Mid-Terms Consolidate Strength of President Kirchner LADB Staff
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El Neoliberalismo (1989-1999)
SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION FORMACION POLITICO SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION a caída del mUro de Berlín en 1989 • Ley de Reforma del Estado jeros fijaran sUs ojos en estas tierras permi- L abría paso a Un mUndo en el qUe Una tiría de este modo financiar las inversiones sola potencia, los Estados Unidos, ejercía • Ley de Emergencia Económica necesarias en obras de “modernización”, Una hegemonía militar indiscUtible, administrar “eficazmente” (lo qUe se con- acompañada de Un poder económico for- En 1989 se sancionaron dos leyes fUnda- traponía a la corrUpción, la bUrocracia y midable. mentales qUe crearon el marco jUrídico de lentitUd con qUe se caracterizaba a las em- las transformaciones qUe iban a tener presas estatales) y finalmente bajo el pos- En ese contexto el 14 de mayo de 1989 lUgar a lo largo de la década: la Ley de Re- tUlado aqUel de qUe el “mercado manda” Carlos Menem, el candidato del Frente forma del Estado (Nº 23.696) y la Ley de provocaría Una competencia qUe permi- JUsticialista PopUlar (FrejUpo) y Una coali- Emergencia Económica (Nº 23697). tiría el mejoramiento de los servicios. ción con diversos partidos, se impUso ante el candidato radical EdUardo Angeloz, con Se trataba de leyes aprobadas por el Con- AlgUnos de esos argUmentos se basaban el 49,3% de los votos. greso Nacional, tanto por el radicalismo en qUe las empresas estatales daban pér- como por el jUsticialismo. Esta legislación didas, eran ineficientes y fUente de co- El 8 de jUlio, ante la delicada sitUación y en particUlar la de la Reforma del Estado, rrUpción. -
"Arcón" De La Historia Reciente En La Norpatagonia Argentina
El “arcón” de la historia reciente en la Norpatagonia argentina Articulaciones de poder, actores y espacios de conflicto, 1983-2003 Orietta Favaro y Graciela Iuorno (editoras) El “arcón” de la historia reciente en la Norpatagonia argentina Articulaciones de poder, actores y espacios de conflicto, 1983-2003 Fernando Lizárraga María Elizabeth Vaccarisi Emilia Daniela Campos María Susana Palacios Alicia Esther González María Cecilia Azconegui Adriana Jorgelina Freire Fernando Aiziczon Orietta Favaro Graciela Iuorno Beatriz Carolina Chávez Mariana Giaretto Diego Burd Índice Presentación La historia reciente: una trama posible entre sujetos, poder y conflicto Orietta Favaro y Graciela Iuorno ��������������������������������������������������������������������� Política, discursos y prácticas Sobisch, la neuquinidad y la construcción del enemigo absoluto Fernando Lizárraga ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ La oposición político partidaria ante un partido hegemónico El curso y decurso del Partido Justicialista en un espacio subnacional (Neuquén, 1983-2003) María Elizabeth Vaccarisi y Emilia Daniela Campos ������������������������������������� Crisis económica, lucha intrapartidaria y puebladas Curso y decurso de la política y de lo político en el municipio de Cutral Co (Neuquén) en los años ’90. María Susana Palacios ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� Diseño de tapa y separatas de los capítulos: Juan Pablo Iozzia Compaginación de la obra: -
Factories Without Bosses: Argentina’S Experience with Worker-Run Enterprises
affairs Y Contemporar Factories without Bosses: Argentina’s Experience with Worker-Run Enterprises Peter Ranis Only in community with others has each individual the means of cultivating his gifts in all directions; only in the community, therefore, is personal freedom possible. In the previous substitutes for the community, in the State, etc., personal freedom has existed only for the individuals who developed within the relationships of the ruling class, and only insofar as they were individuals of this class. The illusory community in which individuals have up till now combined, always took on an independent existence in relation to them, and was at the same time, since it was the combination of one class over against another, not only a completely illusory community, but a new fetter as well. In the real community the individuals obtain their freedom in and through their association. Karl Marx, “The German Ideology” Clothing and Ceramic Factory Workers Confront the Owners “It was just a question of adding and subtracting. We can do that.” This was the response of a woman worker of one of the recently occupied factories of Argentina, the Brukman garment factory, as she explained why the workers were able to run the factory without their former managers or owners.1 Brukman is just one example of the many factories and enterprises taken over and run by their workers and employ- ees since the late 1990s; their number has multiplied substantially since the Argentine economic crisis of 2001. The Brukman takeover became one of the more celebrated confrontations between the workers, most of whom were female, and their employ- ers and the Argentine state. -
ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES in CIVIL SOCIETY: a CHALLENGE to CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS Wusa 273 77..106
Workingusa The Journal of Labor and Society ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES IN CIVIL SOCIETY: A CHALLENGE TO CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS wusa_273 77..106 Peter Ranis The worker-recuperated enterprise and worker cooperative movements in Argentina raise fundamental theoretical and practical questions that not only implicate the Argentine political economy but also redound on workers confronted with outsourcing, downsizing, and arbitrary decisions by owners and managers of capitalist enterprises. The Argentine workers so engaged represent a dramatic confrontation between the rights of private property and the labor rights of the working class faced with unemployment and poverty. These examples of worker autonomy have demonstrated significant departures in terms of social formations. By their capacity to form alliances with progressive legal, community, political, and labor forces available to them, they represent an alternative path to economic development that is predicated on worker solidarity and democracy in the workplace. These conflictual visions of civil society are contested in the legal-constitutional, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural arenas. Contemporary Argentine industrial and enterprise worker cooperatives were essentially born in the run up to and during the massive popular societal demonstrations of December 2001. They owe much of their momentum to the social and economic crisis that offered little alternative to laborers and employ- ees but unemployment and poverty. Factory and enterprise bankruptcies and employer abandonment of places of work forced the laborers and employees to seek the redress of their grievances. One of the measures to which they turned, inspired by two prominent worker organizations, was the formation of worker cooperatives that are sanctioned by historical Argentine law. -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
La Ventaja Del Oficialismo En Neuquén
Programa de Política y Gestión de Gobierno Área de Instituciones y Gestión Pública DOCUMENTO DE TRABAJO N°111 AGOSTO DE 2013 La ventaja del oficialismo en Neuquén Polischuk Luciana I Quayat María Victoria Este documento es parte del proyecto “Fortaleciendo la reforma electoral: aportes para reducir el sesgo pro-oficialista y promover la equidad en la competencia electoral” y fue realizado en el marco del Observatorio Electoral Argentino (OEAR), una iniciativa del Programa de Política y Gestión de Gobierno de CIPPEC para promover la equidad y la transparencia electoral. 1 Índice Resumen ejecutivo.......................................................................................................................................... 3 Agradecimientos ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Introducción ..................................................................................................................................................... 5 1. La Magnitud de la Ventaja Oficialista en la Provincia de Neuquén ............................................... 6 1.1. Estimando la ventaja del oficialismo en la provincia de Neuquén ................................................... 8 2. Efectos y mecanismos de las fuentes de la ventaja oficialista en Neuquén ................................. 14 2.1. El monopolio de los recursos públicos .............................................................................................. -
Néstor Kirchner Y Jorge Sobisch Desde La Patagonia. Territorio Y
Norma Beatriz García “Que se vayan todos”. Néstor Kirchner y Jorge Sobisch desde la Patagonia. Territorio y liderazgos en pugna DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/an1303 - ISSN 2314-3983 “Que se vayan todos”. Néstor Kirchner y Jorge Sobisch desde la Patagonia. Territorio y liderazgos en pugna Norma Beatriz García1 RESUMEN Desde la vuelta de la democracia en 1983, la región patagónica ha demostrado ser un territorio de actores con dinámica y animosa presencia nacional. La emergencia BRE 2016 M de una más o menos exitosa influencia ha estado marcada por los resultados de las IE C alianzas y/o disputas tanto intrarregionales como interregionales. En este marco, nos proponemos explicar cómo van construyendo poder nacional dos gobernadores pa- tagónicos, Jorge Sobisch (Neuquén) y Néstor Kirchner (Santa Cruz), uno de la norpata- 13 | DI EN gonia y el otro de la Patagonia sur, para aspirar a la presidencia de la Nación a partir M de la crisis institucional de legitimidad y gobernabilidad del 2001 que devino en el olu lema “que se vayan todos”. La pregunta por las condiciones de posibilidad de con- | V I figuración de diferentes estrategias engendradas en ese contexto, coincidente con I I X el fin de la larga década menemista, se convierte en la preocupación estructurante O Ñ del trabajo que pretende ser abordado desde la Historia Política. Por lo tanto, el foco A estará puesto en el juego de ciertos actores políticos patagónicos en el curso de su S | competencia por el poder a los efectos de contribuir a la complejización de los trazos ana M explicativos nacionales que de este período de crisis orgánica se han dado. -
PERONISM and ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES of POLITICAL IDENTITY in ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California
PERONISM AND ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California at Berkeley Department of Political Science 210 Barrows Hall Berkeley, CA 94720 [email protected] Paper presented at the LASA meeting, in Guadalajara, Mexico, on April 18, 1997 This paper is about political identity and the related issue of types of political appeals in the public arena. It thus deals with a central aspect of political behavior, regarding both voters' preferences and identification, and politicians' electoral strategies. Based on the case of Argentina, it shows the at times unsuspected but unmistakable impact of class-cultural, and more precisely, social-cultural differences on political identity and electoral behavior. Arguing that certain political identities are social-culturally based, this paper introduces a non-ideological, but socio-politically significant, axis of political polarization. As observed in the case of Peronism and anti-Peronism in Argentina, social stratification, particularly along an often- used compound, in surveys, of socio-economic status and education,1 is tightly associated with political behavior, but not so much in Left-Right political terms or even in issue terms (e.g. socio- economic platforms or policies), but rather in social-cultural terms, as seen through the modes and type of political appeals, and figuring centrally in certain already constituted political identities. Forms of political appeals may be mapped in terms of a two-dimensional political space, defined by the intersection of this social-cultural axis with the traditional Left-to-Right spectrum. Also, since already constituted political identities have their origins in the successful "hailing"2 of pluri-facetted people and groups, such a bi-dimensional space also maps political identities. -
Las Relaciones Exteriores Del Gobierno De Eduardo Duhalde (2002-2003): Relaciones Con Estados Unidos
Ramírez, Gabriela; Sánchez, Leandro Las relaciones exteriores del gobierno de Eduardo Duhalde (2002-2003): Relaciones con Estados Unidos EN: A. Simonoff (Comp.) (2008). Informe sobre la política exterior argentina durante los gobiernos de Fernando de la Rúa y Eduardo Duhalde. La Plata : UNLP. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales. pp. 54-58 Ramírez, G.; Sánchez, L (2008). Las relaciones exteriores del gobierno de Eduardo Duhalde (2002-2003) : Relaciones con Estados Unidos. EN: A. Simonoff (Comp.). Informe sobre la política exterior argentina durante los gobiernos de Fernando de la Rúa y Eduardo Duhalde. La Plata : UNLP. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales. pp. 54-58. (Estudios e investigaciones ; 33). En Memoria Académica. Disponible en: http://www.memoria.fahce.unlp.edu.ar/libros/pm.1171/pm.1171.pdf Información adicional en www.memoria.fahce.unlp.edu.ar Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 Serie: Estudios e Investigaciones Nº 33 – Abril 2008 Informe sobre de la política exterior argentina durante los gobiernos de Fernando De la Rúa y Eduardo Duhalde Coordinador Alejandro Simonoff Colaboradores: Bárbara Bravi Maria Almendra Bossi Lucia Esposto Mariana Gallo Federico Gómez Agustina González Ceuninck Gabriela Ramírez Leandro Sánchez Marianela Serra Renzo Sosaya Gómez Maria Eugenia- Zamarreño Juan Pablo Zabala Victoria Zapata María -
La Proximidad En Timbreos Y Visitas De Mauricio Macri Durante La Campaña Electoral Y Su Primer Año De Gobierno (2015-2016)
AustralComunicación Volumen 7, número 1 (junio de 2018): 57-90. ISSN 2313-9129 “Si viene, yo lo voto”: la proximidad en timbreos y visitas de Mauricio Macri durante la campaña electoral y su primer año de gobierno (2015-2016) Rocío Annunziata [email protected] Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET). Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Escuela de Política y Gobierno. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Recibido: 21 de octubre de 2017. Aceptado: 26 de abril de 2018. Resumen La presencia de los políticos –candidatos o gobernantes- en el territorio resulta cada vez más va- lorada en las democracias contemporáneas, y el presidente Mauricio Macri ha buscado hacer de los llamados “timbreos” y visitas a ciudadanos comunes una marca de su espacio político. Pero ¿es nueva la apelación a la presencia de los políticos en el territorio? Y si no lo es, ¿a qué forma de la presencia corresponden las visitas y timbreos contemporáneos? ¿Qué rasgos específicos les imprime Mauricio Macri? El propósito de este artículo es responder a estos interrogantes, ana- lizando la especificidad de los timbreos y visitas de campaña y de gobierno de Mauricio Macri, en el marco de la representación de proximidad. El análisis de publicaciones en redes sociales, spots y videos difundidos revelan que las visitas y timbreos de Mauricio Macri corresponden a lo que puede concebirse como “presencias de proximidad”, es decir, aquellas estructuradas en torno a la escucha del ciudadano común o la empatía respecto de sus sufrimientos. Estas formas de la presencia predominan en la política contemporánea, pero Mauricio Macri les imprime además un giro específico: en la campaña, recurre a lo que se denominará “meta-visitas”, en las que el centro del mensaje es la visita misma, y el acto de la escucha reemplaza a lo escuchado; y, una vez en la presidencia, Macri no produce el pasaje esperable hacia las “presencias de empatía”, sino que sigue recurriendo a la centralidad de las “presencias de escucha”. -
PRIMARY ELECTIONS Special Report
PRIMARY ELECTIONS Special Report WHAT IS AT STAKE? Provincial Elections President 24 130 National Representatives Provinces of Catamarca, Buenos Aires, and the City of Vicepresident National Senators Buenos Aires held primary elections to governor while Santa Cruz had general election. NATIONAL PROVISIONAL RESULTS OF THE PRIMARY ELECTIONS s 47.65% PARTICIPATION: 75,78% Alberto Fernández – Cristina Fernández de Kirchner 32.08% Mauricio Macri - Miguel Ángel Pichetto 8.22% Roberto Lavagna – Juan Manuel Urtubey 2.86% Nicolás del Caño – Romina del Pla 2.63% Juan J. Gómez Centurión – Cynthia Hotton 2.18% José Luis Espert – Luis Rosales ELECTORAL THRESHOLD 1.5% 0.71% Manuela Castañeira – Eduardo Mulhall 0.24% Alejandro Biondini – Enrique Venturino 0.14% Raul Albarracín – Sergio Pastore 0.13% José Antonio Romero Feris – Guillermo Sueldo POLITICAL SUPPORT KEYS #1 THE CENTER REGION VOTE #2 BUENOS AIRES SUPPORT #3 THE REST OF THE COUNTRY The National Government In the first section of the Other provinces, mainly driven expected to count with greater province of Buenos Aires, by the support of several support in Córdoba and Santa bastion of Cambiemos in 2015 Peronist governors, also added Fe, that along with Mendoza, and 2017, the officialism got an important part of votes that would provide a number of adverse results from expected summed up in the final result votes to face the tight scenario while in the other two -of an led Alberto Fernández to win in the province of Buenos Aires, average lower income-, the with several points ahead. but finally it turned the opposite Frente de Todos prevailed with way. -
When Life Gives You Lemons… Argentina Comes in from the Cold
When Life Gives You Lemons… Argentina Comes in From the Cold Liam Eldon When Argentine President Mauricio Macri visited the White House in April, President Trump, announced the two countries were "great friends, better than ever before." As he so often does, Trump gave a blunt summary of what would be discussed by the two former business associates, saying: “I will tell him about North Korea, and he will tell me about lemons.” Argentina is the world’s fourth-largest producer of the fruit and since 2001 had been unable to export to the world’s biggest consumer due to bans imposed by the Bush Administration. The ban is now lifted and acts as a symbol for a new Argentina, attempting to come in from the cold and join the world economy. After several decades of serving as a testing ground for economic and social theories, Argentina is starting to resemble a sensible player in the international arena. As the leader of the Cambiemos (Let’s Change) party, President Macri has sought to convince the electorate that the protectionism and social tribalism of the past had been an own goal for the country. Macri implemented market-friendly policies that lifted Argentina out of a prolonged recession in 2016 and raised its gross domestic product figure to $550 billion, making it the third largest economies in Latin America after Mexico and Brazil. The efforts of the Macri Government have been acknowledged by international institutions such as the World Bank, who view the country as integrating into the global economy through an economic transformation that encourages sustainable economic development.