Modern Kyoto: Building for Ceremony and Commemoration, 1868–1940 Alice Y

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Modern Kyoto: Building for Ceremony and Commemoration, 1868–1940 Alice Y. Tseng MODERN KYOTO

Building for Ceremony and Commemoration, 1868–1940

Alice Y. Tseng

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Tseng, Alice Yu-Ting, author. Title: Modern Kyoto : building for ceremony and commemoration, 1868–1940 / Alice Y. Tseng. Other titles: Spatial habitus (Series) Description: Honolulu : University of Hawai‘i Press, [2018] | Series: Spatial habitus : making and meaning in Asia’s architecture | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018003981 | ISBN 9780824876449 (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Architecture—Political aspects—Japan—Kyoto. | Public spaces—Political aspects—Japan—Kyoto. | Historic buildings—Japan—Kyoto. | Kyoto (Japan)—Buildings, structures, etc. Classification: LCC NA1557.K9 T79 2018 | DDC 720.952/1864—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018003981

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Jacket art: Yoshida Hatsusaburō, Picture of Kyoto (Kyōto zue), 1928. Designed for the year of the Shōwa enthronement, the map highlights the East, West, and South Exhibition Grounds of the Great Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition. Kyoto Prefectural Library and Archives, Kyō no kioku ākaibu. In memory of Suzuki Hiroyuki sensei Contents

List of Illustrations ix Acknowledgments xiii Measurements and Conventions xvii

Introduction 1 Chapter One: A New Imperial Garden and Imperial Shrine 23 Chapter Two: Beginnings of a Cultural Park in Okazaki 66 Chapter Three: Enthronements and Exhibitions 111 Chapter Four: Commemorative Projects as Urban Landmarks 161 Epilogue 209

Notes 221 Selected Bibliography 249 Index 261 Illustrations

Map of contemporary Kyoto. 1.1 Ochiai Yoshiiku, Hodogaya, from the series Folding Fan Fifty-Three Stations of the Tōkaidō (Suehiro gojūsan sugi), 1865. 1.2 Tsukioka Yoshitoshi, Kyoto, from the series Folding Fan Fifty-Three Stations of the Tōkaidō (Suehiro gojūsan sugi), 1865. 1.3 Tsukioka Yoshitoshi, Crossing the Pontoon Bridge at Rokugō (Bushū Rokugō funawatashi no zu), 1868. 1.4 Plan of Heian-kyō, showing the greater imperial palace sector (Daidairi) and the residential palace sector (Dairi). 1.5 Utagawa Hiroshige, Kyoto: The Imperial Palace (Kyō, Dairi), from the series Fifty-Three Stations of the Tōkaidō (Tōkaidō gojūsan tsugi), 1840–1842. 1.6 Anonymous, Gate of the Imperial Palace, ca. 1880s. 1.7 Ishida Aritoshi, Old Mikado’s Residence (Dairi onmai goran no zu), from the album Fifty Famous Views of Kyoto (Kyōto meisho gojukkei), 1890. 1.8 Studio of Kusakabe Kimbei, View of Mikado’s Garden at Kioto, ca. 1880s. 1.9 Proposals for the Kyoto Commemorative Hall (eventually Heian Shrine) by Kigo Kiyoyoshi and Itō Chūta, 1894. 1.10 Itō Chūta, Sōryū and Byakko Towers of Heian Shrine, 1893. 1.11 The Daigokuden of Heian Shrine seen from the east, and an aerial view of the Fourth National Industrial Exhibition, 1895. 1.12 Ishii Yukimasa, Heian Shrine, ca. 1900. 2.1 Adachi Ginkō, Promulgation of the Imperial Constitution in the Hall for State Ceremonies of the New Imperial Palace (Shin kōkyo oite seiden kenpō happushiki no zu), 1889.

ix x IllUstratIons

2.2 Utagawa Kokunimasa, Promulgation of the Constitution, Scene at Sakurada Gate (Kenpō happushiki Sakurada no kei), 1890. 2.3 Yōsai Nobukazu, Imperial Prosperity: Ceremony in the Eastern Capital (Miyo no sakae azuma no kewai), ca. 1900. 2.4 Scenes of citizens celebrating on the wedding day of the crown prince at Nakanoshima Park, Osaka, and at Heian Shrine, Kyoto, 1900. 2.5 The imperial journey to western Japan, with visits to Uji, Ise, and Kyoto, 1900. 2.6 Honmaru Building, Nijō Detached Palace, Kyoto, as reconstructed on a new site in 1894. 2.7 Aqueduct of the Lake Biwa Canal, Kyoto, completed in 1890. 2.8 Tamura Sōryū, Shaft Construction (Shafuto kōjō), from the album Illustrated Guide to the Lake Biwa Canal Construction (Biwako Sosui kōji zukan), 1886. 2.9 Kawada Shōryō, aerial view of the Lake Biwa Canal course, from the album Illustration Records of the Lake Biwa Canal (Biwako Sosui zushi), 1890. 2.10 Kawada Shōryō, view of construction inside the tunnels, from the album Illustration Records of the Lake Biwa Canal (Biwako Sosui zushi), 1890. 2.11 Site plan of the Kyoto City Commemorative Zoological Garden, opened to the public in 1903. 2.12 Ishii Yukimasa, the great central fountain inside the Kyoto City Commemorative Zoological Garden, undated. 2.13 Ogawa Jihei VII, Garden of Murin-an, Kyoto, completed in 1894–1896. 2.14 Takeda Goichi, Kyoto Prefectural Memorial Library, Kyoto, completed in 1909. Front and rear views of the building at time of completion. 2.15 Kyoto Prefectural Library, detail of terra-cotta decorative trim on front facade. 2.16 Kyoto Prefectural Memorial Library, floor plans at time of completion, 1909. 3.1 Site plan of the permanent Exhibition Hall in Kyoto Imperial Garden, in use between 1881 and 1896. 3.2 Central building of the permanent Exhibition Hall in Kyoto Imperial Garden, 1887. 3.3 Yoshida Hatsusaburō, Picture of Kyoto (Kyōto zue), 1928. 3.4 Takeuchi Seihō, Heian Shrine (Heian Jingū), 1896. IllUstratIons xi

3.5 Diagram showing the seven major streets widened in phase three of the Three Great Projects, 1907–1913. 3.6 Street decorations on Karasuma Avenue for the Taishō enthronement, 1915. 3.7 Celebratory arch in front of the Kyoto Station plaza, 1915. 3.8 Diagram showing the Shishinden and the Shunkōden of the Kyoto Imperial Palace (Gosho) arranged for the Sokui no rei (Ceremony of Accession) for the Taishō enthronement, 1915. 3.9 Shunkōden, completed in 1915 for the Taishō enthronement. 3.10 The Sokui no rei in progress in the Shishinden and the building’s open court, 1915. 3.11 Takamikura, the throne mounted by the emperor in the Sokui no rei ceremony in the Shishinden, 1915. 3.12 Daijō Shrine, located on the grounds of Sentō Gosho, completed in 1915 for the Taishō enthronement. 3.13 The Bird’s Eye View of the Tokyo Taishō Exhibition, 1914. 3.14 Tokyo Taishō Exhibition, Second Exhibition Ground: Transportation Building, 1914. 3.15 General View of the Dedication of Japanese Pavilion, Panama-Pacific International Exposition, 1915. 3.16 Site plan of the Japanese Government Pavilion and Garden at the Panama-Pacific International Exposition, San Francisco, 1915. 3.17 Site plan of the Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition, 1915. 3.18 View of the Industry Building at the First Exhibition Ground, Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition, 1915. 3.19 Kamisaka Sekka, The Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition (Taiten Kinen Kyōto Hakurankai), 1915. 3.20 Site plan of the Great Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition, 1928. 3.21 Commemorative stamp issued for the Shōwa enthronement, 1928. 4.1 Lamp pedestal from the Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition, Okazaki Park, 1915. 4.2 Map of Great Kyoto (Dai Kyōto shigai chizu), 1930. 4.3 Kyoto Station, the first-generation building, opened in 1877. xii IllUstratIons

4.4 Tatsuno Kingo and Kasai Manji, Central Railway Station, Tokyo, completed in 1914. 4.5 Watanabe Setsu, Kyoto Railway Station, the second-generation building, completed in 1914. 4.6 Kyoto Railway Station, floor plans at time of completion, 1914. 4.7 The main imperial room of the Kyoto Railway Station, 1915. 4.8 Site plan of the Commemorative Kyoto Botanical Garden, opened to the public in 1924. 4.9 Kurokawa Suizan, main fountain at the Kyoto Botanical Garden, early Shōwa period. 4.10 The evolution of Okazaki Park, showing the location of institutions and facilities in 1913, 1927, and 1934. 4.11 Kyoto Public Hall, completed in 1917. 4.12 The grand gateway (torii) of Heian Shrine, completed in 1928. 4.13 Maeda Kenjirō, first-prize entry for the Kyoto Art Museum Competition, 1930. 4.14 Honorable mention entries for the Kyoto Art Museum Competition, 1930. 4.15 Commemorative Kyoto Art Museum, completed in 1933. 4.16 Triumphal gateway in front of the Kyoto Station plaza, built for the Shōwa enthronement, 1928. E.1 The Seihō Pond and the covered bridge Taiheikaku in the East Garden of Heian Shrine, completed in 1914. E.2 Kawase Hasui, Kyoto Daigokuden, from the series Selected Views of Japan (Nihon fūkei senshū), 1922. acknowledgments

What better place than Kyoto to conduct a decade-long research project? Who could ever tire of the all-encompassing mountain views, visible even from the second-floor windows of the prefectural archives where I passed countless hours discovering records, photos, prints, and drawings. Yet the true inspiration for writing this book was what greeted me on my first visit to the city back in 1997: the newly completed JR Kyoto Station, designed by the architect Hara Hiroshi. The gleaming plethora of glass and steel that enclosed an unbelievably lively blur of commuters, tourists, students, lockers, shops, restaurants, posters, vending machines, trains, buses, and taxis challenged all five senses at once. Because of this initiation, Kyoto has always felt ultramodern to me. This book could not have been written without the foundational scholarship of Takagi Hiroshi, Takashi Fujitani, and my late mentor Suzuki Hiroyuki. Along the way, I benefited greatly from discussions with Henry Smith, Toshio Wata- nabe, and William Coaldrake about the project’s scope and content. The richness of Kyoto as a topic made possible forays into a number of other branch projects along the way. I thank Morgan Pitelka for coediting the book Kyoto Visual Culture in the Early Edo and Meiji Periods with me and forming a Kyoto studies cohort of sorts with our contributors. My gratitude goes out also to my Boston University colleague Sarah Frederick, for our joint digital mapping project and for filling my inbox with Kyoto news and tidbits tirelessly. This project has stretched my intellectual inquiry and ability much wider than I expected. Because of the relatively limited body of published material on modern Kyoto, especially its architecture and urban history, I felt I had the freedom to pursue the subject from more directions than traditionally acceptable. The diver- sity of built projects that emanated from the imperial celebrations also demanded

xiii xiv aCknowledgments

that I exercise my investigative creativity. On any given week during the research and writing, I was racing from one discipline to another: the mechanics of tun- neling and canal construction; the development a local architectural vocabulary; the species of birds and bears housed in the zoo; the literary treatment of wartime tourism. Although I am not the first to uncover these individual strands of information, I believe I am the first to pull them together into a single volume, and to do so for an English-reading audience. All flaws in logic and thinking are of course mine alone, but I hope the reader forgives my audacious foray into un- charted scholarly territory. Throughout the stages of research, I received generous funding from the Met- ropolitan Center for Far Eastern Art Studies, the Northeast Asia Council of the Association for Asian Studies, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Boston University Center for the Humanities. In the final phase, my home institution, Boston University—through the Dean’s Office of the College of Arts & Sciences and the Center for the Humanities—offered essential support with the publication subsidy. In addition to on-site visits to the streets, buildings, gardens, and parks under investigation, much of my archival and library research took place in the Kyoto Prefectural Library and Archives, the National Diet Library in Tokyo, and the li- braries of Harvard University and Columbia University. The staff at these institutions facilitated my work unstintingly. I cherish my colleagues in the Department of History of Art & Architecture at Boston University, for being a daily source of good cheer and intellectual support. Bruce Redford allowed me a semester research leave when I most needed it to finish writing; Chris Spedaliere helped pa- tiently with technical questions about images and graphics. A fortuitous overlap in travel plans yielded a day of sightseeing in Kyoto with Keith Morgan and his wife, Elizabeth: they convinced me to relax and love the city anew. Graduate students Meghen Jones, Seung Yeon Sang, Kay Ueda, and Hyunjin Cho offered in- strumental assistance; the first three have since completed their doctoral degrees and moved on to great academic positions. An initial conversation with Michael Duckworth launched my process of publishing with University of Hawai‘i Press, and I am grateful to Spatial Habitus series editors Ron Knapp and Xing Ruan for believing in the book and to acquisitions editor Stephanie Chun for carrying it through the next stages. aCknowledgments xv

My family inspires me to keep moving forward beyond life’s inevitable incon- veniences and obstacles. They have offered thoughtful advice, hot cooked meals, library resources, expert graphic skills, tennis power hours, and equal doses of tough love and coddling. Special recognition goes to Clara, my most devoted fan and favorite squishy. measurements and Conventions

Measurements of lengths and widths are given in traditional units of shaku and ken, followed by metric conversions in parentheses. The currency units in common circulation between 1871 and 1953 were yen, sen, and rin (1 yen equaled 100 sen or 1,000 rin). Names of Japanese places and sites are transliterated in ways to avoid cross-language redundancy as much as possible: for example, Nanzenji rather than Nanzenji Temple; Ōten Gate rather than Ōtenmon Gate; Keiryū Bridge rather than Keiryūbashi Bridge. Japanese personal names appear in the custom- ary manner, with the surname before the given name. For clarity’s sake, the book calls Emperors Meiji, Taishō, and Shōwa by these posthumous names when discussing them during their reigns; in contrast, it calls them by their given names, Mutsuhito, Yoshihito, and Hirohito, when discussing them in their roles as crown princes. An exception is made for the current emperor (at the time of writing), who is Akihito during his reign, not Heisei. All translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.

xvii Introduction

The year was 1868, the season autumn, and for the first time in recorded history, a Japanese emperor saw with his own eyes the Pacific Ocean and Mount Fuji.1 The incredible experience was made possible by Emperor Meiji’s unprecedented journey out of the imperial capital along the eastern seaboard to the city formerly known as Edo. Taking more than twenty days to traverse in a palanquin carried by men on foot, the roughly five-hundred-kilometer trek between his home and the newly named “Eastern Capital” (Tokyo) covered an even wider political and cultural distance. Meiji had arrived to claim the surrendered shogun’s castle as his, pronouncing to the people of the east his rightful role as the country’s ruler and assuring them of his protection and generosity (convincingly demonstrated by the plentiful saké and dried cuttlefish distributed to the denizens). After returning to Kyoto in time for New Year celebrations, the emperor, without lingering, embarked on his second journey to Tokyo in spring 1869. This time, rather than staying just two short months, Meiji spent eight years in Tokyo. All subsequent travel back to Kyoto would be short visits, for he never again resided formally in his birth city, not until his burial in 1912. What happened in Kyoto after the emperor left for Tokyo for good? A great deal of new, monumental construction. This assertion—the main premise of this book—may seem improbable, given that both Emperor Meiji and the Council of State permanently relocated to Tokyo in 1869 and that national and private resources gravitated eastward with them. The standard histories of Japanese urbanism have privileged Tokyo, very reasonably, as the showcase site for advances in design, technology, construction, and planning, precisely because of its new role as the imperial-cum-political capital.2 Treaty-port cities such as Yokohama, Kobe, and Niigata where the presence of foreigners directly effected architectural

1 2 IntrodUCtIon

and urban transformation have also garnered attention in the same studies. On the other hand, Kyoto has elicited little examination, being the abandoned capital without an apparently viable position in the nation’s accelerated foray into political, military, and cultural modernization. This book contends that Kyoto, from the time of the emperor’s departure up to the height of the Asia-Pacific War (early 1940s), in fact remained very relevant to the emperor-centered national agenda. Politicians, planners, historians, and architects within and outside Kyoto mobilized the city’s long historical connection to the imperial house to facilitate large-scale development of architecture and urban spaces. Specifically, major imperial events such as births, weddings, enthronements, and funerals throughout the period served as direct catalysts to build large, for the immediate purpose of paying homage to the modern monarchy, and for implementing a longer view toward fashioning a unique model of urban modernization. Less a proper name than a label, “Kyoto” by definition assumes the meanings of imperial seat (kyō) and major metropolis (to). The dilemma of being an imperial city without an emperor could have relegated Kyoto to an untenable existence in the modern period. Yet historians Takashi Fujitani, Takagi Hiroshi, and Sonoda Hide- hiro have shed light on the substantial symbolic capacity of old capitals in the new era of rapid, overwhelming changes.3 Kyoto was not to be ignored if the identity of the modern nation hinged on the prestige of a reigning monarch who, purportedly, traced his familial and sovereign lineage back several thousand years. Having the longest tenure as the Japanese imperial capital (794–1868/1869), Kyoto possessed the usable past desired by the nascent Meiji bureaucracy to serve contemporary needs, most tangibly in the great concentration of historic buildings and properties directly affiliated with the imperial family. The subject of heritage management in prewar Japan and its colonies—specifically, the valuation, preservation, and re-pre- sentation of palaces, gardens, tombs, temples, artworks, and other treasures—is a worthy one that has been treated in some depth recently.4 Instead, the goal of this book is to introduce a crucial yet little-explored facet of modern Kyoto by investigating new construction in the old capital. The rationale and method to cutting new roadways, opening gardens and parks, placing cultural institutions, and in- serting grand monuments into the existing urban fabric are my focus. How these intrusive and conspicuous acts of building extended the vitality of an aged city, and how the new projects, working in tandem with the historic properties, functioned to remember and perpetuate a long imperial history, are my main lines of inquiry. Contemporary Kyoto. Map by Derrick Choi. 4 IntrodUCtIon

This book is structured with four main chapters. Chapter 1 focuses on the reassertion of a tangible imperial presence in Kyoto after 1869 through the re- animation of the Kyoto Imperial Palace (Kyoto Gosho) and the creation of Heian Shrine (Heian Jingū); both complexes opened to the public to allow a new form of engagement with imperial culture. The linking of the present to the past played out most prominently in the planning and celebration of the 1,100th anniversary of the transfer of the imperial capital to Kyoto by Emperor Kanmu. The main architectural monument dedicated to the event, Heian Shrine, assumed the form of Kanmu’s majestic historic palace to revive memory of the city at its zenith as well as to assert the venerable ancestry of the current sovereign. The shrine should be recognized as the first major historical reconstruction in Japan’s modern period, although its realization required far more fabrication than interpretation of historical style and form due to a dearth of reliable archaeological, textual, and pictorial evidence. Yet its symbolic potency outweighed concerns of accuracy, especially in 1895, when imperial history and lineage, presented as Japanese history and lineage writ large, helped fuel the morale of a nation in the throes of its first modern international war (Sino-Japanese War, 1894–1895). Chapter 2 examines the wedding of Crown Prince Yoshihito (later, Emperor Taishō) in 1900 as a catalyst for the formation of Okazaki Park (Okazaki Kōen) as the first planned public park in Kyoto. The requisite post-wedding tour of the old capital by the prince and his new bride brought national attention to— and conferred a logic of association among—the array of historic monuments (family mausolea, temples, villas) and modern institutions (university, hospital, museum) under imperial patronage. Furthermore, the city’s dedication of a zoological garden in the Okazaki area on the occasion of the prince’s marriage formalized the expansion of the eastern border of the city as an emerging zone for enlightenment institutions, leading the way for a library and an art museum to come. While instituted for civic benefit, Okazaki Park maintained a close tie to imperial events. Each of the anchor structures here, including Heian Shrine (discussed in chapter 1), originated from a royal celebration, as timely salutations to the unbroken dynasty. Chapters 3 and 4 take the enthronement ceremonies of Emperor Taishō in 1915 and Emperor Shōwa in 1928 as the focal events that instigated large-scale urban transformation in Kyoto, involving the reconfiguration of major roads, the electrification of public arenas, the appearance of temporary urban decorations IntrodUCtIon 5

and exhibition zones, and the construction of permanent monuments. While chapter 3 deals with the short-lived features of triumphal arches, parade floats, street decorations, and built spaces of the commemorative exhibitions, chapter 4 examines the structures conceived as permanent fixtures in the Kyoto urbanscape. The enthronement of Taishō in 1915 activated the creation of new monuments to define the northern and southern borders of modern Kyoto. The re- building of Kyoto Station on Shichijō Avenue not only physically expanded the structure to accommodate the anticipated throngs but, more importantly, up- graded it to a regal Neo-Classical style to fit the occasion. As the entry portal to the city on the southern edge, the rail station presented a modern face to incom- ing domestic and international visitors, playing foil to the ancient-style (albeit recently reconstructed) imperial palace, where the investiture ceremonies took place. In commemoration of the enthronement, the prefectural government created a botanical garden just beyond the city’s existing northern boundary. Designed by the same landscaping expert who laid out the urban forest and gardens at the newly completed memorial shrine for Emperor Meiji in Tokyo (Meiji Jingū), the Commemorative Kyoto Botanical Garden featured a combination of European-style and Japanese-style gardens, once again embodying the symbi- otic facets of the modern monarchy. The fauna and flora at the zoological and botanical gardens guided contact with nature for an urban population increasingly divorced from it, and the institutions’ imperial affiliation endowed them with a sense of rational, preordained order. The exhibition of exotic specimens additionally provided visual access to colonial trophies, fulfilling the gardens’ mandate to be at once didactic, entertaining, and illustrative of the empire’s widening frontiers. The 1924 marriage and then 1928 enthronement of Hirohito (Emperor Shōwa) brought about the gifting of the Kyoto Imperial Household Museum to the city and the subsequent dedication of a contemporary art museum by the city to the new emperor. The suggestion of exchange is as remarkable as the medium of exchange. The emperor’s role as patron par excellence of the nation’s arts dovetailed neatly with Kyoto’s standing as repository and epicenter of Japanese high culture. Once again sited in Okazaki Park, the dedicatory art museum in essence gave the transient exhibitions of new art and industry regularly hosted at the park a permanent home, becoming the earliest public institution in Japan dedicated to amassing a collection of contemporary artworks. 6 IntrodUCtIon

Okazaki in its first three decades of existence held an uninterrupted stream of national and local exhibitions, including two on an especially grandiose scale to coincide with the successive ascensions of Yoshihito and Hirohito to the throne. Similar to corresponding exhibitions held in Tokyo and other major international cities during this time, the event sites were conceived as the world in miniature. The Great Kyoto Enthronement Commemoration Exhibition in 1928, a ninety-day event that occupied an unprecedented three locations throughout the city, physically connected Okazaki Park, the afore- mentioned (and renamed) Imperial Gift Museum of Kyoto, and an open site next to the Nijō Detached Palace through a continuously looping bus service. The expansion of the exhibition venue was directly related to representation of the growing Japanese empire to include individual pavilions for Taiwan, Korea, Hokkaido, Sakhalin, Manchuria, and Mongolia. The conceptual cou- pling of emperor and empire being on prominent display, the Great Exhibition mapped the geopolitical contours of Imperial Japan upon the physical terrain of modern Kyoto. The epilogue revisits Heian Shrine and the Kyoto Botanical Garden during the wartime and postwar decades in the twentieth century. Specifically, this con- cluding section brings attention to their involvement in two critical international moments, first when Imperial Japan was deeply entrenched in the Asia-Pacific War, and then when defeated Japan was occupied by the Allied powers. By draw- ing in two well-known literary treatments of modern Kyoto and its monuments by the renowned writers Tanizaki Junichirō and Kawabata Yasunari, The Makioka Sisters (1943–1948) and The Old Capital (1961–1962), I reflect on the fictional and factual functions played by the imperial shrine and the imperial-affiliated garden. Whereas general accounts of Kyoto history habitually overlook the city’s partici- pation in the war efforts of the 1930s and 1940s, to emphasize instead its passivity and fortuity in escaping American fire- and atomic bombing, this book ends with a reconsideration of Kyoto as a center of imperial ideology during war and after surrender. By the early 1940s, Heian Shrine and its gardens had become a historic monument and a scenic destination in their own right to visitors domestic and foreign alike, notwithstanding its recent vintage. As a prominent agent of State Shinto, the shrine promoted emperor worship and imperialist expansion alongside its purveyance of seasonal flower-viewing pleasures and Shinto wedding rites (popularized after the invention of the latter for the 1900 marriage of IntrodUCtIon 7

the crown prince). Kyoto eluded the large-scale obliteration suffered by other major Japanese cities, uniquely retaining an accumulation of historic sites from the pre-Meiji periods as well as the modern urban interventions. After 1945, Heian Shrine continued to aggrandize the memory of emperors Kanmu and Kōmei, the first and last sovereigns to reside in Kyoto. Both Okazaki Park and the Kyoto Botanical Garden, in the postwar occupation years, served as crucial spatial di- versions for the American forces when they were persuaded to settle their housing and administrative buildings there instead of encroaching on the physical and symbolic heart of the city where the Imperial Garden surrounded the palace proper. Tanizaki’s Makioka Sisters and Kawabata’s Old Capital, although power- fully evocative of specific historical moments in Kyoto, deliver highly subjective testaments to the tenacity of these monuments and spaces originally constructed for imperial causes. modern kyoto studies beyond kyoto

The significance of Kyoto as the primary site and repository of Japanese artistic and architectural production during its tenure as the imperial capital requires little justification. From 794 to 1868/1869, its potency as the country’s center for elite culture remained constant despite the vacillation of the emperor’s political authority. This is a premise that has received renewed support by recent En- glish-language publications on Kyoto’s urban history and cultural history.5 The emperor’s departure ended its prestige and exclusivity as the imperial city, caus- ing a considerable vacuum in meaning and means for Kyoto. Extant scholarship on art, architecture, and urbanism in Japan has mirrored the historical bifurca- tion of Kyoto into preeminent and demoded phases—while Kyoto remains the nodal city of premodern (pre-1868) studies, it is drastically eclipsed by Tokyo in modern (post-1868) studies. This book challenges the easy assumption of Kyoto’s obsolescence in the modern period by bringing to light the city’s essential role in validating the sanctity and vitality of the imperial institution. The relationship between Kyoto and the emperor remained a dominant constituent of the city’s modern identity, although it would be an increasingly ceremonial and perfunc- tory association as new generations of emperors made their home in Tokyo while venerating Kyoto as the ancestral base. 8 IntrodUCtIon

It is not possible to exaggerate the rupture brought upon Kyoto’s political, cultural, and economic fortunes in the second half of the nineteenth century. However, the city’s slippage from the top of the country’s urban totem pole had begun even earlier, when the developing castle towns Edo and Osaka managed to rival it in physical size, population, and cultural trendsetting in the eighteenth century.6 The study of modern Kyoto, therefore, involves the study of recovery from two setbacks: the longer-term decline caused by the rise of competing urban centers throughout the Edo period (1603–1868) and immediate losses caused by the simultaneous departures of the emperor, aristocracy, and shogunal repre- sentatives during the 1860s and 1870s. The rise in visibility of Emperor Meiji to the top of the nation’s political leadership and the Shinto belief system starting in 1868 at once helped and hurt Kyoto’s recovery: whereas the significance of representing the protracted imperial lineage through visual-material means jus- tified prudent protection of the historical imperial city, the emperor’s divorce from day-to-day workings of Kyoto on the other hand rendered those sites and endeavors that held no clear ties to the throne and its history inconsequential to national priorities. To conceive of a modern history of Kyoto requires painstak- ing parsing of the old capital’s appeal to, and simultaneous removal from, central prerogatives in Tokyo. Because modern Kyoto studies up to now have been the domain of scholars rooted professionally in Kansai-area universities and research institutions, they have pursued research mainly as a form of regional studies, inadvertently narrow- ing the lens through which to apprehend the urban and architectural histories of prewar modern Kyoto. Without question, the foundational work of Hashimoto Kizō, Itō Yukio, Takahashi Yasuo, and the multiple collectives of scholars who have published anthologies investigating transformations in Kyoto’s urbanscape, scenic landscape, architecture, arts, and major industries provoked my initial interest and continue to shape my understanding of the city.7 The two separate volumes Miyako no kindai and Kindai Kyōto kenkyū, edited by Maruyama Hiroshi, Iyori Tsutomu, and Takagi Hiroshi and published simultaneously in 2008, have formalized modern Kyoto as a research subject that requires the rigor of interdis- ciplinary interrogation.8 My book builds off of, as well as departs from, the existing scholarship not simply to examine Kyoto on its own terms but to query how the city mattered nationally and internationally during the formative decades that witnessed the rise of Imperial Japan. It strives to think about the city mainly IntrodUCtIon 9

from the multiple perspectives of urban studies, architectural history, and visual- cultural history in a relational and comparative framework with other major cities in Japan and beyond Japan. In doing so, I take inspiration from historians Jeffrey Hanes and Louise Young, who have written respective volumes on interwar Osaka and prefectural capitals Sapporo, Kanazawa, Niigata, and Okayama, to expand the intellectual scope beyond Tokyo for situating modern Japanese cities in a global context.9 Nationalizing and internationalizing the history of modern Kyoto allows us to retrieve a sharper and broader picture of how fluidly ideas, people, and even building materials could travel during the period between the 1860s and the 1940s. Kyoto was one among a number of connected urban nodes, most literally by new modes of communication and transportation such as postal and telephone services, rail, and eventually flight. Setting the tenor for active circulation during this time, the successive emperors Meiji, Taishō, and Shōwa, in striking contrast to their cloistered ancestors, each took multiple tours around the nation as part of his formal responsibilities, typically using Kyoto as the base when travel proceeded to prefectures west of Tokyo. Architects, engineers, planners, and historians who participated in conceptualizing and realizing the large-scale constructions covered in this book applied their expertise to projects throughout Japan and overseas for the Japanese government, not to Kyoto exclusively. Fur- thermore, the majority of these building experts had received training abroad in Europe and the United States before bringing newly acquired worldviews and methodologies to Kyoto. Two prominent examples would be the engineer Ta- nabe Sakurō (1861–1944), who headed the construction of the Lake Biwa Canal that completely revolutionized Kyoto’s access to water and electricity, and the architect Takeda Goichi (1872–1938), who assumed the lead role as either adviser or designer in nearly every major public architectural assignment in Kyoto Pre- fecture from late Meiji to prewar Shōwa, most notably the urban embellishments that accompanied the two imperial enthronements. Kyoto architecture in the form of building fragments, materials, and technology traveled as well during this time as symbolic exchanges with other cities. One instance mentioned in this book is the gifting of the Naishidokoro, the structure housing the sacred mirror in the Kyoto Imperial Palace, to the new Kashihara Shrine in Nara Prefecture dedicated to the legendary first emperor Jinmu. Another is the replication of the historical Golden Pavilion (Kinkaku) with materials and 10 IntrodUCtIon

workmen shipped from Kyoto to create part of the Japanese exhibition in San Francisco for the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition. The deployment of Kyoto-derived traditional-style materials and construction as totems of Japa- nese identity at large bolstered the city’s exceptional status as the singular fount of national authenticity. At the same time, new architecture in Kyoto operated within national and international flows of styles and concepts, as an unprecedented variety of building and spatial types were introduced throughout the modern decades. In addition to attracting the talent of leading practitioners like Katayama Tōkuma, Itō Chūta, Kuru Masamichi, Takeda Goichi, Maeda Kenjirō, Yoshida Tetsurō, and others, the Kyoto City Buildings Department (Kyōto-shi Eizenka) itself took on a number of major government and public facilities that enabled political, edu- cational, industrial, and cultural modernization.10 The factories, schools, banks, museums, public parks, and gardens created in the late nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth composed the standard suite of modern institutions and spaces inaugurated in major cities around the world. Within the Japa- nese orbit, Kyoto joined Tokyo, Osaka, and colonial capitals Taipei and Seoul in the common mission to demonstrate the strength and uniform reach of empire through government-led urban reforms. Motivated from the perspectives of en- forcing spatial order, promoting new standards of sanitation, convenience, and safety, and providing monumental backdrops to the many recently promulgated national celebrations (several of which are the focus of this book), the built environment incorporated widened and paved roadways, multiple transportation systems, landscaped green spaces, and stylistically coordinated architecture that assumed a wide range of expression depending on location, function, and trend. Areas of the city became defined by red brick, such as the stretch of Sanjō Avenue between Karasuma and Teramachi Avenues where a post office, bank, and commercial stores clustered; red brick also defined the look of the Lake Biwa Canal and associated tunnels and structures. Wood remained the dominant material for religious structures for Buddhism, Shinto, and nascent Christianity. Reinforced concrete made its way to Kyoto in the first decade of the twentieth century, as soon as Japan adopted the material for engineering and architectural purposes.11 On the front of new infrastructure, Kyoto reached several milestones ahead of other cities in Japan and around the world because of the unusually cohesive local citizenry and governance as well as strong advocates (Emperor Meiji himself, IntrodUCtIon 11

no less) who kept the city’s interests within the central government’s purview. From the vantage point of an ordinary Kyoto resident, the transformations taking place felt fast and furious: as early as 1910, the housewife Nakano Makiko recorded in her diary with incredulity that electricity, piped water, and telephone lines were being installed in regular private homes.12 Another constant in the everyday lives of Kyoto people at this time appeared to be the frequent send-offs and pickups at the main railway station on Shichijō Avenue, the depot serving as the city’s connection to far reaches of the empire. In the immediate social circle of Nakano, her brother left from here by train for Manchuria and a brother-in- law for Taiwan. The spaces of the station served to accommodate large send-off parties, and not a week goes by in this diary without at least one mention of com- ings and goings of Nakano’s family and friends through Kyoto Station for trips short and long. Within the city, for both regular residents like the Nakano clan and exalted visitors like the emperor and the crown prince, historical and modern sites in- termingled as points of touristic interest. Traditional seasonal pleasures could be found in unlikely places of very new vintage. The cherry blossoms of Maruyama Park, the first park in Kyoto converted from religious properties (1886), would soon be rivaled by the cherries at the Heian Shrine gardens, another green space open to the public that debuted in the Meiji period. By 1910 the Kyoto Zoo as well became a notable spot for their cherries and chrysanthemums, and the Kyoto Bo- tanical Garden that debuted in 1923 had chrysanthemums and bamboos as main attractions. Nishiyama, the west mountain area, and Higashiyama, the east mountain area, offered concentrated clusters of scenic sites and famous religious and historic places for sightseers. However, it was the development of Higashiyama into a hub for cultural institutions and civic amenities in addition that firmly validated Kyoto’s foray into a new era of public enlightenment. Quoting Na- kano’s entry on a typical spring Saturday: “Today was another beautiful day. . . . [Kurushima-sensei, a houseguest from out of town,] walked all around the Higashiyama area, visiting the [Nishi Ōtani] mausoleum, Kiyomizu temple, Uta-no Nakayama, Shirutani, Hiyoshi-jinja, and the Kyoto Imperial Museum on the way.”13 The relative ease of passing by a mausoleum, temple, shrine, and museum in one single stroll typifies the modern Kyoto experience. When the crown prince Yoshihito took his wedding pilgrimage to the old capital in 1900, 12 IntrodUCtIon

he made the obligatory visits to imperial shrines, mausolea, and villas, as well as made a point of touring the imperial museum, university, and hospital, all located east of the Kamo River along the foot of the eastern mountains. The rapid growth of Okazaki Park, another Higashiyama development, as the city’s modern cultural center out of former paddy fields conspicuously paralleled the formation of Tokyo’s Ueno Park and Osaka’s Nakanoshima Park: all three had become popular destinations to see industrial exhibitions, art shows, caged an- imals, and other pedagogic or novel displays. By the 1930s, Okazaki Park had amassed a museum, library, exhibition building, martial arts hall, sports field, performance hall, imperial shrine, and monumental gateway as permanent structures. This type of urban park presents physically condensed but typolog- ically diverse doses of culture and nature in holistic zones, a distinctive feature that continues to the present day to define the civic and touristic experience in the time-honored “three capitals” of Japan. Theatrical and spectacular, practical and functionalist, the great building projects in prewar Kyoto evoked the founding Heian period of the city when the emperor reigned supreme, while simultaneously accommodating the civic needs of a local population that in fact no longer counted the imperial family among its numbers. The architecture and urban spaces investigated in this book therefore accommodated dual roles, ceremonial and pragmatic. When the modern traveler entered through the south-central point of the city via the main train station on Shichijō Avenue rather than the eastern access point at Sanjō Bridge (the Edo-period terminus of the main national highway, the Tōkaidō), she was experiencing the recovery of the imperial city as originally envisioned in the Heian period: in the words of Matthew Stavros, “a mononuclear capital [with] the imperial institution [as] the political, economic, and social center of gravity.”14 The widening of Karasuma Avenue to connect the station directly to the imperial palace provided a grand north-south corridor for imperial processions that mimicked the form and function of the gargantuan Suzaku Avenue of Heian times. At the same time, Kyoto Station by the time of the Taishō enthronement had been redesigned as a multipurpose hub for state-of-the-art transport, dining, shopping, and comfort facilities (including the much anticipated paid flush toilets); the general public, even those without travel plans, could expect to enjoy lingering, electrically illu- minated nights here. Ceremony and efficiency had become two faces of the same modern Kyoto. IntrodUCtIon 13

Ceremony, Pageantry, and exhibition

A direct relationship between royal authority and ceremonial, or between power and pageantry, was identified in common in a wide array of societies around the world by an anthology of essays titled Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies.15 The volume’s coeditor David Cannadine exhorted: “Much that has been of greatest importance in the past lacks adequate archival evidence, and some of the most significant historical happenings have been over in the twinkling of an eye. It is often difficult to discern the underlying contours of an alien age; but that is no reason for refusing to look for them.”16 While Japan is not represented in Rituals of Royalty, what Cannadine and the contributing au- thors emphasized that is relevant to Japan points to the comparable weight that artifacts (art, architecture) and events (festivals, ceremonies) carry as worthy subjects for scholarly consideration of the politics of power. The definition of power might be vastly different from society to society and from time period to time period, but the constancy of spectacle and ritual in the armature of rulership across time and place begs the recognition that they “are not mere incidental ephemera” but are integral to the constitution of power.17 In Japan, where an inextricable linkage of ceremony and imperial privilege formed early on in the country’s history of sovereignty, the imperial court had made the observance of ceremonies and rites its prerogative since ancient times. Through the enforcement and performance of a regularized schedule of annual observances (nenjū gyōji), the sovereign expressed his (at times, her) command over the country’s politics, religion, culture, and economy. Even when warriors dramatically altered the urban configuration of the imperial city to mark their dominating presence in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, ideal- ized painted views of Kyoto depicting “scenes in and around the capital” (rakuchū rakugai zu) emphasized the emperor’s palace as an enduring force of stability and decorum. In the renowned Funaki screens now in the collection of the Tokyo National Museum, for example, a dignified assemblage lines the open court- yard for a ritual performance before the Shishinden (the main state hall); the or- derly queue of courtiers, standing in attendance to the emperor in identically colored court robes and caps, visually echoes the rationally orthogonal lines of the palace spaces and buildings. In contrast, the rest of the city bustles in lively 14 IntrodUCtIon

action without the same rigorous order or formality. In the modern period, the Shishinden and its outer ceremonial court were deemed by the new government as primary sites for revival (discussed in chapter 1) in the attempt to secure this principal space of imperial authority. The emperor in absentia could continue to exert command through the enduring palace as monument, just as his carefully orchestrated returns to the old capital for the grand ceremonies of investiture and other major rituals legitimizing the throne could serve as timely live enact- ments of monarchal power. The scholarship of Lee Butler and Takashi Fujitani have directed our current understanding of the imperial institution and strategies for sustaining ascen- dancy in early-modern and modern Japan, respectively.18 This book follows their lead by tightening the focus on the use of urban spaces and publicly visible architecture and other designed spaces for ceremonies to convey imperial authority in a rapidly changing Japanese society moving toward populist nationalism (in emulation of major Western nations) during the turn from the nineteenth to the twentieth century. My investigation orbits the interrelated acts of ceremony, pageantry, and exhibition, organized in support of the modern monarchy. Making a sharp break with tradition, Emperor Meiji appeared regularly before the masses as the central actor performing state and religious rituals, leading processions, and attending opening ceremonies for exhibitions and institutions. Even upon death, he played the principal role, in a monumental funeral that traversed the country from east to west. Meiji’s son and grandson followed his example in being physically ubiquitous and visually prominent, contrary to the premodern emperor’s concealed and inert state, as portrayed in the Funaki screens. In the large cities of Tokyo and Kyoto, the intended audience that gathered for each imperial appearance numbered in the tens of thousands, including specially in- vited foreign dignitaries and synchronized military units and schoolchildren. To facilitate the outsize congregations, widened streets, open plazas, broad train station platforms, and sprawling urban parks were created and inserted into the existing urban fabric. In addition to playing out in front of live audiences, the formal appearances made by the emperor and representative family members (the empress, crown prince, and crown princess) were documented pictorially, predominantly by photography, for wider circulation and in perpetuity in news dailies, general-interest magazines, and deluxe photo albums. Given the deliberate visual exposure, the IntrodUCtIon 15

public spaces occupied in the ceremonies, processions, and appearances were thoroughly considered and meticulously orchestrated by central and local government agencies. Ceremony, pageantry, and exhibition constituted three in- terwoven facets of imperial performance to generate reverence for the imperial house and unity among the people. Ceremony rendered a controlled visibility to the royal body and image newly revealed to the general population; pageantry infused the visible with spectacularity; and exhibition regularized the spectacular as an associative feature of an emperor-centered modernity. While some of the ceremonial, most prominently the enthronement rituals, could claim to have historical precedence, other equally majestic events, such as the deifica- tion of Emperor Kanmu in Heian Shrine in 1895 and the crown prince’s Shinto wedding in 1900, were fresh inventions cloaked in allusions to tradition. The spaces mobilized to stage these imperial events were also a mix of precedented and unprecedented. Despite its status as an ancient capital, the city at the start of the Meiji period was composed almost entirely of architecture and urban or- ganization of recent vintage under Tokugawa rule (from the early seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century), with even the imperial palace itself rebuilt only recently in the 1850s, albeit in emulation of what was believed to be the form of the Heian-period original. To those readers who are well acquainted with Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger’s Invention of Tradition and Stephen Vlastos’ Mirror of Modernity: Invented Traditions of Modern Japan, the revelation that a modernizing Japan would prof- fer the new as old is not surprising nor does it prove this nation exceptional.19 If the notion of invented tradition is now old hat, what this book deals with is the associated framework of reinvented tradition to evaluate Kyoto and the monarchy from the 1860s to the 1940s. Reinvention, defined as the replacement of an existing thing with a new version, is the more suitable characterization for both the city and the imperial house—entities with long pedigrees that actively repurposed their lineage for a new era.20 Comparing Kyoto to Tokyo in the modern period, Nicolas Fiévé and Paul Waley have identified the older capital’s distinct challenge of contending with historical heritage alongside modernization. Not only were the art and architecture located in Kyoto (belonging predominantly to Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines) decreed by the nascent Meiji government as early as 1871 to be important resources for protection, an extraordinary regu- lation that passed in 1919, the Law for the Preservation of Historic Sites, Places 16 IntrodUCtIon

of Scenic Beauty, and Natural Monuments (Shiseki meishō tennen kinenbutsu hozon hō), specified elements of the built and natural environment composing Kyoto’s landscape to be significant national heritage as well.21 Building in modern Kyoto, therefore, required mediation between backward and forward vision; the past remained ever present in the wealth of artifacts, buildings, monuments, mountains, rivers, and foliage—all protected by law, no less—that new construction must literally and figuratively accommodate. Instead of invention out of whole cloth, reinvention and revival of historical heritage were the predominant methods of engaging Kyoto in contemporaneous politics, culture, and economy. The examples of modern imperial architecture and spaces involved in ceremony, commemoration, and exhibition examined in this book utilized existing historical and scenic sites in a variety of unprecedented ways: the grounds of the emptied Kyoto Imperial Palace and adjacent retirement palaces hosted the Kyoto Exhibitions in the 1870s; what was formerly Nijō Castle served as the crown prince’s temporary residence in town; the Nine Gates zone, an enclave of noblemen’s residences originally surrounding the palace, was razed and repurposed into an urban garden open to the public; the picturesque Okazaki area chosen by the eleventh-century emperor Shirakawa for his retirement villa became Kyoto’s prime cultural park, where major institutional monuments to the modern monarchy were erected. Being the physical locations in which spectacular imperial ceremonial occurred, these would be the most literal manifestations of what Fujitani calls mnemonic sites: “material vehicles of meaning that either helped construct a memory of an emperor-centered national past that, ironically, had never been known or served as symbolic markers for commemorations of present national accomplishments and the possibilities of the future.”22 The architectural and urban spaces for ceremony, pageantry, and exhibition of Imperial Japan surprisingly have received no focused scholarly attention. Al- though Fujitani’s definitive study on power and pageantry has been a major guid- ing force for this book and for many publications by others on the visual culture of the modern imperial institution, spatial studies were not his primary target. One recent work that also touches on the creation of symbolic geography for Imperial Japan is Kenneth Ruoff’s coverage of the 2,600th anniversary, in 1940, of the empire’s foundation.23 Whereas Ruoff investigates the lack of historical veracity and site specificity to support the narrative of mythic Emperor Jinmu’s enthronement in the Kashihara Palace (putatively located in current-day Nara IntrodUCtIon 17

Prefecture), my book in comparison deals with a plethora of documented precedent and heritage in a capital where the preponderance of the longevous line of Japanese emperors resided. Without question, the enthronement ceremonies for Emperor Taishō and Emperor Shōwa presented the greatest moments of valida- tion in the modern century for this city in connection to the reigning house. The unanticipated recurrence of an imperial enthronement in less than fifteen years’ time doubled the impact of spectacular ceremonial display staged in this city. Despite their ephemerality, the rites and commemorations performed for an active sequence of imperial accessions, weddings, and funerals between 1868 and 1940 permanently etched the fundamental features of modern Kyoto’s urban form. The configuration and interrelationship among the centers, boundaries, and transportation networks deviated to some extent from the original Heian footprint and palpably from earlier systems of meaning-making. The spaces newly serving as temporary palaces, procession routes, exhibition sites, and commemorative monuments determined the major nodes. Roadways, waterways, and train and tram tracks were arranged to connect them to promote maximum visibility, pomp, and ease of access. Whether a boulevard, a plaza, or a platform, the spaces mattered to their planners because they facilitated the physical convergence of the ruler and his deferential subjects, allowing them to be seen and acknowledged by each other on a regularized but controlled basis. The architecture created for imperial ceremony tended toward monumentality of scale to match the monumentality of the occasions. Yet no unified style or material typified the structures. In formulating a modern image for the emperor, the Meiji administration projected two distinct faces: one that spearheaded progress and another that upheld tradition. Fujitani correlated the dualism in urban terms to the regime’s deliberate juggling of two imperial capitals, Tokyo and Kyoto.24 In terms of architectural expression, however, this book argues that it was not a simple matter of choosing either “Western” or “Japanese” styles and materials to convey progressivism or traditionalism. Scholars who have examined the major building projects associated with the imperial house and imperial ceremony have consistently pointed out that ostensibly Japanese-style architecture typically incorporated non-Japanese features and technology, while ostensibly Europe- an-style architecture quite commonly accommodated traditional Japanese motifs and workmanship.25 Furthermore, Japanese designers, especially those who grad- uated from the nation’s elite architecture programs, differentiated architecture 18 IntrodUCtIon

from the various historical periods and cultures with expertise, manipulating and fusing them knowingly. Receptiveness to the latest stylistic and material devel- opments such as English Art Nouveau and the Vienna Secession presented yet more alternatives to the historical European and East Asian standards that they absorbed in their academic education. The major examples of public architecture and urban spaces of modern Kyoto acquired their characteristic orthogonal formality and grandiose manner from the original imperial capital planning concept of Heian times, updated and sharp- ened through contact with European planning technologies in the late nineteenth century. Both paradigms stressed the creation of a regularized network of wide avenues to frame urban vistas and monuments. Both deployed monumental built spaces to showcase prosperity, cosmopolitanism, and national prestige. Even as Tokyo seized the title of teito (imperial capital) during this time while contending with the radical physical reform of a network of small, serpentine roads that girded the former shogun’s bastion, Kyoto assumed the appearance of a grand modern capital with comparatively less exertion, having traces of the ancient street grid system and theatrical urban configuration as a guide. The imperial ceremonial that took place between 1868 and 1940 were brief events that played out in mere days, but they were produced by means of several months, often years, of preparation, through combinations of imperial, national, regional, and municipal initiatives and resources. A major argument of this book is for recognizing the significance of the grand ceremonies, processions, and exhibitions that were staged with conscious regularity in Kyoto: these were the events that extended the axiomatic association between the reigning house and Kyoto as an imperial capital into the twentieth century. looking Forward

The visual representation of Japan’s modern monarchy has been a subject of growing interest to art historians, although analogous explorations have been notably scarce among historians of architecture and urbanism. Portraiture—especially photography—has been the main point of entry to discuss the imperial institution’s expedient transition from being nearly invisible to widely recognizable in the second half of the nineteenth century.26 Other non-European regimes around IntrodUCtIon 19

the world experienced similar pressures to reform and recalibrate based on the global power structure of the time, as, for example, the Ottoman sultans, Iranian shahs, and Siamese kings all underwent conspicuous sartorial transformations comparable to those of the Japanese emperors at this time. The mobilization of official portraiture through authorized distribution and popular print media helped generate a defined visual identity for Emperors Meiji, Taishō, and Shōwa. Yet studies of imperial architecture and spaces, on the other hand, still lag behind the theorization about visibility and power being pursued by art historians. Written from the perspective of a historian of art and architecture, this book attempts to open up the study of modern emperors and empires to incorporate built environments and spatial practices. There is no attempt here to cover the entirety or even the majority of the modern history of Kyoto architecture and urbanism, although a comprehensive survey (to be undertaken by someone with more expertise and fortitude than I) would greatly enhance general understanding of this city as a continuously and dramatically morphing entity after 1868. Each of the monuments and events examined in this book also deserves a book- length study in its own right, and the purpose here is to give a unifying framework for these intersecting projects in the hopes that it inspires others to pursue them in greater depth. The large question of how Kyoto developed as a modern city, expressed through its architecture and urbanism, has launched more than a decade of dedicated scholarship in its home region. Modern Kyoto is a first step toward an English-language contribution to this conversation, one that seeks to frame both the subject and its interlocution internationally. While postwar Kyoto lies outside the scope of this book, brief mention of some major architectural projects and issues since 1940 in the next paragraphs helps elucidate the ongoing fashioning of the city’s symbolic standing in contemporary times. While the epilogue begins to consider the city’s recovery from war and de- feat in the 1940s and 1950s, it does not touch on the intertwined initiatives of heritage preservation and tourism that preoccupied the municipal government in the decades thereafter. The demise of Imperial Japan in 1945, and along with it Kyoto’s explicit function of emperor veneration, shifted attention and resources to promo- tion of the city as world heritage as opposed to imperial-national(ist) wellspring. Promulgated in 1950, the International Cultural Tourism Capital Construction Law (Kyōto kokusai bunka kankō toshi kensetsu hō) facilitated the simultaneous protection and commercialization of premodern history and culture; a series of 20 IntrodUCtIon

preservation laws for the city’s historic urbanscapes and natural landscapes in the following two decades attempted to regulate the visual harmony afforded by dis- tricts of low wooden buildings and unobstructed views of rolling green hills and river shores (in short, features that identify Kyoto as a unique touristic experience).27 Yet, inviting millions of visitors and their carbon footprint upon the aged streets, structures, and gardens under protection has forced contradictory conse- quences: rising numbers of large-scale hotels and tour buses have become neces- sities for cultivating mass appreciation of historic townhouses and Zen gardens. The 1960s and 1990s represented two seminal moments for Kyoto architecture. The city anticipated the 1964 Summer Olympics in Tokyo with the creation of multiple modernist monuments: Kyoto Kaikan, by Maekawa Kunio (1960); Kyoto Tower, by Yamada Mamoru (1964), and Kyoto International Conference Center, by Ōtani Sachio (1966). While instating a conspicuous presence for visually arresting brutalist architecture in the old capital just as similar icons in raw concrete were spreading across the world, the performance hall, conference facility, and mixed-use observation tower, hotel, and commercial building were projects that (pardon the pun) concretized ambitions to achieve international tourist destination status.28 The year 1994 marked the 1,200th founding anniversary for the city, and similar steps were taken toward augmenting Kyoto’s profile through major built works. Following the precedent of earlier imperial commemorations, two dedicatory constructions redefined the axial endpoints of the city: the fourth-generation Kyoto Station Building, designed by Hara Hiroshi (1997), introduced a new vocabulary of steel and glass to Kyoto’s southern portal, and the Kyoto Concert Hall, by Isozaki Arata (1995), deposited a sinuous Disneyesque form in the newly developing northern district of Kitayama. The same year of 1994 saw seventeen premodern sites in Kyoto Prefecture (thirteen temples, three shrines, one castle) inscribed on UNESCO’s World Heritage List, thereby des- ignating the “protection, management, authenticity, and integrity” of the Kyoto properties as matters of international concern.29 That the architectural develop- ments and preservation initiatives actually derive from the same ideology—to responsibly maintain cultural and natural heritage and make them publicly acces- sible—can be difficult to uncover beneath the promiscuous commercialization of Kyoto culture as pretty, easy, and fun. At the time of writing, an upswing in restoration and construction projects is happening again, this time in the buildup to the 2020 Summer Olympics in IntrodUCtIon 21

Tokyo. In Okazaki Park, for example, the reconstruction of the area behind the Heian Shrine gateway into a relaxation plaza and the expansion of the Kyoto Municipal Museum of Art with an additional exhibition hall have been self-publi- cized as part of the city’s drive toward showcasing its culture and arts for a world audience.30 In the same park, the 2016 completion of the four-year renovation and expansion of Kyoto Kaikan (renamed ROHM Theatre Kyoto, after its new corpo- rate benefactor) has dovetailed with the initiative, by creating additional performance spaces and tourist-friendly amenities of restaurant, café (a Starbucks), and bookstore-cum-gift-shop. Starting in 2016, imperial and state properties previ- ously regulated with stringency now cater to inquisitive foreign visitors. They can enter the Kyoto Imperial Palace and the Kyoto State Guest House without prior reservations; same-day registration has become available for Katsura Imperial Villa and Shūgakuin Imperial Villa.31 With tourism as a main economic stimulus strategy for the entire nation under Prime Minister Abe Shinzō’s leadership, the city and prefecture of Kyoto can expect to bear a large portion of the hosting bur- den, if not the concomitant financial gain. One final and currently ongoing action that requires mentioning is the central government’s decision to move the Cultural Affairs Agency (Bunkachō) from To- kyo to Kyoto, a relocation being implemented in steps starting April 2017.32 The momentous shift results from a two-pronged initiative of the Abe cabinet to de- concentrate the national government currently located in the Tokyo metropolitan area and to invigorate regional economies. Whereas plans for transferring other governmental units have met with more resistance and complication, success with sending the Cultural Affairs Agency westward can be credited mainly to the unproblematic recognition of Kyoto as Japan’s cultural center. Yet as the findings of this book attest, that Kyoto sustains a meaningful position in modern Japanese politics, economy, culture, and especially the cultural-historical heritage industry has been the result of more than a century of deliberate ideological design and aggressive lobbying. The popularization of imperial facilities as touristic destinations, the creation of a network of civic institutions as commemorative signposts, and the marketing of heritage through tours, exhibitions, and visual mementos are all lasting legacies of the modern imperial period of Kyoto. selected Bibliography

Newspapers and Periodicals

Bijutsu shinpō Chūō kōron Fūzoku gahō Hinode shinbun Japan Weekly Mail Kenchiku zasshi Ōsaka Asahi shinbun Shirakaba Taiyō Tōkyō Asahi shinbunw

Official Reports, Histories, Guides, Commentaries, and Commemorative Publications of the Period

Daigokai Naikoku Kangyō Hakurankai Yōran Hensanjo. Daigokai Naikoku Kangyō Haku- rankai yōran. Osaka: Daigokai Naikoku Kangyō Hakurankai Yōran Hensanjo, 1903. Daiyonkai Naikoku Kangyō Hakurankai Jimukyoku. Daiyonkai Naikoku Kangyō Hakurankai Jimu hōkoku. Tokyo: Daiyonkai Naikoku Kangyō Hakurankai Jimukyoku, 1896. Hakurankwai Kyokwai. Japan and Her Exhibits at the Panama-Pacific International Exhibi tion, 1915. Tokyo: printed by Japan Magazine Co., 1915. Heian Jingū. Heian Jingū ōtorii zōeishi. N.p.: Heian Kōsha Honbu, 1929. Holtom, D. C. The Japanese Enthronement Ceremonies: With an Account of the Imperial Rega lia. 1928. Reprint, London: Kegan Paul, 1996.

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Ichihara, M., and City Council of Kyoto. The Official Guide-book to Kyoto and the Allied Prefectures. Nara: Meishinsha, 1895. Iwakura Tomomi. Iwakura Tomomi kankei monjo. Vol. 1. Tokyo: Nihon Shiseki Kyōkai, 1927. Kigo Kiyoyoshi. “Honchō daidairi no sei.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 42 (1890): 93–97. Kigo Kiyoyoshi and Itō Chūta. “Kinenden kenchiku setsu.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 87 (1894): 83–89. ———. “Kyōto Kinenden kenchiku dan.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 86 (1894): 47–52. Kusakabe Sannosuke. Kōtaishi denka gokeiji kinenchō. Tokyo: Teikoku Shōnen Shiseikai, 1900. Kyōto Furitsu Toshokan kenchiku gaiyō. Kyoto: Kyōto Furitsu Toshokan, 1909. Kyōto Hakuran Kyōkai. Kyōto Hakurankai enkakushi. Kyoto: Kyōto Hakuran Kyōkai, 1903. Kyōto Hinode Shinbunsha. Taiten yōran: Kyōto Hinode shinbun 30-shūnen kinen hensan. Kyoto: Kyōto Hinode Shinbunsha, 1915. Kyōto Shinko Bijutsukai. Kyōto Shinko Bijutsukai hinmoku furoku. Kyoto: Kyōto Shinko Bijutsukai, 1887. ———. Shinko Bijutsukai shinazu: Tsuketari, kiji. Kyoto: Kyōto Shinko Bijutsukai, 1887. Kyōto Shiritsu Kinen Dōbutsuen. Kyōto Shiritsu Kinen Dōbutsuen annai. Kyoto, 1905. ———. Kyōto Shiritsu Kinen Dōbutsuen annai. Kyoto: Kondō Junichi, 1925. Kyōto Teishitsu Hakubutsukan. Kobijutsuhin zuroku: Taiten Kinen Kyōto Hakurankai Daisan Kaijō chinretsuhin sōmoku. Kyoto: Benridō Korotaipu Insatsujo, 1916. Kyōto-fu. Kinen Kyōto Shokubutsuen ichiran. Kyoto: Kyōto-fu, 1929. ———. Taiten Kinen Kyōto Shokubutsuen ichiran. Kyoto: Kyōto-fu, 1927. Kyōto-shi. Kyōto-shi Sandai Jigyōshi. 6 vols. Kyoto: Kyōto-shi, 1913. ———. Taiten Kinen Kyōto Hakurankai hōkoku. Kyoto: Kyōto-shi, 1916. Kyōto-shi Sanjikai. Heian Sento Kinensai kiji. Kyoto: Kyōto-shi Sanjikai, 1896. ———. Heian tsūshi. Kyoto: Kyōto-shi Sanjikai, 1895. Nishizawa Iwata. Japan in the Taisho Era: In Commemoration of the Enthronement. Tokyo, 1917. Nōshōmushō. Panama Taiheiyō Bankoku Hakurankai Sandō Jimu hōkoku. 2 vols. Tokyo, 1917. Ōsaka Mainichi Shinbunsha. Kantō shinsai gahō. Osaka: Ōsaka Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1923. ———. Kōtaishi denka gotoō kinen shashinchō. 10 vols. Osaka: Ōsaka Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1921. Seibu Tetsudō Kanrikyoku. Kyōto Teishajō kairyō kōji kiyō. Kobe: Seibu Tetsudō Kanri- kyoku, 1917. Shibada Yūnosuke. Meiji shōchoku zenshū. Tokyo: Kōdōkan Jimusho, 1907. Shirokiya Gofukuten. Tōkyō Taishō Hakurankai annaiki. Tokyo: Shirokiya Gofukuten, 1914. Suzuki Nobuyuki and Koatsu Etsuji. Gosokui-shiki taitenroku: Zenpen. Tokyo: Gosokui Taiten Kinenkai, 1915. Tairei Kinen Kyōto Bijutsukan. Tairei Kinen Kyōto Bijutsukan nenpō. N.p.: Tairei Kinen Kyōto Bijutsukan, 1933. ———. Tairei Kinen Kyōto Bijutsukan nenpō. N.p.: Tairei Kinen Kyōto Bijutsukan, 1938. seleCted BIBlIograPHy 251

Tairei Kiroku Hensan Iinkai. Tairei kiroku. Tokyo: Kunaichō, 1918. Taiten Kinen Kyōto Hakurankai Jimukyoku. Taiten Kinen Kyōto Hakurankai shashinchō. Kyoto: Taiten Kinen Kyōto Hakurankai Jimukyoku, 1915. Takagi Hachitarō. Taishō taitenshi: Kōhen. Tokyo: Dai Nihon Jitsugyō Kyōkai, 1915. Takeda Goichi. “Gotaiten Kyōto shikai sōshoku ni tuite.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 350 (1916): 84–86. ———. “Panama Taiheiyō Bankoku Hakurankai gaikyō.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 339 (1915): 166–167. ———. “Panama Taiheiyō Bankoku Hakurankai shoken.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 342 (1915): 413–439. “Takeda Goichi Hakushi o tomurau.” Kenchiku zasshi, no. 639 (1938): 663–686. Takeda Hakushi Kanreki Kinen Jigyōkai. Takeda Hakushi sakuhinshū. Kyoto: Takeda Hakushi Kanreki Kinen Jigyōkai, 1933. Tanabe Sakurō. Biwako Sosui kōji zufu. Tokyo: Tanabe Sakurō, 1891. Teikoku Toshokan. Teikoku Toshokan gairan. Tokyo, 1906. Tōkyō Nichinichi Shinbunsha. Kantō taishin gahō. Tokyo: Tōkyō Nichinichi Shinbunsha, 1923. Tōkyō Taishō Hakurankai Henshūkyoku. Tōkyō Taishō Hakurankai kanran annai. Tokyo: Bunyōsha, 1914. Tōkyō-fu. Tōkyō Taishō Hakurankai Jimu hōkoku: Shita-maki. Tokyo: Tōkyō-fu, 1916. ———. Tōkyō Taishō Hakurankai Jimu hōkoku: Ue-maki. Tokyo: Tōkyō-fu, 1916. Wakamatsu Masatarō. Heian Sento Senhyakunen Kinensai kyōsanshi. Kyoto: Wakamatsu Masatarō, 1896. Wakamatsu Masatarō and Kimura Yosaburō. Biwako Sosui yōshi. 3 vols. Kyoto: Kyōto-shi Sanjikai, 1896. Wakimoto Sokurō. Heian meitōden. Kyoto: Rakutōkai, 1921. The Welcome Society. The Fifth National Industrial Exhibition of 1903: And a Short Guide- book of Japan. Tokyo: The Welcome Society, 1903. ———. A Short Guide-book for Tourists in Japan. Tokyo: Tokyo Printing Co., 1905.

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Alice Y. Tseng is an associate professor of history of art and architecture at Boston University. She is the author of The Imperial Museums of Meiji Japan: Architecture and the Art of the Nation (2008) and the coeditor of Kyoto Visual Culture in the Early Edo and Meiji Periods (2016). Her research interests center on Japan in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, especially the role of built spaces and the visual arts in cultural transformation, invention, and revival.