La Década Menemista: Luces Y Sombras

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

La Década Menemista: Luces Y Sombras HAOL, Núm. 19 (Primavera, 2009), 53-63 ISSN 1696-2060 LA DÉCADA MENEMISTA: LUCES Y SOMBRAS Hernán Fair Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 4 Mayo 2009 / Revisado: 2 Junio 2009 / Aceptado: 8 Junio 2009 / Publicación Online: 15 Junio 2009 Resumen: El artículo realiza un repaso crítico podemos desligarnos de aquellos prejuicios, de las luces y sombras de los diez años de inmanentes a la práctica social, en este trabajo gobierno de Carlos Menem en Argentina. nos proponemos realizar un repaso histórico y Centrándose en un análisis multidimensional, crítico lo más ecuánime posible que intente intenta trascender ciertos análisis reduccionistas indagar acerca de las luces y sombras de sus para comprender el período de una manera más diez años en el poder. global y conjunta. Palabras Clave: Menemismo, luces, sombras, 1. Los orígenes del menemismo economía, política, sociedad, Argentina. ______________________ Resulta imposible analizar los puntos destacables del gobierno de Menem sin INTRODUCCION* adentrarnos previamente en el contexto histórico en el que emerge. El mismo nos remite a la ucho se ha criticado al gobierno de trágica crisis del gobierno del radical Raúl Carlos Menem (1989-1999) en Alfonsín (1983-1989). Como se sabe, Alfonsín M Argentina durante los últimos años deberá renunciar a la presidencia cinco meses tanto desde el campo intelectual como desde la antes de terminar su mandato frente a la propia sociedad. Lo interesante reside en que imposibilidad de controlar una inédita y feroz durante su Gobierno, principalmente durante el hiperinflación. Aunque aquí no podemos primero, la mayoría de la sociedad apoyaba al extendernos sobre sus causas, que nos remiten a Presidente y a su plan económico, como lo la puja distributiva dentro de las distintas muestran tanto las encuestas realizadas en fracciones del gran capital1, lo que resulta aquellos años como los sucesivos triunfos importante destacar es que hacia comienzos de obtenidos en cada una de las elecciones 1989 los índices de inflación llegarán a niveles legislativas y presidenciales. En la actualidad, del orden del 17% en marzo y 33,4% en abril, sin embargo, parece que el gobierno de Menem alcanzando en mayo un total de 78,6% (Página fuera “lo peor que nos podría haber pasado”, una 12, 08/04/89; Clarín y Página 12, 06/05/89; “fatalidad” que sería mejor olvidar. Así, Página 12, 02/06/89). Al mismo tiempo, el mientras los analistas señalan que su gobierno Gobierno deberá afrontar saqueos a destruyó la economía, mientras prometía el supermercados en cientos de barrios pobres que ingreso al “Primer Mundo”, hizo lo contrario a llevarán la situación social al borde del caos lo que había hecho Perón con su Estado social (Martínez, 1991). Por si fuera poco, en Benefactor de posguerra, se desinteresó de las diciembre de 1988 se había llevado a cabo un instituciones representativas, indultó a los levantamiento militar que agravará la situación militares y “fundió al país”, robándose los de caos y peligro de disolución social, como lo recursos sociales de las arcas fiscales, parecen definirán varios autores (Palermo y Torre, 1992; desconocer que en su momento gran parte de la Palermo y Novaro, 1996; Cavarozzi, 1997). La sociedad, entre ellos, muchos intelectuales hoy imposibilidad de controlar la situación de crisis críticos, disfrutaban de viajes al exterior y de orgánica (Barros, 2002) que vivía el país, llevará índices de estabilidad monetaria inéditos y entonces a Alfonsín a llamar a elecciones hablaban de la reconstitución democrática. En anticipadas. este sentido, entendemos que existen muchos prejuicios sobre un período más complejo de lo En aquellas elecciones, celebradas el 14 de que suele señalarse. Sin creer ingenuamente que mayo, el candidato justicialista, vencedor de © Historia Actual Online 2009 53 La década menemista Hernán Fair Antonio Cafiero en las internas realizadas un social, desregulación comercial y liberalización año antes, será electo como nuevo Presidente a financiera que impactará vastamente en la partir de un discurso en el que prometerá estructura económica industrialista y en la combatir la crisis mediante una “Revolución estructura social homogénea que caracterizaban Productiva” que terminaría con la especulación al Estado mercado-internista de posguerra financiera y un “Salariazo” que consolidaría el (Torrado, 1994; García Delgado, 1994; mercado interno (Clarín, 25/02/89, 26/02/89 y Basualdo, 2004). Al mismo tiempo, comenzará a 12/05/89). Este tipo de discurso, que algunos partir de 1990, y más aún desde 1991, un plan han denominado como “populista”, resultaba de privatización y concesión que incluirá a música para los oídos de las masas populares, prácticamente la totalidad de las empresas que sedientas de un liderazgo que garantizara orden desde la época de Perón eran propiedad del político y estabilidad económica. El partido del Estado en tanto símbolos de lo que el líder presidente en ejercicio, la Unión Cívica Radical denominará la defensa de la soberanía política y (UCR) estaba, en cambio, fuertemente la independencia económica. desprestigiado por su desastrosa performance política, por lo que difícilmente podía salir Este “giro de 180 grados” en relación a las victoriosa de la contienda electoral. Además, el tradicionales políticas reguladoras y discurso del candidato a suceder a Alfonsín, el asistencialistas del modelo de sustitución de gobernador de Córdoba Eduardo Angeloz, importaciones del peronismo impactará, como afirmaba la necesidad de realizar un ajuste brutal dijimos, de manera fuertemente negativa sobre que reduciría el gasto público para modernizar y la estructura económica y sobre todo social. En eficientizar la economía (Hadida y Pérez, 1999). primer lugar, las medidas tomadas en el marco En ese contexto, Menem, el candidato de la de las reformas neoliberales, como se las “Esperanza”, no tendrá inconvenientes en ser conocerá, profundizarán un proceso de electo con el 47% de los votos, dejando en un desindustrialización de los sectores asalariados segundo lugar al candidato radical. iniciado a mediados de la década del ´70 con las políticas del régimen militar (1976-1983). Así, La elección del nuevo Gobierno, en un contexto la apertura comercial y financiera promoverá un de fuerte conflictividad social, lejos estará de ingreso masivo de inversiones extranjeras y un reducirla. Más bien, la misma se incrementará, proceso de importación de productos retornando los saqueos a supermercados y tecnológicos que, junto al incremento de las comercios y el desabastecimiento de alimentos. tasas de interés, terminará generando un proceso En ese contexto, Alfonsín se verá obligado a de creciente desindustrialización. Al mismo renunciar antes de tiempo, asumiendo en su tiempo, las políticas de flexibilización laboral, lugar el caudillo riojano. realizadas con el pretexto de reducir costos y aumentar la productividad, terminarán A continuación, repasaremos las principales pauperizando a vastos contingentes sociales. luces y sombras que dejará este período de Finalmente, el proceso de privatización de las profundas transformaciones económicas, empresas públicas, iniciado en octubre de 1990 políticas, sociales e institucionales con los “casos líderes” de Aerolíneas Argentinas y ENTEL (Thwaites Rey, 1993), y profundizado 2. LAS “SOMBRAS” DEL GOBIERNO DE al extremo a partir del régimen de paridad MENEM cambiaria de abril de 1991, terminará promoviendo un crecimiento descomunal de los 2.1. La sombra económica y social índices de desocupación, subocupación y pobreza2. Una vez en el poder, ignorando sus promesas de campaña sobre la “Revolución Productiva” y el Al tiempo que los trabajadores reducían “Salariazo”, el electo presidente Carlos Menem fuertemente su poder social y sus conquistas se dedicará a aplicar un plan de reformas obtenidas durante el período peronista, los estructurales inédito por su magnitud y alcance y grandes empresarios lograban incrementar por ser llevado a cabo por el partido de gobierno fuertemente sus tasas de ganancias a partir de que había hecho de los sectores populares y la reducir fuertemente sus costos laborales. Para justicia social su aspecto predominante e ello, lograrían obtener del Estado decenas de inalterable (James, 1990; Torre, 1990). En ese medidas que favorecerían a cada uno de las contexto, el Presidente iniciará un proceso de fracciones dominantes. Así, mientras los apertura económica, reducción del gasto público sectores industriales de las pequeñas y medianas 54 © Historia Actual Online 2009 Hernán Fair La década menemista empresas (PyMES) veían reducir sus tasas de déficit fiscal y comercial. No obstante, si los ganancias por la apertura indiscriminada, las trabajadores continuarán su marcha descendente grandes firmas industriales y electrónicas se iniciada en los años ´70 y lo mismo hará la clase verían ampliamente favorecidas por regímenes media, que se transformará en los “nuevos especiales de protección estatal. Del mismo pobres” (Murmis y Feldman, 1993), los sectores modo, al tiempo que las políticas de dominantes lograrán incrementar su ya inusitada flexibilización perjudicaban vía reducción de tasa de ganancias vía el mecanismo de la salarios e indemnizaciones a los trabajadores, valorización financiera, un mecanismo que será beneficiaban directamente a los grandes cada vez mayor a pesar de los momentos de empresarios, más aún cuando las mismas se crisis. Así, como señala Basualdo, el ciclo del veían acompañadas de políticas como la capital se hará
Recommended publications
  • El Neoliberalismo (1989-1999)
    SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION FORMACION POLITICO SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION a caída del mUro de Berlín en 1989 • Ley de Reforma del Estado jeros fijaran sUs ojos en estas tierras permi- L abría paso a Un mUndo en el qUe Una tiría de este modo financiar las inversiones sola potencia, los Estados Unidos, ejercía • Ley de Emergencia Económica necesarias en obras de “modernización”, Una hegemonía militar indiscUtible, administrar “eficazmente” (lo qUe se con- acompañada de Un poder económico for- En 1989 se sancionaron dos leyes fUnda- traponía a la corrUpción, la bUrocracia y midable. mentales qUe crearon el marco jUrídico de lentitUd con qUe se caracterizaba a las em- las transformaciones qUe iban a tener presas estatales) y finalmente bajo el pos- En ese contexto el 14 de mayo de 1989 lUgar a lo largo de la década: la Ley de Re- tUlado aqUel de qUe el “mercado manda” Carlos Menem, el candidato del Frente forma del Estado (Nº 23.696) y la Ley de provocaría Una competencia qUe permi- JUsticialista PopUlar (FrejUpo) y Una coali- Emergencia Económica (Nº 23697). tiría el mejoramiento de los servicios. ción con diversos partidos, se impUso ante el candidato radical EdUardo Angeloz, con Se trataba de leyes aprobadas por el Con- AlgUnos de esos argUmentos se basaban el 49,3% de los votos. greso Nacional, tanto por el radicalismo en qUe las empresas estatales daban pér- como por el jUsticialismo. Esta legislación didas, eran ineficientes y fUente de co- El 8 de jUlio, ante la delicada sitUación y en particUlar la de la Reforma del Estado, rrUpción.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
    FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • PERONISM and ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES of POLITICAL IDENTITY in ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California
    PERONISM AND ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California at Berkeley Department of Political Science 210 Barrows Hall Berkeley, CA 94720 [email protected] Paper presented at the LASA meeting, in Guadalajara, Mexico, on April 18, 1997 This paper is about political identity and the related issue of types of political appeals in the public arena. It thus deals with a central aspect of political behavior, regarding both voters' preferences and identification, and politicians' electoral strategies. Based on the case of Argentina, it shows the at times unsuspected but unmistakable impact of class-cultural, and more precisely, social-cultural differences on political identity and electoral behavior. Arguing that certain political identities are social-culturally based, this paper introduces a non-ideological, but socio-politically significant, axis of political polarization. As observed in the case of Peronism and anti-Peronism in Argentina, social stratification, particularly along an often- used compound, in surveys, of socio-economic status and education,1 is tightly associated with political behavior, but not so much in Left-Right political terms or even in issue terms (e.g. socio- economic platforms or policies), but rather in social-cultural terms, as seen through the modes and type of political appeals, and figuring centrally in certain already constituted political identities. Forms of political appeals may be mapped in terms of a two-dimensional political space, defined by the intersection of this social-cultural axis with the traditional Left-to-Right spectrum. Also, since already constituted political identities have their origins in the successful "hailing"2 of pluri-facetted people and groups, such a bi-dimensional space also maps political identities.
    [Show full text]
  • When Life Gives You Lemons… Argentina Comes in from the Cold
    When Life Gives You Lemons… Argentina Comes in From the Cold Liam Eldon When Argentine President Mauricio Macri visited the White House in April, President Trump, announced the two countries were "great friends, better than ever before." As he so often does, Trump gave a blunt summary of what would be discussed by the two former business associates, saying: “I will tell him about North Korea, and he will tell me about lemons.” Argentina is the world’s fourth-largest producer of the fruit and since 2001 had been unable to export to the world’s biggest consumer due to bans imposed by the Bush Administration. The ban is now lifted and acts as a symbol for a new Argentina, attempting to come in from the cold and join the world economy. After several decades of serving as a testing ground for economic and social theories, Argentina is starting to resemble a sensible player in the international arena. As the leader of the Cambiemos (Let’s Change) party, President Macri has sought to convince the electorate that the protectionism and social tribalism of the past had been an own goal for the country. Macri implemented market-friendly policies that lifted Argentina out of a prolonged recession in 2016 and raised its gross domestic product figure to $550 billion, making it the third largest economies in Latin America after Mexico and Brazil. The efforts of the Macri Government have been acknowledged by international institutions such as the World Bank, who view the country as integrating into the global economy through an economic transformation that encourages sustainable economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • Notas Al Pie. Monitoreo Cualitativo De La Campaña 2003
    NOTAS AL PIE 1 1MO N ITOREO CUALITATIVO DE LA CA M PAÑA 2003 MARÍA ELE N A BITO N TE Y EQUIPO DE ESTUDIA N TES DE LA CARRERA DE CIE N CIAS DE LA CO M U N ICACIÓ N DE LA UBA COLA B ORADORAS , AN A BIZ B ERGE Y VERÓ N ICA UR B A N ITSCH PRÓLOGO DE MARÍA ROSA DEL COTO Notas al pie. Monitoreo cualitativo de la campaña 2003 María Elena Bitonte Colaboradoras: Ana Bizberge y Verónica Urbanitsch. Equipo de estudiantes de la Carrera de Ciencias de la Comunicación de la UBA: Carolina Castro, Marcela Garavano, Valeria Lagomarsino, Georgina Lucesoli, Agustina Mai, Martina Mordau. ÍNDICE Prólogo .............................................................................................................. Palabras preliminares ...................................................................................... 1. Notas al pie ....................................................................................... 2. Principio de justicia televisiva .......................................................... 3. Espacios mentales. Espacios televisivos .......................................... I. Introducción ................................................................................................. 1. Monitoreo cualitativo. Antecedentes: el monitoreo cuantitativo ..... 1.1. Fórmulas presidenciales en las elecciones 2003 .............. 1.2. Resumen de las conclusiones generales del monitoreo cuantitativo ............................................................ 2. El monitoreo cualitativo de la campaña presidencial 2003 .............. 2.1. Objetivos
    [Show full text]
  • An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995 Christopher M
    University of Miami Law School Institutional Repository University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 1-1-1994 An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995 Christopher M. Nelson Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr Part of the Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Christopher M. Nelson, An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995, 25 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 283 (1994) Available at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr/vol25/iss2/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Inter- American Law Review by an authorized administrator of Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 283 COMMENT AN OPPORTUNITY FOR CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN ARGENTINA: RE-ELECTION 1995 I. INTRODUCTION ............................................ 284 II. THE RE-ELECTION INITIATIVE ................................... 286 A. Menem's Ambition and Article 77 ............................ 286 B. The Unlikely Coalition .................................. 287 C. Change in Position ..................................... 291 D. The Menem-Alfonsin Agreement ............................ 294 III. CENTRALIZATION OF POWER UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1853 ....... 297 A. History of a Centralist Constitution ......................... 298 B. PresidentialPower Under the Argentine Constitution ........... 300 IV. INCREASING THE POWER OF THE PRESIDENT
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring Solutions to Argentina's Political Crisis
    MJF-20 THE AMERICAS Martha Farmelo is the Institute’s Suzanne Ecke ICWA McColl Fellow studying gender issues in Argentina. LETTERS Exploring Solutions to Argentina’s Political Crisis: Transforming a Supreme Court Since 1925 the Institute of Current World Affairs (the Crane- That Blackmails the President Rogers Foundation) has provided By Martha Farmelo long-term fellowships to enable outstanding young professionals APRIL 20, 2003 to live outside the United States BUENOS AIRES, Argentina – In late January 2002, in the midst of a cacopho- and write about international nous, pot-banging protest at the Supreme Court, several white-kerchiefed Moth- areas and issues. An exempt ers of Plaza de Mayo sat in silence holding pictures of loved ones who had been operating foundation endowed by “disappeared” by security forces during the grisly, right-wing military dictator- the late Charles R. Crane, the ship of 1976 to 1983. Josefina “Pepa” Noia—one of the group of 14 mothers who Institute is also supported by marched for the very first time in the Plaza— held a hand-printed sign that read: contributions from like-minded individuals and foundations. “Primero se llevaron a nuestros hijos-hijas (Por algo será…). Ahora se llevan al país. Remoción de la Corte Suprema de In-justicia. Juicio Político!” TRUSTEES “First they took our sons-daughters (It must have been for something…[a Bryn Barnard blame-the-victim phrase common during the last dictatorship]. Now they are tak- Joseph Battat ing the country. Remove Mary Lynne Bird the Supreme Court of In- Steven Butler justice. Impeachment!” William F. Foote Kitty Hempstone By expressing their Pramila Jayapal disgust with the Su- Peter Bird Martin preme Court—whether Ann Mische silently or pounding a Dasa Obereigner metal saucepan—Pepa Paul A.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 12 Argentina
    CHAPTER 12 Argentina LEARNING OBJECTIVES • Identify how the three levels of • Explain how and why political analysis interact in Argentina and economic development in Argentina differs from other • Use theoretical propositions Latin American countries to understand political and economic development in Argentina TIMELINE 1816 Independence declared 1829–1852 Rule of Juan Manuel de Rosas 1946 Juan Perón elected president 1955 Juan Perón overthrown 1966–1973 Military rule 1976 Military coup launches dictatorship and “dirty war” 1982 War with Britain over Malvinas/Falklands 1983 Democratic rule resumes 1989 Carlos Menem elected 1990 Final of four military rebellions 2001 Economic crisis and end of the dollar peg 2003 Néstor Kirchner elected president 2007 Cristina Fernández de Kirchner elected president 2011 Cristina Fernández reelected 281 M12_WEEK8252_01_SE_C12.indd 281 5/12/14 4:05 PM 282 PART IV ▸ Brazil and the Southern Cone By 2013, inflation in Argentina had been creeping upward for several years. It got to the point that some shopkeepers did not bother posting prices outside their stores because they kept changing so rapidly.1 Nonetheless, two successive governments denied that inflation was a problem, which generated considerable controversy. Inflation is reported at the national level, and when it’s high, the national government gets the blame. But the most serious effects are felt at the local level, where the poor in particular struggle to keep up with rising prices, especially if their wages do not keep up. Even wealthier citizens feel it if they have bought the government’s inflation-indexed bonds, as their return is lower if inflation is underreported.
    [Show full text]
  • 12. Levitsky Pp. 152-166.Pmd
    ARGENTINA WEATHERS THE STORM Steven Levitsky and María Victoria Murillo Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government at Harvard Uni- versity. He is author of Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective (2003) and is currently writing a book on the emergence and dynamics of competi- tive authoritarian regimes in the post–Cold War era. María Victoria Murillo is associate professor of political science and international affairs at Columbia University. She is the author of Labor Unions, Par- tisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin America (2001). The events of December 2001 seemed to transform Argentina’s interna- tional status from poster child to basket case. Throughout the 1990s, Argentina had been widely hailed as a case of successful market reform under democratic government. The radical economic transformation un- dertaken by the government of Carlos Saúl Menem had ended hyperinflation and restored economic growth, while the country enjoyed an unprecedented degree of democratic stability. Elections were free; civil liberties were broadly protected; and the armed forces, which had toppled six civilian governments since 1930, largely disappeared from the political scene. Yet in late 2001, Argentina suffered an extraordinary economic and political meltdown. A prolonged recession and a severe financial crisis culminated in a debt default, a chaotic devaluation, and a descent into the deepest depression in Argentine history. A massive wave of riots and protests triggered a string of presidential resignations, plunging the country into a profound crisis. For several months, Argen- tina teetered on the brink of anarchy. Widespread hostility toward the political elite raised the specter of a Peru- or Venezuela-style party- system collapse.
    [Show full text]
  • THE “NORMALIZATION” of ARGENTINE POLITICS Steven Levitsky
    Levitsky.new created from email by SL on 1-27 (6185 words). Levitsky.txt created by ME on 2/ 1 (5878 words). PRE created from TXT by SL on 2/2. Chart created in PRE by SL on 2/4. MP edits entered by ME on 2/4 (5879 words). AA’s entered by ME on 2/7 (5910 words). Further AA’s entered on 2/23 (5914 words). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 2/23. PGS created from PRE by SL on 2/23. THE “NORMALIZATION” OF ARGENTINE POLITICS Steven Levitsky Steven Levitsky, assistant professor of government at Harvard University, is the author (with David Collier) of “Democracy with Adjectives: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research,” published in April 1997 in World Politics. His essay “Fujimori and Post-Party Politics in Peru” appeared in the July 1999 issue of the Journal of Democracy. On 24 October 1999, Fernando de la Rua of the opposition Alliance for Jobs, Justice, and Education was elected president of Argentina, defeating Eduardo Duhalde of the incumbent Justicialista (or Peronist) Party (PJ) by a margin of 49 percent to 38 percent. Former economics minister Domingo Cavallo, running on the center-right Action for the Republic party ticket, finished third with 10 percent. The election was unprecedented in several respects. De la Rua’s assumption of the presidency marked the first time that Argentine democracy had survived two consecutive transfers of power from one party to another, as well as the first time that a Peronist had been removed from national office by democratic means.
    [Show full text]
  • First 100 Days of Mauricio Macri's Presidency
    First 100 Days of Mauricio Macri’s Presidency Buenos Aires 03 2016 he first 100 days of any presidency are very symbolic Kirchnerism is the first minority in the Chamber of Deputies both because they set the course -at least the initial and holds the majority in the Senate. On the other hand, the course- of the government’s efforts and because they international value of Argentina’s main exports has hit rock begin to leave a mark on the relationship with citizens. bottom. Néstor Kirchner, in turn, had inherited the adjustments TDuring the electoral campaign, Mauricio Macri focused his efforts made by Eduardo Duhalde's government after the serious 2001 on positioning himself as the candidate who would implement crisis, and he began his term of office with fiscal and commercial deep changes compared to his predecessor Cristina Fernández surpluses. de Kirchner. Since December 10, he has reinforced that intent by implementing measures aimed at restoring the economy, with PARES INTER PARES? some difficulties, as well as the nation’s institutional nature, leaving behind 12 years of populist policies. In order to establish a parameter between other presidents who began their term of office (with a different government than the In Casa Rosada, there is talk of “getting back to normal” in terms one that preceded them), there was a constant balance between of how Argentina is viewed from the outside and from within. communication and politics (beyond the weight of one over In short, this entails releasing the economy from state controls the other). When Carlos Menem spoke before Parliament in the and extreme interventionism, lowering inflation levels to rates inauguration of the first ordinary sessions of his presidency, he similar to those of nearby countries, reformulating the agenda had been in office nearly 300 days due to the early departure of international alliances and relations, and organizing the of Raúl Alfonsín.
    [Show full text]
  • Argentina: Corruption Timeline
    Global Integrity - The Center for Public Integrity Page 1 of 3 Argentina: Corruption Timeline Country Home Country Facts Corruption Timeline Corruption Notebook Integrity Assessment Integrity Scorecard May 1989 – Carlos Menem of the Justicialist Party (PJ—Partido Justicialista, also known as the Peronist Party) is elected president, soundly defeating Eduardo Angeloz of the Radical Party (UCR—Unión Cívica Radical) by a margin of 47 percent to 37 percent. Uncertainty concerning the transition sends the Argentine currency plummeting and causes inflation and interest rates to soar. December 1990 – Menem grants a blanket amnesty to military officers and leftist insurgents involved in Argentina's "dirty war" of 1976 to 1983, freeing convicted criminals from prison and preventing prosecution of anyone else for their illicit activities. In coming years, Menem urges former military officers to "not rub salt in old wounds" by discussing the atrocities of the so-called dirty war. January 1991 – Following a public complaint by the U.S. Embassy that an unnamed official had demanded a bribe from an American company, Menem purges a number of ministers and aides, including half of his cabinet. Página 12 eventually publishes a story alleging that Menem's brother-in-law had demanded the bribe. April 1991 – Página 12 breaks a story describing an investigation in Spain that Menem's sister-in-law, who works as his appointments secretary, was under investigation for laundering drug money. September 1991 – Página 12 reports that Italian businessmen gave a US$100,000 Ferrari to Menem at a time they were pursuing a lucrative US$345 million contract to refurbish state airports.
    [Show full text]