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2 the Magical Yakushi: Spirit Pacifi Er and Healer-God

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2 the Magical Yakushi: Spirit Pacifi Er and Healer-God 2 The Magical Yakushi: Spirit Pacifi er and Healer-God n 784, emperor kanmu (r. 781–806) moved monks returned, they each established a new school his court from Nara to Nagaoka. This new capi- of Buddhism that they had learned on the conti- Ital was short lived, lasting less than a decade nent. Saichō established the Tendai (C: Tiantai) before the decision was made to transfer the capital school, which emphasized the supremacy of the Lo- yet again to the northeast, to what is now present- tus Sutra (S: Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra; J: Hoke- day Kyoto. Work began at the site in 793 and the kyō), and Kūkai founded the Shingon (C: Zhenyan) new capital, called Heiankyō (Capital of Peace and school. These two schools introduced a pantheon Tranquility), became offi cially established with of new Buddhist deities, texts, and ritual practices. Kanmu’s move to his new palace the following year. The Heian court was particularly interested in One reason for Kanmu’s decision to leave Nara was these new forms of Buddhism as expedient means to strengthen his court by ensuring that the great for protecting the state. Outside the capital, monas- Nara monasteries did not interfere in the political tic centers on sacred mountains thrived, including aff airs of the state, as they had done repeatedly in those established by Kūkai and Saichō on Mt. Kōya the past. As part of this strategy to keep the power- and Mt. Hiei, respectively, as well as others across ful Buddhist institutions at bay, Kanmu did not the country. Thus, the dawn of the Heian period permit the Nara monasteries to transfer to the was marked by this importation of new Chinese new capital, and instead authorized only two Bud- forms of Buddhism. dhist temples to be built in the city. These state- In this chapter I illuminate the burgeoning sponsored temples, Tōji (Eastern Temple) and Saiji cult of Yakushi in the Heian period and the role (Western Temple), were built on the east and west of its icons. To do this, I explore the various ele- sides of the great Suzaku gate (the entrance to the ments that promoted the cult and its images in all city) to protect the imperial palace and the new areas of Japan during this period, both in the capi- capital from malevolent spiritual forces. tal and in remote provinces. Specifi cally, I consid- Although Emperor Kanmu wanted to restrain er how numerous factors involved in Yakushi the infl uence of the Nara Buddhist institutions, he worship—ritual, institutional, and technical— was also interested in new forms of Buddhism and were well suited to the needs of a broader range of other innovations from China. In 804, he sent two people, thereby contributing to the fl owering of talented Buddhist monks, Saichō (767–822) and the cult well beyond the Heian court. The fi rst sec- Kūkai (774–835), on an offi cial mission to study tion of the chapter discusses the state’s increasing those forms of Buddhism in Tang China. When the reliance on the Buddha Yakushi for keka rites, especially during the reign of Emperor Ninmyō Seated Yakushi. 862. Kokusekiji, detail of fi g. 8. (r. 833–850). Another factor that contributed to 29 jvc3_p001_192_HT.indd 29 21-10-11 14:01 medicine master buddha the popularization of the cult, examined in the sec- and fi nally to Heiankyō, was his fear of the ghost of ond section, was the emergence of private, regional his younger brother, Prince Sawara (ca. 750–785). temples outside the parameters of the state bureau- Although there were other compelling reasons for cracy. These temples and small chapels were estab- Kanmu’s decision to abandon Nagaoka in favor of lished by monks who traveled to distant provinces Heiankyō, the emperor’s fear of a specifi c vengeful to proselytize to the common people, and by local spirit was clearly among them.2 notables and elites in the various regions. Kanmu’s strategies for dealing with angry ghosts are quite revealing of how the court relied upon Buddhist rituals not only for healing purpos- yakushi keka rituals in es, but also for appeasing malevolent supernatural the ninth century powers. Prince Sawara, the fi fth son of Emperor Kōnin (r. 770–781) and Kanmu’s brother, was ac- As we have seen, in the Nara period the court prac- cused of plotting the assassination of Fujiwara no ticed Yakushi keka rituals primarily to preserve the Tanetsugu (737–785), Kanmu’s chief political advis- health and longevity of the ruling sovereign, whose er.3 After Tanetsugu was assassinated in Nagaoka deeds and actions could aff ect the country directly. in 785, Prince Sawara was implicated and exiled to In the early Heian period, emperors also com- the island of Awaji, but he starved himself to death manded the performance of Yakushi keka rites not en route to protest his innocence.4 Following the only for their own health, but also to placate venge- prince’s death, Nagaoka was plagued by famine, ful spirits (onryō). Yakushi’s increasing reputation devastating fl oods, and epidemics. Around the as a pacifi er of malevolent spirits (which were be- same time, Kanmu’s family members began dying lieved to cause natural disasters such as epidemics in succession, beginning with his junior consort, and droughts) developed in tandem with the trans- Fujiwara no Tabiko (759–788); followed by his formation of keka. Consequently, the court turned mother, Takano no Niigasa (d. 790); and soon after, to issuing Yakushi keka rituals in order to quell his principal consort, Fujiwara no Otomuro (760– these malicious forces. With such interest in per- 790). His son, the Crown Prince Ate (774–824), was forming Yakushi keka to appease onryō, Yakushi also affl icted by illness for about three years, from came to be perceived as having apotropaic powers, 790 to 793.5 It was rumored that Prince Sawara’s an- in addition to his therapeutic qualities. The cult of gry spirit was the cause of these unfortunate events. Yakushi, therefore, refl ected a deep concern for The endless series of tragic events fi nally com- spirit appeasement. pelled Kanmu to act, and to deal directly with The concept of vengeful spirits, in part, func- Prince Sawara’s vengeful ghost, starting with rites tioned as a deterrent to rulers for political malfea- of “repenting” for his actions. According to Nihon sance. As Neil McMullin has noted, the power of kōki (840), on 796.10.17, forty Buddhist priests vengeful spirits was rooted in other beliefs, “inti- were invited to perform Yakushi keka at the impe- mately related to the ancient Chinese belief that the rial palace for seventeen consecutive days.6 In 797, activities of the rulers had cosmic consequences in Kanmu sent two Buddhist priests to Awaji to per- that reprehensible political activities were believed form a “sutra-reading repentance ritual” (tenkyō to result in disease and other calamities.”1 This may keka) and recite apologies to the dead prince. These be one reason why so many Heian rulers actively rites did not seem to be particularly successful for sought out potent rites (whether Buddhist, Yin- curing Prince Ate’s chronic illness, however, be- Yang, or Shinto) that could conquer the dreaded cause on 799.2.15, Kanmu ordered off erings to be spirits. For example, some scholars assert that a sent to Awaji.7 major factor motivating Emperor Kanmu’s transfer Emperor Kanmu’s extreme anxiety over venge- of the capital from Nara, to the ill-fated Nagaoka, ful spirits is well demonstrated by the series of 30 jvc3_p001_192_HT.indd 30 21-10-11 14:01.
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