and have managed to make an initial breakthrough. These are the arguments that guarantee ongoing assessment. We do not see standards as something which the international community imposes on Kosovo. I have said many times that those were the standards of freedom and human rights, and that is how we perceive them. We will build a better democracy and show more respect for human rights and freedoms not because the international community required this, but because of our future. We want to create a democratic society, a free society that guarantees equality among all its citizens. Kosovo has established democratic institutions invested with new powers. With their four years experience, these institutions have proved that they are up to the Kosovo challenge, even in difficult times such as in the past several months. Both the Kosovo institutions and politicians have demonstrated wisdom and resoluteness in making decisions and taking over responsibility. A positive evaluation by international political factors testifies to this. -
F a S T Update Kosovo Semi-Annual Risk Assessment May 2006 To
F A S T Update Kosovo Semi-annual Risk Assessment May 2006 to October 2006 T S A F © swisspeace FAST Update Kosovo | May 2006 to October 2006 | Page 2 Contents Country Stability and Conflictive Events (relative) 3 Conflictive and Cooperative Domestic Events (relative) 5 Conflictive and Cooperative International Events (relative) 7 Appendix: Description of indicators used 9 The FAST International Early Warning Program 10 FAST Update Subscription: www.swisspeace.org/fast/subscription_form.asp Contact FAST International: Country Expert: Phone: +41 31 330 12 02 Dr. Florian Bieber Fax: +41 31 330 12 13 mailto:[email protected] www.swisspeace.org/fast © swisspeace FAST Update Kosovo | May 2006 to October 2006 | Page 3 Country Stability and Conflictive Events (relative) Average number of reported events per month: 70 Indicator description: see Appendix Risk Assessment: • The stability of Kosovo and key events in the region remain a function of the ongoing status discussions. Both developments over the past six months, as well as the stability of Kosovo in the foreseeable future are primarily dictated by the nature and possible outcome of the status negotiations. While the talks themselves have failed to yield any tangible results to date and remain largely deadlocked, the Country Stability, as well as Conflictive Events, have been greatly fluctuating recently, as they have over the past years. Most worrying is the sharp, if temporary, decline of Country Stability in late 2006, as well as the increase in relative Conflictive Events, indicating increased tensions in the face of an expected conclusion of the status talks in early 2007. • In Serbia, the authorities have continuously emphasized their rejection of independence for Kosovo and in extension any imposed solution which would not be based on a compromise incorporating Serbian demands. -
CFC Afghanistan Newsletter
07 October 2009 Afghanistan Review This document is intended to provide an overview of relevant sector events in Afghanistan from 30 September -06 October 2009. More comprehensive information is available on the Civil- Military Overview (CMO) at www.cimicweb.org.1 Inside This Issue Letters to the Editor: Jonathan Hadaway, [email protected] /+1 757-683-4233: Letters to the Editor In Focus Dear Sir, if the US does not agree to General McChrystal's troop increase (Reference: Economic Stabilization 30 September 2009 CFC Afghanistan Review, „In Focus‟) it will undermine a crucial, first step in counterinsurgency: showing the population that you have the will to win. Governance & Participation Counterinsurgency operations require additional troops. The necessary focus, Humanitarian Assistance resources, strategy and troops have yet to be dedicated to Afghanistan. I think a new strategy with the required number of military forces deserves a chance to succeed. Infrastructure Justice & Reconciliation --Jesse Wilson, United States Central Command (CENTCOM) Security Social Well-Being Response to Last Week‟s Question In Focus: Eide vs. Galbraith Jonathan Hadaway, [email protected] /+1 757-683-4233: Question of the Week Is it more important for The Deputy United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary General (DSRSG) the United Nations to was removed from his post following a „private-turned-public‟ spat with his superior at fully support free, fair, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). -
Ackground Note: 30 April 2008
BACKGROUND NOTE: 30 APRIL 2008 UNITEDNATIONSPOLITICALAND PEACEBUILDINGMISSIONS NUMBER OF MISSIONS ................................................................................................... 12 PERSONNEL Unifo rmed personnel ............................................................................................................................................. 455 International civilian personnel (29 February 2008)...............................................................................................1,012 Local civilian personnel (29 February 2008)...........................................................................................................2,236 UN Volunteers ........................................................................................................................................................346 Total number of personnel serving in political and peacebuilding missions .............................................................4,049 For information on United Nations peacekeeping operations, see DPI/1634 Rev.83 or visit the United Nations website asdf at http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/index.asp United Nations CURRENT POLITICAL AND PEACEBUILDING MISSIONS SUNPO Since 15 April 1995 UNAMA* Since 28 March 2002 United Nations Political Office for Somalia United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of UNPOS: Special Representative of the Secretary-General: Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah (Mauritania) Kai Eide (Norway) Strength: international -
Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence
Order Code RL31053 Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence Updated June 20, 2008 Julie Kim Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence Summary Close to nine years after NATO intervened militarily in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, Kosovo declared itself an independent and sovereign state on February 17, 2008. A new Kosovo constitution came into force on June 15. These developments marked a new stage in, but not the end of, international concern and engagement in the western Balkan region. Serbia strenuously objects to and does not recognize Kosovo’s independence. Kosovo represented the last major unfinished business from the wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s. In 1998 and 1999, the United States and its NATO allies engaged in collective action to end escalating violence in Kosovo. These efforts culminated in a 78-day NATO bombing campaign (Operation Allied Force) against Serbia from March until June 1999, when then-Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic agreed to withdraw his forces from the province. Afterward, Kosovo was governed through a combination of U.N. and local Kosovar interim governing structures. Under the terms of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999), the U.N. Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) retained ultimate political authority in the province. A NATO-led peacekeeping force, KFOR, was charged with providing a secure environment. UNSC Resolution 1244 did not settle Kosovo’s disputed status. The ethnic Albanian majority demanded full independence for Kosovo; Serbs insisted that Kosovo remain an integral part of Serbia.